300 lines
18 KiB
Plaintext
300 lines
18 KiB
Plaintext
ÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜ ÜÜÜ ÜÜÜÜ
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛßÛßßßßßÛÛÜ ÜÜßßßßÜÜÜÜ ÜÛÜ ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜÜÜÜÜÛßß ßÛÛ
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ßßßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ÞÝ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛßßÛÜÞÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßßÛÛÛÞß
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Mo.iMP ÜÛÛÜ ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÞÛÛÛÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÝ ßÛß
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛ
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ß ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ÜÛ
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß
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ÜÛßÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÜÜ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÛÛÞÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛßß
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ÜÛßÛÛÛÛÛÛÜÛÛÛÛÜÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÞÛ ßÛÛÛÛÛ Ü ÛÝÛÛÛÛÛ Ü
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ÜÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ßÛÜ ßÛÛÛÜÜ ÜÜÛÛÛß ÞÛ ÞÛÛÛÝ ÜÜÛÛ
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ÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßÛÜ ßßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß ÜÜÜß ÛÛÛÛÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÛÛÛÛÛß
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ßÛÜ ÜÛÛÛß ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßßÜÜ ßßÜÛÛßß ßÛÛÜ ßßßÛßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛßß
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ßßßßß ßßÛÛß ßßßßß ßßßßßßßßßßßßß
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ARRoGANT CoURiERS WiTH ESSaYS
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Grade Level: Type of Work Subject/Topic is on:
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[ ]6-8 [ ]Class Notes [Comparison of Margaret ]
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[ ]9-10 [ ]Cliff Notes [Mead's 'Coming in Age' ]
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[x]11-12 [x]Essay/Report [to Rusian Youth ]
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[ ]College [ ]Misc [ ]
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Dizzed: o4/95 # of Words:2628 School: ? State: ?
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ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>Chop Here>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ
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In an attempt to challenge societal values, youth cultures, in the form
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of rebellion, act and dress radically and form groups in protest. These
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dissident actions against the structure of existing society promotes the
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beginning of new small groups which reflect their own rules, structures,
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class, gender and ethnic ideologies. So, the youth culture, in challenging
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societal values, at the same time is reflecting them.
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In comparing Margaret Mead's young adults in Coming of Age in Samoa to
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Russian youth it is evident where the differences arise. The Samoans
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strong cultural values leave little need for individual expression.
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Expectations of the children change as they get older. They know what
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is expected of them and want to follow the rules.
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In contrast, the youth in the Soviet Union, live in a culture of
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confusion. They feel constricted by the laws of the society, see families
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collapsing around them, and believe things should change. They want to be
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individuals and they want to live by their own values and ideas. Many come
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from broken homes and poor communities with little respect for authority.
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They rebel against what they feel is an unjust society and look for a
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culture or group that they can identify with.
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Often society depicts these groups as dangerous, deviant and
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delinquent. These groups, however, just show many of the valued structures
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of society, but in a more radical way. They have a standard code of dress,
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values, ethics and rebel in order to force their ideas onto the public and
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to feel part of a recognizable group.
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Margaret Mead noticed little individual differences among the Samoans.
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"We have seen that the Samoans have a low level of appreciation of
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personality differences" (Mead, 1973, 161). The Samoan's strong cultural
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and family traditional values do not allow for individualism. In
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comparison, Soviet youth express their individualism through youth cultures
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such as punk, 'metallist' hard-rock groups and "golden youth". Although
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they feel they are expressing individuality through these groups, they are
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actually fitting into different structures, values and in fact, a totally
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different societal group.
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Soviet society is concerned about what these youth cultures stand for,
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in particular the 'metallist' hard-rock groups. "They hate and despise our
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whole system, all our values. That's why they're dangerous, and why I'm
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pessimistic about the future" (Wilson, 1988, 22). In their defence, Alexei
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Kozlov, a member of a band, "extolled the virtues of heavy-metal rock." He
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said it was "an emotional outlet for underprivileged and unemployed young
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people...to work out their resentment...if we forbid this music, they will
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display their aggressiveness in other forms" (Traver, 1989, 1991).
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In combining their musical talents with their rebellion against an
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unjust society, these groups find an outlet for their anger and combine
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with others having the same interests. They work together with a goal
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similar to normal society groups.
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Over the centuries the importance of the extended family, in Russia,
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has decreased considerably. At one time the family included grandparents,
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aunts, uncles and cousins and it was more important than the society in
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which it lived. The children were protected and controlled from outer
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forces by this large family with strong religious, cultural and family
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ties.
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Similarly, the Samoan children share this strong value system. The
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longer the child is kept in controlled state, the more of the general
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cultural attitude it will absorb and the less of a disturbing element it
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will become (Mead, 1973, 163).
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In recent years, with Russian urbanization, family has become limited
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to parents and their children. They have more material goods but lose out
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socially and emotionally (Wilson, 1988, 28). From a young child nursery
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schools or kindergarten have taken over previous parental obligations. The
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schools help them do morning exercises. It feeds them, takes them out for
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walks, puts them to bed, teaches them to keep things tidy, paint, model,
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read, write, sing and dance. It also teaches them to be kind, considerate
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and honest, organizes parties for them, and takes them for health check-ups
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(Vishneva, 1984, 161). While the biological parents work, the state
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educational system becomes a new "parent" to the child. The close
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relationship between child and parent no longer exists, however, "the state
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sees the family as respon-sible for the children's welfare and for
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instilling in them behaviour acceptable to the existing social norms. The
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broken family is seen as a factor in juvenile delinquency. Good citizens
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are obligated to "monitor the political conscience of family members,
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especially that of children" (Shlapentokh, 1988, 34).
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Another negative aspect of the decline in family life is the rising
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incidence of divorce which is said to be caused by sexual incompatibility,
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inadequate housing, infidelity and a high rate of alcoholism (Traver, 1989,
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64/65). These all leave the child confused, feeling alone and angry at
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society. He then looks for ways to express himself and usually finds it in
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a youth group culture with similar concerns.
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The Samoan villages have a very strong system of discipline, respect
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and authority. Villages contain thirty to forty households each presided
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over by a head man with chiefly titles. They are the official orators,
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spokesmen and ambassadors and are responsible for all the members of their
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household. Everyone else in the household has authority according to their
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age, even the adolescent (Mead, 1973, 42/43). From the age of four or five
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years old, Samoan children perform definite tasks according to their
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strength and intelligence and which have a meaning in the structure of the
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whole society (Mead, 1973, 164). This gives a feeling of self-worth and
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shows that everyone is a valued member of the community.
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In contrast, Russian youth have no control over others and little
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control over their own lives. Soviet society stresses more importance on
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society and the current political regime. They see social interests as
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much more important than individual ones. Personal interests must always
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be sacrificed if in conflict with societal interests (Shlapentokh, 1988,
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19). Youth coming from broken homes and living in a society which gives
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them little freedom, look for ways to show their discontent with authority.
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"Mocking the police has become the Moscow rockers' favourite game. Another
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kick was to taunt the Militia...have drunken parties, group sex" and hire
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young prostitutes (Wilson, 1988, 138).
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Many informal groups were organized in Russia in the late 1980's,
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especially in the working class districts. Young people who were not always
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welcome in official clubs found it necessary to form their own clubs to
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combat loneliness and reveal their reactions against a world of
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over-organization. They want to make contact with one another as human
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beings and do something "real" (Wilson, 1988, 139).
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The influence that Western culture has had on the youth of the Soviet
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Union has been a source of worry for the political leaders. Western
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culture is seen as "shallow and harmful to Soviet youth" It lures the
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"young away from rich communist ideals". Seen as "untidy" and "vulgar",
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"Soviet rockers were given an ultimatum: clean up or break up". Some
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groups went underground, others conformed to official approval and found
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themselves confined and suffocated, "their lyrics purified and their
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costumes polite". Official rock music was then easier to control and
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supervise. One of the sanctioned groups played in a youth club of a
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working-class suburb of Moscow. Some of the fans wore clothes with foreign
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labels and were known as "golden youth". They were children of the elite
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who had travelled and brought home Western goods. Some punks wore black
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leather jackets and had splotches of pink and orange hair. They and many
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others in the audience knew the "taboo" words, to the Beatles' songs, which
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the band were not allowed to sing as total artistic freedom was not allowed
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(Traver, 1989, 190/91).
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The Soviet educational system's most important goal is the teaching of
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collectivism (kollektiv). Students learn that improving society is more
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important than self well-being which is selfish and not for the good of the
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whole. "Children are not praised for being different from their
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classmates; rather, they are told that it is impolite to show off what they
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know...Games also emphasize the group rather than the individual...the
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concept of uniformity dominates almost all of their lessons." They begin
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kindergarten at three or younger and are subjected to strict military-type
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discipline and collective behaviour. At nap time, which is for one and one
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half hours, they are forbidden to get up, even to go to the washroom
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(Travers, l989, 8).
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The Samoan education system allows a child to learn at its own pace.
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While the slow, laggard and inept are coddled, brighter students are
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allowed to display their individuality through dance which allows a
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"blatant precocious display". This allows the bright child to drain off
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some of the discontent they feel. They live in a peaceful, complacent
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society in which the hot climate dictates a slower pace (Mead, 1973, 162).
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Although religions such as Russian Orthodox, Moslem, Judaic and
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Lutheran are recognized by the Russian government, they are under strict
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control. They see attendance at church and religious rituals as
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politically disloyal acts (Shlapentokh, 1988, 124/25). Schools advocate
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parental attendance in after-school lectures encouraging atheism. Schools
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publish atheist magazines which mock religion and say that "religion is
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poison". History classes teach that Christianity started wars, killed
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millions and oppressed the masses. The young are taught that religion is
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only for the old. This causes confusion for many young children who grow
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up with religious instruction from grandparents and then come home to a
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family divided on religion and attend schools that ridicule it. Many
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families have Christian mothers and atheist fathers which caused arguments
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and alienation in the home (Traver, 1989, 172-74). Coming from such an
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unstable background, they find security and stability in a youth group with
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their own ideas.
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Another form of confusion for young soviets is the lack of discussion
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in the home about sex. Parents and teachers feel that talking about sex or
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contraceptives would likely encourage early sexual relations. Often this
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psychology backfires and many teenagers start sex without their parents
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knowledge. Their inexperience often leads to pregnancies which are
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terminated by abortions. In fact, the Soviet Union has one of the highest
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abortion rates. Although abortions have been legal since 1955, the State
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clinics are intimidating. No one talks to the patient, she is one of a
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faceless stream and often she gets no anaesthetic. There is a lack of
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confidentiality as it is impossible to have an abortion without one's
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employer knowing. "It is possible that the cruelty of the System is
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intended to teach women a lesson". Hundreds of thousands of women have
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pregnancies terminated elsewhere (Wilson, 1988, 201). This system leaves
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the young adult humiliated and angry at society. A youth culture may offer
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the freedom and confidence that society does not.
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In contrast, "the Samoan child faces no such dilemma. Sex is a
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natural, pleasurable thing (Mead, 1973, 148). "When a Samoan woman wants
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to avoid giving birth to a child, exceedingly violent massage and the
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chewing of kava is resorted to, but this is only in very exceptional cases
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as even illegitimate children are enthusiastically welcomed" (Mead, 1973,
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118). This cultural attitude relieves the stress of guilt on the young
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adults and they still feel they are a valued member of the tribe.
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Self esteem is important for the young adult, but the Soviet youth
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often find themselves lacking in it. There are several reasons for this.
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The collective ideal has the stronger and smarter students take care of the
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weaker. This can lead to cruelty and rejection and children are often
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subjected to humiliating interference in their private affairs. One
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student was humiliated in front of the whole class for having a "modern"
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hair-cut. Another, although pregnant, wanted to continue her studies at
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night school. She was treated like a delinquent and reprimanded for "loose
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behaviour" (Wilson, 1988, 47/48).
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Russian schools often cover up scandals to preserve their good name.
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In one instance Sasha Traskin was so badly beaten by bullies that he had to
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be hospitalized and the whole school board smothered the affair. In a
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collective, the failure of one pupil becomes a failure of the whole
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collective and the feeling of guilt is very strong. To avoid this,
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teachers often fix marks to cover up what should be seen as an "alarm
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signal" to help the child. This results in arguments about who is
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responsible for the discipline of the child, the parents or the school.
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The child is left in total confusion as to who he should obey (Wilson,
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1988, 48). The lack of firm rules and guidance leave the child uncertain
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about what is right or wrong and leaves him or her with a strong guilt that
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lowers self esteem. This self esteem is often rebuilt through contact with
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youth groups having similar interests to the student.
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The Samoan youth is taught to obey any elders, no matter who they are.
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Proper behaviour is standard throughout the tribe and there are no doubts
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about a child's upbringing. Also the youth has the authority to chastise
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anyone younger than themselves which gives them a sense of self-worth
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(Mead, 1973, 43).
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It is interesting that it seems most human beings not only need to be
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in a social group, but, one that accepts him or her as they want to be.
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The Samoans and the Russians have some very close similarities. The Samoan
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tribe and the Soviet Political party both try to keep decision making to a
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minimum. Both have little regard for Christian beliefs and try to control
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their people with strict guide-lines. The differences, which seems to make
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all the difference in the world, is that everyone in Samoa has the exact
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same guide-lines to follow, everyone has some authority over others and
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individual decisions about one's own life are respected by the others.
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This seems to show that self-esteem is a very important ingredient in a
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person's life. Without it people rebel, with it there is no need to.
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Samoan's have no problem searching for a place in society where they
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feel comfortable and possess self esteem. They are allowed much more
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freedom than larger societies. Girls, for instance, are allowed to decide
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in whose family they should live. She can live with an uncle or father and
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her choice raises no ethical problems. Her decision is taken as a personal
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matter. Others will understand that her choice was for perfectly good
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reasons, perhaps the food was better, she had found a new lover or had
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quarrelled with an older one. The choice was easy because she was never
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asked to make a choice involving a rejection of the standards of her social
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group (Mead, 1987, 149/50).
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In searching for a place to belong, Russian youths look for a culture
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they can feel comfortable with. Although rejecting formal society and
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parental authority, they end up in a group that still has rules to follow.
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Each particular youth culture has its own style of clothing and hair.
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Members must conform to these styles as well as to the "political" values
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of the group. In essence, these groups become rooted in a social system of
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their own. Although often radical, they reflect what they are challenging.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Mead, Margaret. Coming of Age in Samoa. New York: Dell
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Publishing Company, Inc., 1973.
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Shlapentokh, Vladimir. Public and Private Life of the
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Soviet People. Changing Values in Post-Stalin Russia.
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Oxford: Oxford University Press, Inc., 1989.
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Traver, Nancy. Kife. The Lives and Dreams of Soviet
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Youth. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.
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Vishneva-Sarafanova, N. The Privileged Generation:
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Children in The Soviet Union. Union of Soviet
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Socialist Republics: Progress Publishers, 1984.
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Wilson, Andrew and Bachkatov, Nina. Living With
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Glasnost. Youth and Society in a Changing Russia.
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London: Penguin Books, 1988.
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