790 lines
38 KiB
Plaintext
790 lines
38 KiB
Plaintext
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How "Correct" Is British English?
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Copyright 1992 by Alex Gross
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The alleged differences between British and American
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English have long provided a topic for learned observations,
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newspaper articles and even folklore. It is not my intention
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to rehash any of this material from the past but rather to
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provide a fresh look at these two language formations from
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the viewpoint of modern linguistics. The conventional view
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of these differences, both in Britain and to some extent in
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American scholarly circles, holds that British English is the
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parent, the model, the arbiter whose usage is to be preferred
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in almost all cases, while American English is, like the
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country itself, merely some kind of colonial colossus run
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amuck. There is also a built-in linguistic confusion of a
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different sort--the United States terms itself America, while
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England is in fact called England and its inhabitants
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English. It therefore seems overwhelmingly logical to assume
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that English is their language: after all, they're English,
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so it's theirs, isn't it? Or is it? At a time when more and
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more Europeans, Asians and Africans are learning English as a
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second language, we really need to clarify this otherwise
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confusing question. Let us therefore see what kind of light
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linguistic principles can shed upon this matter, discarding
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our partisan prejudices as best we can.
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From the beginning, one is confronted by the assumption
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that British usages are "normal" or "correct," their American
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counterparts aberrant, exotic, and/or "incorrect." Granted,
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this view is increasingly seen as obsolete in the U.K., for
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as the Prince of Wales, Malcolm Bradbury and others have
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lamented, the standards of British English have been
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alarmingly undermined by transatlantic and internationalist
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tendencies. But these very protests show that British
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English is still regarded as a "norm," which many believe
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they must aspire to and a few actually attain.
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Let us start with accent, where we will find no shortage
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of British informants maintaining that American English is
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extremely "nasal,"--that is, spoken through the nose. It is
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therefore further characterized as "twangy," unpleasant, or
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(worst of all) unclear. Something called British
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pronunciation is supposed to be the norm for the purpose of
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this comparison, and it is also naturally assumed here that
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only one British accent need be considered, what is commonly
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referred to in Britain (but never referred to in America at
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all) as RP or `Received Pronunciation.' Such a rash
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assumption is easy enough to assail, but we will leave it to
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one side for now and turn our attention to what not only
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linguistics but also medical science have to tell us about
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British speech, for this matter of accent is most definitely
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open to scientific discussion.
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The truth of the matter, in both linguistic and medical
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terms, is that it would be just as accurate to refer to
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British English as excessively throaty and hold up American
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as the "norm." There is not the slightest doubt from a
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physiological point of view that speaking correct British
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English does involve blocking off one's throat, bronchi, and
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lungs to an abnormal extent as compared not only to American
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English but also the usual accents of many foreign languages.
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The medical reasons for this are not at all hard to discover-
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-it has in fact been known for decades that the national
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British disease par excellence is bronchitis, with asthma
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running a close second. No one who has ever heard some of
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the BBC's roving travelogue narrators wheezing away on the
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sides of volcanos or breathlessly describing the mating
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rituals of Bornean lizards can doubt the extent to which
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these two respiratory ailments have found their way into
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Received Pronunciation. Such deformations are also found in
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some northern French accents and in the miasmal quality of
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colloquial Italian common in the Arno valley around Florence,
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also allegedly a model of its national language. I myself
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developed fairly good cases of both ailments while living in
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England and Florence, which greatly helped my accent in both
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languages. Thus, it may well be that British English,
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long supposed to spring from a high level of breeding,
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owes its origins instead to a low level of breathing.
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This whole question becomes more than academic when we
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consider what impact it may have on foreigners trying to
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learn English. Is there really any reason why people from
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sunny Italy, tropical Africa, or the earth's higher and drier
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regions should be forced to contort their throats and
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windpipes in an effort to reproduce what may be only an
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accident of climate? Can the British continue to maintain
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that their variety of English is "normal" or preferable in
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the light of this information? Most probably they can and
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will, but the lesson here for all those with a real interest
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in linguistic truth is that all forms of speech owe something
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to climatological factors, and there are specific
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physiological reasons--close to engineering reasons in their
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way--why various accents sound the way they do. In any case,
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American nasal sounds can make a better claim to being a
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world norm than throaty British, since they can be heard in
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many other of the world's languages, including not only
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French and Danish but also many Chinese and Malayan
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regionalects.
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Differences in accent are one thing, but what about far
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more crucial differences in actual words? Surely no one can
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fault British good taste in this regard, and American
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coinages can only be regarded as a necessary nuisance to be
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learned for utilitarian reasons and used as little as
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possible. But here too the situation may turn out to be
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quite different than imagined. I will not bore
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the reader with such already familiar instances as elevator
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vs. lift, diaper vs. nappy, etc., nor will I attempt to draw
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any conclusions as to which is better. That way lies merely
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partisan madness. There are in fact much more striking
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examples of usage, ones which deeply illumine the differences
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between British and American society, and it is these which
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adherents of either persuasion, and especially those
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embarking on the study of our language, should carefully
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consider.
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There are in many languages certain pairs of contrasting
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words, often linked in their phonetic structure, which embody
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and reflect the concerns of those who speak the language.
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Good and bad are often cited for English, brutto and bello
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for Italian, yin and yang in Chinese. But in addition to
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good and bad, British English also possesses another basic
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pair of key words. These words do not figure in at all the
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same way in American English. They are almost constantly on
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people's lips in Britain, yet they are used so differently in
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the UK as to actually require a translation into American
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English. And although these two words do get used frequently
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enough in America, they are simply not linked in the same
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way, and their usage in the US requires a translation the
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other way into British terms. I will discuss in some detail
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how these two words reflect their respective societies and am
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illustrating their two-way cross-translation in the form of a
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table. The two words are rude and kind.
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RUDE VS. KIND IN AMERICAN & ENGLISH
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Translation into English Translation into
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of the American Meaning American of the
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English Meaning
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rude overtly insulting direct, brusque
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kind actively civil, normally
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compassionate, responsive
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charitable
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Since it is scarcely at issue that these two words are
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used quite differently in Britain and the U.S., my question
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from the outset will be, in line with the title of this
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article, which is in fact the "correct" usage? And can the
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question of which is "correct" be separated from larger
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issues of politics, customs, and social systems? Most
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Americans who spend time in England soon become aware of
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these words being used in a strange off-center way, which
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they may not be able to pin down and may dismiss as "quaint"
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or "eccentric" or excessively "polite." They will constantly
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find themselves being told how kind they are to have done
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something, when they know perfectly well that they have not
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been kind at all, merely civil or normally responsive. As an
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example, if you pass the sugar to a stranger in a cafeteria,
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he may reply, "How kind of you," or "Frightfully kind."
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But this does not qualify as "kind" at all in America,
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just barely civil, at best "polite." This is why our table
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shows "civil" or "normally responsive" as the translation
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into American of the British usage. The difference is so
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great that there might be a case for dropping a footnote on
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the pages of all English articles and books where the word
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"kind" is used, explaining what it means in American.
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Similarly, the English word "rude," which marks the opposite
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of "kind," is used in an equally off-center way. Words,
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deeds, or attitudes which would scarcely merit this
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description in America are constantly being described as
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"rude" in England. Very specific ritual phrases and
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mutterings, which we will soon describe, must accompany any
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act, question or statement in England, lest they be called
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"rude." Since Americans make their way through life without
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observing any of these protocols--indeed, without being aware
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of the existence of such ritual phrases and mutterings,
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almost anything they do or say is likely to be labelled rude,
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and so it is no surprise that the two words "rude American"
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are frequently heard together in England. This is simply
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because what an American may consider the normal, direct way
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of doing things, as galling as this may be to many would-be
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anglophile Americans, is considered "rude" in England. In
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fact, the English word "rude" should probably be translated
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as we have it in our table: "direct" or a bit "brusque." It
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probably describes the way not only Americans but many other
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of the world's peoples go about their lives.
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Here too a relatively impartial linguistic analysis may
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be useful. The anthropologist Edward Hall has done much of
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our work for us in setting up different levels of social
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distance defined by different cultures and embedded in their
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language (1). His two most famous examples are the different
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social distances observed by Japanese and Americans and by
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speakers of Arabic and Americans. There can be no doubt that
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we are witnessing a comparable cultural phenomenon between
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Britons and Americans as well, and these differences are
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equally well reflected in language.
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The proof of this is that these usages of "rude" and
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"kind" cut both ways. Many British friends visiting the U.S.
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have expressed to me their impressions that Americans are
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going out of their way to be explicitly rude to them,
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especially during their first weeks in the country--and often
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their only ones--so that they do not discover that a
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difference in social space might be involved. Edward Hall
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describes much the same thing happening to him in his
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relations with the Japanese. Most Britons unfortunately do
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not remain in America long enough to break through this
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barrier, and so it is supposed that Americans go on forever
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being impossibly "rude" to one another but are simply too
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insensitive to notice. For this reason, I have also provided
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translations of the American meanings into English: for
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"rude," overtly, and often personally, insulting; and for
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"kind," actively compassionate.
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The reason for this different social space, at least as
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far as I have ever been able to discover, is that the British
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do indeed feel themselves more distant from one another than
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do Americans (2). Any violation of their personal or psychic
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space by another counts as "rude." Minimal observance or
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non-violation of this space gets graded as "kind." To my
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knowledge no other European language makes such a
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distinction. One might credit all of this to overcrowding or
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to class differences or once again to the weather--or even to
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a combination of the three--but for whatever reason the
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British choose to remain, as has been noted for ages, fairly
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aloof from one another. They are of course famous for
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insisting on prolonged conversations about the weather with
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strangers before they will discuss any further matters with
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them. This would all qualify as no more than anecdotal,
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except that it once again has definite consequences for all
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who wish to learn British English
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The point once again is this: out of all Europeans,
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perhaps only some Scandinavians might agree with the British
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on their concept of social distance and their distinctions
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between "rude" and "kind." Most other Europeans, while they
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might occasionally pay lip service to such distinctions, live
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lives a good deal closer to the American view. As do most
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peoples of Asia, Africa, and South America for that matter.
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Should all these peoples, when and if they choose to learn
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English, also be required to accept the British definitions
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in this field as the "correct" ones? And if so required, are
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they likely to obey?
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As we shall see, this concept of "social distance" has
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further consequences in every stage of learning British
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English. Let us first take a simple conversational question,
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one quite likely to be asked by or of newcomers but one which
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also illustrates the different rules for American and
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English. If, for example, you are in New York and you wish
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to find Fifth Avenue, you may turn to most passers-by and
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simply say, "Which way is Fifth Avenue?" This is a perfectly
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correct way of phrasing this question in American English,
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one both used and understood by natives. You might also say,
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"Excuse me, which way is Fifth Avenue?" but you could also
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get away with just saying "Fifth Avenue?" and producing the
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question mark with your voice--it's not as nice, but it will
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get you there. If you felt the need to be extremely polite,
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say with an older man or perhaps with a woman, you might go
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so far as to say, "Excuse me, which way is Fifth Avenue
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please?"
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In England even this last phrasing might mark you as
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extremely "rude," if not actively hostile--depending on your
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accent, you would be classed as a Northerner, a foreigner
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with poor English, someone from the lower classes, or a "rude
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American." This is because you are obliged to say things
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quite differently in England--we shall now see what was meant
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by ritual phrases and murmurings. Let us now suppose you are
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in London and wish to find your way to Leicester Square. As
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astounding as it may seem, the full correct form of your
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question, including all its linguistic and stylistic
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subtleties, is as follows:
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"I beg your pardon. I'm terribly sorry
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to bother you, but I wonder if I could
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possibly trouble you to inform me as to
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how I might find Leicester Square."
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This is not intended as a joke, though it may sound like
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one to some. It was the full and correct form of asking a
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question during my time in England and, from everything I
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hear from friends and see on TV, still remains very much the
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standard. Its multiple phrases permits your British
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interlocutor 1) to realize he is being addressed; 2) to
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decide whether he wishes to bother answering; and 3) to
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devise some sort of reply. Your chances of obtaining one
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will be greatly increased if you pronounce the name Leicester
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correctly, another hidden land-mine in the question.
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So much for simple, relatively neutral questions. Now
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let's suppose you really want to get down to brass tacks with
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someone and have a serious discussion, even an argument if
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need be. There are in all societies rules and conventions
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surrounding such conversations, and neither America nor
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Britain is an exception. Nonetheless, it would still be
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possible in America to turn to someone you knew moderately
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well and say:
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"Damn it, Jim, you're all wet about the
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Chinese. You don't know what you're
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talking about."
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This would not do at all in England. While such a
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statement might lead to further and more intense argument in
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America, it would not necessarily offend Jim or anyone else,
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and it certainly would not lead to the end of the
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conversation or a breach of friendship. In England it almost
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certainly would. The approved British form for saying
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essentially the same thing runs more or less as follows:
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"There is great merit in what you say. I
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could not help but applaud as I heard you
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state your views, and I have on countless
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occasions in the past found myself coming
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to much the same conclusions, though of
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course I have never been able to phrase
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them as skilfully as you just have.
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There is no doubt in my mind that you are
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essentially correct in every particular,
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and I would not presume to amend your
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statement in the slightest detail. But I
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must admit that I find myself compelled
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to point out that it might conceivably be
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to your advantage to consider the
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following circumstances regarding the
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Chinese, however irrelevant they might
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seem at first hearing....."
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As many Americans may find this uproariously funny, I
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must insist once again that this is not my intention. It
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truly shows how the English may address you, and it also
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reflects how you must address them in your reply if you are
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to have any hope of communicating with them. You are still a
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long way from expressing what it was you really wanted to
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say, but at least you are on your way, and provided you have
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omitted none of the obligatory politesses and murmurings and
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provided your tone of voice conveys complete sincerity--and
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your accent is correct and you commit no major gaffes in your
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choice of words--you may have a chance of getting an idea
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across.
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Anything less may well be dismissed as rude or
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"embarrassing," another key word with different meanings in
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England and the States. Many remarks, questions, and
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challenges considered unexceptional in the U.S. would be
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regarded as deeply "embarrassing" in Britain. This attitude
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is in fact embedded within British libel laws, under which
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statements are open to prosecution not because they are false
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but because someone may find them "embarrassing." Needless
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to say, as has been frequently observed by British and
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American journalists alike, these laws present a considerable
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obstacle to free discussion.
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Once again, which of our two versions is the "correct"
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one? Is it inevitably the British one, or is another choice
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possible? This choice is ultimately a very practical matter
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and belongs to the learner. Those who speak Japanese with
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all its honorifics or Chinese with its multiple self-
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abnegations may find the British version a challenge, may in
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fact be disappointed if a language offers any fewer
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subtleties than British English. Or they may not. What is
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important is that this level of knowledge should be available
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to all learning either variety of English before they begin
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their studies.
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The differences between the two versions of English
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extend to the structural level. There are some specific
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differences between British and American in verb forms used
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for declarative sentences and in how questions are asked.
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They are not at all subtle differences, though they require
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careful study, and they are not to be found in the grammar
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books. To begin with, the Assertive-Interrogative form--or
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what I will call the "Isn't It?" structure has a totally
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different function in British than in American. In the
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United States, this structure is normally used to express
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doubt, even of one's own judgment, for example:
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"Today is the right day, *isn't it?*"
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"My god, I did bring that book, *didn't I?*"
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In England, however, this simple structure, which we all
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use every day and which can color our attitudes towards our
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own thought processes, is often used quite differently. It
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expresses not doubt at all, but rather confirmation of one's
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previously held views or prejudices. Two typical examples:
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"It's quite the best, isn't it?"
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"We English have always done that sort of thing far
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better, haven't we?"
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In fact, despite the question mark, no question is being
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asked at all, rather an assertion is being made. The answer
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"Of course!" is assumed, even expected. This structure can
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on occasion be used in a similar fashion by Americans, but
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far less frequently than in England (3).
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Another British-only structure which reaffirms existing
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prejudices in the mind of the speaker is what I call the
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Reinforcing Conditional form, often utilizing the "I should
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have thought" sequence. It is constantly heard whenever one
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expresses any idea the slightest bit novel and usually means,
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if you are the one who has provoked it, that someone has
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decided you are quite mistaken and will go on believing what
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they always did, regardless of what you may have said or will
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ever say. If, for example, one is discussing the
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permissibility of tea with lemon as a beverage, the response
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may well be:
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"Really? I should have thought it would be frightfully
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bitter."
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And that is that, your conversation has effectively
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ended. Although you may go on arguing, you will achieve
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nothing except to demonstrate that you are an insensitive
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foreigner. Here too the would-be learner of English must
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make his or her own decision. Mastery of the "Isn't It" and
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"I should have thought" structures is absolutely central to
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speaking "correct" English, though these phrases are never
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taught in class and will, like much of the other material
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discussed here, tend to bypass, confuse or irritate
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Americans.
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I could go on at great length here about the best and
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worst ways of communicating with the British, but I am
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concerned here only with a serious examination of the
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differences between British and American as they affect
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language learning. I have already discussed accent to some
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extent, and I will now return to it only in so far as it
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affects the pronunciation of individual words. Many people
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throughout the world are convinced that a British accent is
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far more distinguished, cultivated and definitive than what
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passes for American speech. This of course also makes it
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more "correct," and it goes without saying that the British
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pronunciation of any given word must be preferable to Yankee
|
||
mumbling. As we will soon see, this is far from being the
|
||
case.
|
||
|
||
Many of these same people also assume that they can
|
||
achieve a proper British accent simply by substituting broad
|
||
English A's for all those frightful American "a-as-in-fast"
|
||
sounds. Since this assumption is widespread among many
|
||
students of English, the following example may be useful as a
|
||
test of how well it works. Try reading this passage aloud
|
||
with what you believe to be a correct English accent, and
|
||
then check your way of saying it against the "correct,"
|
||
"received" pronunciation given at the end of this article.
|
||
Unless I am mistaken, even quite a few Britons will
|
||
ignominiously fail at least part of this test, which may also
|
||
provide a measure of the difficulties involved. Here's the
|
||
passage:
|
||
|
||
|
||
"The fancy falcon cast a dastardly pass
|
||
after an unfastened ass with asthma. By
|
||
Bacchus, what a disastrous aftermath!
|
||
Mere mastery of this scanty example
|
||
cannot mask your transatlantic,
|
||
antipodean, or lower class antecedents."
|
||
|
||
|
||
It is for readers to decide, after perusing the
|
||
"correct" version of this little quiz, how "correct" they
|
||
want their own English to be. In fact, as few as twenty
|
||
percent of Britons are likely to pronounce this passage close
|
||
to "correctly" (and perhaps only ten percent will get it
|
||
totally "right"). These all too probable results raise
|
||
considerable questions as to whether the British should go on
|
||
teaching this as correct pronunciation and whether the
|
||
editors of the Oxford English Dictionary (our source here)
|
||
should continue marking vowels as they now do.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The point of this example is to point out, in case any
|
||
further evidence were needed, that the British form of
|
||
English is in its way an armed camp, bristling with devices
|
||
to repel the foreigner, the invader, yes, the learner. These
|
||
devices may even be aimed at the people of Britain. During
|
||
my time in the UK, I was sufficiently skilled with languages
|
||
to make it past a number of these barriers, only to find
|
||
others yet in waiting. I believe it possible that such
|
||
barriers may ultimately be directed not so much against
|
||
Americans or foreigners--who are perhaps only an after-
|
||
thought--as against the British themselves. It may be that
|
||
their existence has something to do with class differences in
|
||
Britain.
|
||
|
||
|
||
And yet the impression persists that where pronunciation
|
||
is concerned, the British can do no wrong, that any British
|
||
pronunciation of a word must by its very nature be far
|
||
superior to anything any mere colonial might ever say. The
|
||
influence of this belief has been evident in recent years in
|
||
the use by some American TV-casters of "weekEND" instead of
|
||
the older "WEEKend" or the occasional "checkMATE'" for
|
||
CHECKmate. Suffice it to say that there is not the slightest
|
||
linguistic, phonetic, or stylistic reason for preferring the
|
||
former to the latter (or for that matter vice versa). But
|
||
this is only the tip of the iceberg: leaving to one side
|
||
these questions of faddish taste, the English have long been
|
||
demonstrably guilty of committing such wholesale errors of
|
||
pronunciation all on their own that there is really no way
|
||
any objective person can possibly defend them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Here, surprisingly or not, those who disagree may not be
|
||
British but American. So vast is the certainty in some
|
||
American circles that where pronunciation is concerned, the
|
||
British can do no wrong that I can already hear the chorus of
|
||
American objectors trying to shout me down with cries of "If
|
||
it's British, it must be cultivated" or even "Look, it's
|
||
British--let's pretend it's cultivated, even if it isn't."
|
||
Something comparable once occurred to my wife and me in
|
||
London when we attended an educational production of
|
||
Fielding's hilarious satire Tom Thumb, the play that
|
||
triggered the infamous Licensing Act.
|
||
|
||
|
||
This play is obviously a comedy, replete with characters
|
||
named Huncamunca and Floradora. It litters the stage with
|
||
even more corpses than Hamlet and contains numerous quite
|
||
funny parodies of bad pentameter lines from Fielding's time,
|
||
such as "Oh, Huncamunca, Huncamunca, Oh." We came quite
|
||
prepared, having reread the play beforehand. The cast and
|
||
production were quite proficient, and naturally we began to
|
||
laugh. No one else was laughing. Soon people around us
|
||
began to shush and hiss us and tell us to shut up. We did
|
||
so, more or less, in somewhat servile fashion. At the break
|
||
we were castigated: "How dare you laugh? How dare you
|
||
interrupt the beautiful poetry?" These good Englishmen were
|
||
unable to tell one pentameter line from another. Because it
|
||
was pentameter, it had to be poetry. I insert this before my
|
||
instances of what in the U.S. might be called "BBC Bloopers,"
|
||
because it shows that many British still have a tin ear for
|
||
poetry. Or for pronunciation. There is simply no other way
|
||
of phrasing it.
|
||
|
||
|
||
We've seen what the British do to their own language--
|
||
now let's look at how they handle foreign words and names.
|
||
It isn't as though one can't hear such names and places
|
||
mispronounced in the U.S. But the British do it with
|
||
absolute abandon, as though that's what the blighters deserve
|
||
anyway, and "our" way of saying their words is better than
|
||
"theirs" anyway. Not a touch of false humility here. Before
|
||
I get upset by Scarlatti pronounced with not one but two
|
||
short "a"s, a truly difficult feat (try it yourself), I
|
||
should perhaps explain that in the pronunciation of Latin the
|
||
British never went through the great century-long debate we
|
||
had in the US between advocates of Church Latin and
|
||
neoclassical Latin. It never occurred to Britons (nor does
|
||
it today) to pronounce Latin in any but a totally English
|
||
way, complete with modern English accent and diphthongs.
|
||
|
||
|
||
This fairly typifies their approach to pronouncing
|
||
foreign words. But the actual examples one hears continually
|
||
on the BBC suggest that there is no approach or method at
|
||
all. Each announcer seems to invent his own mispronunciation
|
||
as he goes along. We will quite overlook the announcer
|
||
totally unable to say Brest-Litovsk in any form and also not
|
||
dally to fight over PortuGUESE for PORTuguese. Or the 1991
|
||
cultural extravaganza about the history of map-making, where
|
||
one heard both "Magellan" and "longitude" pronounced with "g"
|
||
as in "go." Nor will we really bother with MY-thology where
|
||
Americans would say "mith-ology," or quite the opposite logic
|
||
of ID-olatry for US eye-dolatry. There is simply no logic
|
||
for these British choices, and we suspect they are just
|
||
making things up as they go along.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Matters do become a mite more serious when we come to
|
||
the name of a part of the world that has been in the news for
|
||
at least three decades, and in the Bible before that.
|
||
Apparently the entire British population is suffering from a
|
||
collective eye disease, and not a soul in Albion is capable
|
||
of seeing that the name Sinai (as in Sinai peninsula, Moses,
|
||
and all that) has two--and only two--syllables. I do not
|
||
believe I have ever met a single Briton--or heard a single
|
||
BBC announcer--who did not add an extra "ee" and pronounce it
|
||
SIGH-nee-eye. I really would like to know the reason for
|
||
this.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Perhaps because I am partial to aspects of Japanese
|
||
culture, I find the pronunciation Sam-Your-Eye for Samurai
|
||
(closer to correct, Sah-moo-rye) even more wrenching. But
|
||
the worst of all is yet to come: not only every British
|
||
announcer in the world pronounces it this way, but even the
|
||
late Graham Greene, an author whom I had long respected,
|
||
recently let the U.S. have it for its deeds in Nicker-RAG-
|
||
You-Ah. Like many Americans I have mixed feelings over
|
||
certain events in Nicaragua (which nonetheless recently
|
||
decided at the polls against Mr. Greene), but his
|
||
pronunciation alone has convinced me that he could know
|
||
virtually nothing about this land. It was every bit as anti-
|
||
Hispanic as American policy. Perhaps as punishment he should
|
||
have been made to spend the last of his days in Man-NAG-You-
|
||
Ah, Nicker-RAG-You-Ah and pronounce both of these names
|
||
correctly several hundred times each day. If he did, it
|
||
would sound more like a lilting Mah-nah-wah, Nee-ka-rah-wah,
|
||
with almost no "G" sound at all. Once again, one may ask, is
|
||
there any reason why foreigners learning British English,
|
||
many of whom will be able to pronounce these words more
|
||
correctly, should be forced to duplicate such grotesque
|
||
examples?
|
||
|
||
|
||
None of the examples I have presented would be of more
|
||
than anecdotal interest, were it not for a slightly more
|
||
disturbing factor that has recently become evident. It may
|
||
turn out to be of no lasting significance, but the widely
|
||
respected editor of a major British publication on language
|
||
has recently declared something of a war on American English.
|
||
This gentleman has actually proclaimed his variety of British
|
||
English as a major means of preventing a "shallow Dallas or
|
||
Coca-Cola uniform world culture with bad English as the
|
||
international language." English eccentricism being what it
|
||
is, it is probable that we will hear no more of this.
|
||
|
||
|
||
And yet there are some strains in the current British
|
||
make-up suggesting that such linguistic fascism may be more
|
||
than a flash in the pan. When Dean Acheson pointed out a few
|
||
decades ago that the British had lost an empire but not yet
|
||
found a role for themselves, it provoked a degree of anger
|
||
among the British difficult to imagine for those who did not
|
||
witness it. And yet this observation had--and has--a ring of
|
||
truth to it. If the British have not been successful in
|
||
finding a new role in the world, it has certainly not been
|
||
from want of trying. When Stalin died in 1953, millions of
|
||
Britons mourned almost inconsolably, for they had come to
|
||
believe that communism/socialism would provide them with a
|
||
surrogate emotional empire. And all through the 'Sixties and
|
||
'Seventies a belief in socialism as the "wave of the future,"
|
||
with Britain as its vanguard, was frequently invoked to
|
||
justify looking down on Americans and their language as a low
|
||
and reactionary life-form. Now communism is dead, and
|
||
socialism has been--whether rightly or wrongly--challenged in
|
||
many countries, so it is not surprising that the British
|
||
would be out role-hunting again. Nor is it surprising that
|
||
some might be hoping to find that role in a neo-imperialist,
|
||
neo-colonialist campaign for British English. In a world
|
||
full of so many potentially dangerous atavisms, one can only
|
||
hope that their quest will not prove successful.
|
||
|
||
|
||
All of the instances I have suggested simply overwhelm
|
||
reason, but I will now do my best to recall some semblance of
|
||
objectivity and sum up my theme in a cogent manner. I
|
||
apologize to my many British friends and colleagues within
|
||
Albion and around the world if I have inflicted any real pain
|
||
upon them. My apology is real and heart-felt, for I have
|
||
lived in Britain long enough to have gained profound respect
|
||
for its history and culture. But I do think it is a
|
||
legitimate part of my exercise to ensure that a people who
|
||
has heaped so much condescension on others over so many
|
||
years, particularly where language is concerned, should have
|
||
at least some passing notion of what it feels like to be
|
||
condescended towards in this regard.
|
||
|
||
|
||
As I have said earlier, it is
|
||
extremely important that those many people now learning
|
||
English should have some idea what they may be getting into
|
||
when they choose to learn one variety or another. There is
|
||
really no way to learn a foreign language without also
|
||
absorbing a great deal of its social, political and
|
||
philosophical outlook. This is equally true whether one
|
||
chooses to learn British or American English. It is for
|
||
learners themselves to choose, but they must have all
|
||
necessary knowledge available to them in order to make an
|
||
informed choice. Whether they ultimately choose British or
|
||
American or another language altogether, let us hope that
|
||
they make a wise choice leading all of our nations to an era
|
||
of sustained world peace.
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
SOLUTION TO THE MYSTERY
|
||
OF THE "ALL-TEASE FALCON"
|
||
|
||
|
||
And here is the "correct" pronunciation for our passage.
|
||
Source is the OED or any upper-class Oxonian type available,
|
||
who will breeze through the test without blinking and wonder
|
||
what all the fuss is about. The only real catch is the word
|
||
"falcon" itself, which has neither a broad nor a short "A"
|
||
but a choice between "faw-kun" and "fawl-kun." For the rest,
|
||
the broad A's (A as in fAther) are capitalized. The others
|
||
are short, with just one strange exception: "what" given as
|
||
"wot," rhyming with "not" and not an "h" sound in sight.
|
||
|
||
|
||
"The fancy fawlcon (or fawcon) cAst a
|
||
dastardly pAss After an unfAstened ass
|
||
with asthma. By Bacchus, what (wot?) a
|
||
disAstrous Aftermath! Mere mAstery of
|
||
this scanty exAmple cannot mAsk your
|
||
transatlantic, antipodean, or lower clAss
|
||
antecedents."
|
||
|
||
|
||
If you don't agree with my version, don't argue with me:
|
||
take it up with the OED or the British at large. A number of
|
||
them may well agree with you.
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES:
|
||
|
||
1. Hall's most famous work expounding this theme is The
|
||
Hidden Dimension, Doubleday, Garden City, NY, 1966. He
|
||
discusses allied themes in Beyond Culture (1977) and The
|
||
Silent Language (1959).
|
||
|
||
2. The British computer translation consultant John
|
||
Newton provides me with a dramatic instance of this social
|
||
distance. He was travelling on a Spanish airplane when the
|
||
captain's voice came over announcing: "Senoras y Senores,
|
||
ahora estamos volando sobre la ciudad de Madrid, por abajo se
|
||
puede ver el Paseo de....." ("Ladies and gentlemen, we are
|
||
now passing over the city of Madrid, down below you can
|
||
see....."). He found himself wondering how one could
|
||
possibly translate this event, familiar to those flying the
|
||
airlines of most nations, into British English for a British
|
||
audience. British pilots certainly would not do this sort of
|
||
thing, nor have British passengers been inclined to request
|
||
it.
|
||
|
||
3. I first described the "Assertive-Interrogative" form
|
||
in the mid 'Seventies, and when I came to write this article,
|
||
I wondered if I wasn't being a bit hard on the British about
|
||
it. I was close to softening my approach when I discovered
|
||
John Algeo's "It's a Myth, Innit? Politeness and the English
|
||
Tag Question," published in The State of the Language, Univ.
|
||
of Cal. Press, 1990 and in a longer form in English World-
|
||
Wide 9 (1988): 171-91. Algeo is far harder on the British
|
||
than I have presumed to be--he openly states that they are
|
||
not a "polite race" and identifies five different categories
|
||
of these "tag questions," which he ranges from informational
|
||
and confirmatory to peremptory and aggressive.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Much of the contents of this article is abridged and
|
||
adapted from the English chapters of the author's Inside the
|
||
'Sixties, What Really Happened on a World-Wide Scale, an
|
||
unpublished manuscript.
|
||
|
||
Alex Gross resided in London between 1963 and 1971,
|
||
where he and his wife were active in the theatre, literary
|
||
and artistic worlds. He served as a literary adviser to the
|
||
RSC from 1965 to 1970, and his translations of German plays
|
||
were produced by them and other British theatre companies.
|
||
Several members of his family have been and remain British
|
||
subjects. His father, who published the A to Z Guide to
|
||
London, knew Lloyd George, and Lloyd George knew his father.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTE: This article is scheduled to be published in two
|
||
parts in the February and March 1992 issues of Translation News. |