142 lines
8.5 KiB
Plaintext
142 lines
8.5 KiB
Plaintext
ÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜ ÜÜÜ ÜÜÜÜ
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛßÛßßßßßÛÛÜ ÜÜßßßßÜÜÜÜ ÜÛÜ ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜÜÜÜÜÛßß ßÛÛ
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ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßÛÛ ÜÛÛÛÜÛÛÜÜÜ ßÛÛÛÛÜ ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜÛÛÜÜÜÛÛÝ Ûß
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ßßßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ÞÝ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛßßÛÜÞÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßßÛÛÛÞß
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Mo.iMP ÜÛÛÜ ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÞÛÛÛÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÝ ßÛß
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛ
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ß ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ÜÛ
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß
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ÜÛßÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÜÜ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÛÛÞÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛßß
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ÜÛßÛÛÛÛÛÛÜÛÛÛÛÜÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÞÛ ßÛÛÛÛÛ Ü ÛÝÛÛÛÛÛ Ü
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ÜÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ßÛÜ ßÛÛÛÜÜ ÜÜÛÛÛß ÞÛ ÞÛÛÛÝ ÜÜÛÛ
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ÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßÛÜ ßßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß ÜÜÜß ÛÛÛÛÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÛÛÛÛÛß
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ßÛÜ ÜÛÛÛß ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßßÜÜ ßßÜÛÛßß ßÛÛÜ ßßßÛßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛßß
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ßßßßß ßßÛÛß ßßßßß ßßßßßßßßßßßßß
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ARRoGANT CoURiERS WiTH ESSaYS
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Grade Level: Type of Work Subject/Topic is on:
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[ ]6-8 [ ]Class Notes [Essay on Nazism ]
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[x]9-10 [ ]Cliff Notes [ ]
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[ ]11-12 [x]Essay/Report [ ]
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[ ]College [ ]Misc [ ]
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Dizzed: o4/95 # of Words:1099 School: ? State: ?
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ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>Chop Here>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ
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Nazism
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The most merciless and cruel party in the world, was under the role of
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Adolf Hitler, their violence remained a deep gash in the western world
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history.
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Nazism was originated in Germany in the early 1920s. It was the
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doctrines or practices of the Nazi party. Nazism was a shortened version
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of the tern National Socialism, denoting the doctrine and form of
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government of Nazi Germany under the rule of Adolf as enunciated in his
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book Mein Kampf. The term was an abbreviation of Nationalsozialistische
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Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (German National Socialist Worker Party).
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National Socialist German Workers Party founded in 1919 on fascist
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principles and dominant from 1933 to 1945 in Germany. The party's
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principles were essentially antidemocratic and racist. Hitler borrowed
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considerably from the Italian Fascist and Soviet Communist Systems, but the
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Nazi pseudoscientific racist theories were original German contributions.
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In the past storm troopers and communists had contested the streets on
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fairly equal terms. Now, three days after the formation of Hitler's
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cabinet, communist meeting were banned in Prussia. To enforce such
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measures, there was a new and ominous agency. A minor department in the
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Berlin police, detailed to watch anticonstitutional activities, was put
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under Goring's command. As of April 26, 1933, this old Department IA of
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the Prussian political police was replaced by the Geheime Staatspolizei
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("Secret State Police"), better known as the Gestapo. Within two years its
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actiones would be free from judicial review and it would take its place
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beside the SD (Sicherheitsdienst, or "Security Service") and the security
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branch of the SS in a sadistic competition to achieve the totalitarian
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state.
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Until this time Nazism was very much a function of communism-- the
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other side of the revolutionary coin. Now, within Germany, National
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Socialism stood alone. Communism was gone as a counterweight.
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The Jews, if their reviled relationship to Nazism had been simply that
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of expedient scapegoat, could now have been passed over. Hitler had
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arrived and did not need them in his further rise to dictator and
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conqueror. As unprincipled conqueror, he might well have enlisted their
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talents and loyalties, but Hitler had his principles and the Jews remained
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as ever the evil force behind all that sought to destroy the master race.
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As a myth they had to be crushed. As a reality within German borders they
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were a weak minority, so in practice the myth could be put aside and dealt
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with at Hitler's convenience.
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Hindenburg himself had little patience with the new chancellor's
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anti-Semitism and wrote Hitler a letter objecting to the persecution of
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those Jews who had fought bravely for the fatherland in World War I.
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Indeed, while Hindenburg lived, Hitler was relatively restrained in his
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persecutions. Many foresighted Jews did leave the country. Others,
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accustomed to centuries of persecution, accepted this as just one more
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period of hard times which must be endured. After all, Jews in England and
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the United States were barred from the best clubs. A good many German Jews
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wishfully believed that Hitler's venom was reserved for the Eastern Jews
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who had begun flooding into Germany after World War I. A few Jews,
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thinking of themselves of labor, Friedrich Syrup, to stop further
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immigration of Eastern Jews on the grounds that their presence stirred up
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anti-Semitism.
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Not until 1936, with Hindenburg dead and Hitler in sole command, was
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persecution seriously escalated. On September 13, during the Nuremburg
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party rally, Hitler raised the specter of the almost forgotten party
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protocol by announcing the Law for the Protection of German Blood and
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Honor. Henceforth, only those of "German or related blood" could be
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citizens. This event marked a deterioration of the Jewish lot in Nazi
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Germany, but the monstrous "final solution," instrumented under the
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Lebensraum program, remained unimaginable in 1935.
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Communists and Jews might have expected little better on the basis of
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Hitler's past performance. Labor, though a portion of its membership
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merged with the communist left, seemed to be in for gentler treatment.
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They had, in theory, been part of the National Socialist program form the
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beginning. Reassuringly, Hitler declared May 1, 1933, a Day of National
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Labor. Labor was flattered. A big rally was held that night at the
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Tempelhof airport. There, Hitler warmed a crowd of several hundred
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thousand with his praise of labor's dignity and the need for unification
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behind the nation. His listeners cheered themselves hoarse. Patriotic
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songs were sung. Rockets flowered in the sky.
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Bright and early the next day regular police, together with
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detachments of SS and SA, occupied union headquarters throughout the land.
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Leading officials were arrested and dispatch to concentration camps. The
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Labor Federation's banks and businesses were seized. Files were
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confiscated. Labor newspapers were shut down. Within three weeks the
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right to strike and to bargain collectively were removed, with
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decisionmaking left entirely to the "natural leaders," the employers, a far
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cry from the socialistic goals espoused by so many early Nazis.
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Hitler, meanwhile, informed the disgruntled workers that they would be
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better off as part of the New German Labor Front. In reaction, there was
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not even an organized protest, let alone an uprising which the communist
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leadership would undoubtedly have encouraged had it not already been
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removed. From marching to the old "International" (the communist anthem),
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the workers now marched to a Nazi tune without ever breaking stride. For
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the duration of the Third Reich the workers were industrial serfs, secure
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enough in their jobs but with a share in the national income that was even
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below the Depression level. As the economy moved toward war, a special
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decree on June 22, 1938, instituted the conscription of labor. This
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commanded each German to work where the state assigned him, with the
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reciprocal assurance that he would not be fired without government
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approval.
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Besides this promise of security, the state brought one more rigid
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good to the worker. For his cheap enjoyment there was the state-run Kraft
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Durch Freude ("Strength through Joy") program, which organized all his
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leisure and vacation time into sporting and travel groups. Individuality,
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as far as the Nazi state was concerned, no longer existed.
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Could Nazism happen again? German universities remained centers of
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unrest, but the last likelihood seemed to be another Hitler. For the most
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part, Germany was a burned-out crater of big- power politics. She had no
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stab-in-the-back legend, no "Jewish conspiracy" myth to spur her on. In
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fact, if democracy should falter, the greatest probability was that it
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would be supplanted by communism, that totalitarian system which existed in
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East Germany and which, although Nazism's undying foe, was more akin to
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Nazism in practice than to democracy.
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