214 lines
11 KiB
Plaintext
214 lines
11 KiB
Plaintext
Report From Chiapas
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At the beginning of January, 1994, a new chapter began in the five
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hundred years long struggle of Mexico's indigenous people against
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colonization. Under more and more pressure - now mainly from U.S.
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imperialism - the indigenous Zapatista National Liberation Army
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(EZLN) rose up and succesfully created an autonomous zone in the
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Lacondon Forest in the Mexican state of Chiapas. This zone covered a
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large number of indigenous villages in what is one of the last
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remnants of forest left in Mexico. (Like everywhere else in the
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world, the imperialist agenda of total environmental destruction is
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nearing completion here.)
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This autonomous zone existed and flourished all through 1994, giving
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everyone living there equal control over the running of their
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communities. But in February 1995, under extremely powerful economic
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and political pressure frrom the U.S. goverment, the mexican army
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was sent in to destroy it. Realizing that the high price of defending the
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zone would be paid for in indigenous blood, which has been considered
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cheap for far too long, the EZLN decided against a fight.
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The Mexican army took control of the area, using standard and
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well-tested colonial techniques. With beatings, rape, torture and
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murder, they drove the indigenes out of their villages and forced
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them to seek refuge deeper in the forest. Then they completely
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destroyed all the villages and poisoned the water supplies to
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prevent them from returning. They also set up their own camps and
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occupied the area themselves.
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In April, May and again in June, the government and delegates from
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the EZLN held peace talks, which they call "dialogues", in the
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Tzeltal indian village of San Andres Larrainzar (or San Andres
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Sacamch'en), which is near San Cristobal de las Casas, a small city
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over 2000 metres up in the Chiapas altiplano. A fourth dialoge there
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is scheduled for the 4th of july.
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These dialogues are a complete farce, with the government
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deliberately setting out to confuse the Zapatistas, whose first
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lanugages are the local indigenous ones, rather than Spanish and to
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buy time in which to increase the pressure on their communities. But
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the EZLN has no choice except to try and get some positive results
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from them. Their communities want them to talk. They don't want the
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war which seems to be the only alternative. And whether or not they
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really have any faith in a government which is just another force of
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colonialism in a five hundred year long history of european
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colonization, they seem to see it as the only solution.
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There might be better prospects for a positive outcome if it wasn't
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for the U.S. government, like a hungry wolf panting at the border,
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waiting for an opportunity to march in and exert military control in
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addition to the economic power they already have. It's only 150
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years since the U.S. forcibly took over half of Mexico and
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incorporated it into their country, and of course they're not happy
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with just half, they want the whole bloody lot!
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The dialogue in San Andres Sacamch'en over the weekend of the 12th
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to the 6th of May was a very strange event. It struck me as being
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something that could probably only happen in Mexico. The talks took
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place in a group of buildings on one side of the Zocalo, which is
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the square in the centre of Mexican towns, including one building
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specially built for the purpose on what used to be a basketball
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court. Around this block, there were four cordons - the inside one
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made up of Red Cross volunteers, the second of local indigenous
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people, the third of other concerned members of the Mexican public
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and the fourth cordon, on the outside, was of military police, armed
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only with batons.
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The Red Cross were there as an internationally recognized body,
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supposedly impartial, hoping to prevent any violent clashes between
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the two sides. The indigenous and other Mexicans, making up what's
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known as the "Cinturon de Paz", or "peace cordon", were there to
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make sure the government forces didn't try any dirty tricks with the
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EZLN delegates. And the army was there to protect the government
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representatives and show that the government was in control of the
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situation. The whole thing created a very wird atmosphere in the
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town.
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I was one of a group of twenty or so international observers, who
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were there to keep a less easily silenced eye on the conduct of the
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government and the army.
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Around sunset on the first day, the EZLN delegates arrived, in two
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groups of three and one group of two, in three separate convoys of
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cars with red cross and civilians accompanying them to ensure their
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safety. The first three were dressed entirely in black, with black
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balaclavas covering their whole face except for their eyes. In a
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bizarre contrast, they were wearing a local style of brightly
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coloured hats which have multicoloured streamers hanging from the
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brims. They were greeted by loud cheering and clapping as they drove
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through they cordons and got out of their car.
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The second group arrived in the same manner. They were dressed
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similarly, except they weren't wearing the coloured hats. The last
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convoy to arrive came after dark and included the ony woman in the
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group, Comandanta Trinidad, known as "Trini". She was the only one
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dressed in normal clothes, although she had a scarf over her nose
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and the lower part of her face, to disguise her features.
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It was a strange, but moving spectacle, watching the arrival of
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these freedom fighters who have risked their lives - and even right
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there and then were putting themselves at risk - to fight for land
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rights and equality and against colonialism and genocide. At this
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point in history, these people and the rest of their communities are
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involved in what's probably the most important strugle for land
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rights in terms of global politics. In fact it's possibly one of the
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most politically important things happening in the world today,
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although it's being heavily suppressed in the international media.
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If the indigenous peoples of Chiapas win this struggle, it can't
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fail to have a serious beneficial effect on land rights campaigns
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and fights for indigenous survival elsewhere in North America and
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all round the world. Which of course is why the U.S. government and
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multinational companies are leaning so heavily on the Mexican
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government.
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The dialogue went on from the Friday evening to late on Monday
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night, with the cordons maintained continuously, in shifts for the
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whole time. They gave the whole thing an atmosphere of a vigil, with
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maybe more spiritual significance than political, encircling the
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block motionless and silent, in the hot sun of the afternoon and the
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cold mountain darkness of the night.
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In the early afternoon and late evening every day, somebody would
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come out of the talks and give a report to the press, who were
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assembled on a large, covered, stage-like structure in front of the
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main building. The afternoon report was always made by someone from
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the governent team and invariably consisted of rambling,
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jargon-infested, anonymous nonsense, which said absolutely nothing
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at all. This was repeated in the evenings too, but also at that time
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there would be statements from some of the EZLN delegates, masked up
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as usual and dressed in black. These were invariably clear, easy to
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follow and personally expressive accounts of what was happening in
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the dialogue - which was basically a frustrating, confusing
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runaroud, with the government totally uninterested in making any
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concessions at all.
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The pressures of tiredness and the strain of having to try and deal
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with the nonsensical talking-machines representing the government
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eventually became too much for the EZLN delegates and on Sunday
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evening they stopped listening and left the conference room. At this
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point, the government ordered in two more batallions of armed
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soldiers who completely surrounded the village - presumably with the
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intention of aresting or killing the Zapatistas on the pretext that
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the talks had broken down. The soldiers in the cordon around the
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talks moved away and gathered in large groups and the Red Cross
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abandoned their cordon to congregate at the doors of the buildings.
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All the indigenous people mobilized and grouped up and the stage was
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set for what could easily have been the spark that would ignite a
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civil war in Mexico.
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However, the intermediaries in the talks managed to smoothe things
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over and get the two sides talking again and nothing came of it in
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the end. But it had come very close that night, to a situation the
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U.S. governent is undoubtedly hoping will go all the way very soon.
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The dialogue ended very late the next night and all the outsiders
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and foreigners on the peace cordon were taken in, in small groups,
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for a quick meeting with the Zapatistas. We moved quickly among
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them, shaking hands and mumbling inconsequential words of support
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and then left them to get ready for the long trips back to their
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comrades and communities in the Lacondon forest.
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There were no agreements reached, partly because the EZLN delegates
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have no power to agree to anyting without a mandate from their
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communities. But there were a couple of small points for them to
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take back for discussion before the next dialogue.
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This took place on the 7th of June and was very much the same as the
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one before. There was one addition to the EZLN team - another woman,
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Commandanta Andrea, who arrived dressed in black clothes and a black
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balaclava. Apart from this, there seemed to be no significant
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differences and no real advance in negotiations. At this point, it's
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beginning to look like an endless series of dialogues stretching
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well into the future. However, something's going to have to change
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sooner or later. It's just a case of which side takes the initiative
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and when...
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Meanwhile, the work of rebuilding the indigenous communities
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destroyed by the army in February is well underway. Made possible by
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the organization of encampments of foreigners and civilian Mexicans
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who are keeping an eye on the army, all but one of the villages have
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been reoccupied. However it's a massive task to recover from the
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damage done. Rebuilding houses, planting crops and finding ways
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around the problem of poisoned water supplies is enough in itself,
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but the biggest problem is that they haven't got any food. Because
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they were driven out of the villages, they've been unable to plant
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crops and therefore there's no harvest to live off. There's a
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disatrous level of malnutrition, with a lot of the children showing
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bloated bellies as a result.
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However, from what i've heard these problems are being overcome
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somewhow and the villages are being rebuilt, still along the
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political lines of the old autonomous zone. There *is* hope, but
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there's a great need for outside help. Support, both personally and
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financially from independent overseas sympathizers will play an
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important part in helping the indigenous people of Chiapas overcome
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the latest in a long series of imperialist attacks.
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Anyone who is going to Mexico and wants to get information on the
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current situation and ways to help should go to:
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Centro Fray Bartolome de Derechos Humanos,
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Avenida 5 de Febrero,
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San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas.
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If you want to go to a forest encampment, you'll have to be able to
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speak reasonably good spanish.
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This report is my impression of the situation here in Chiapas. I've
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only been in Mexico six weeks and it's possible i've misinterpreted
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some aspects of the way things are. However it's entirely a personal
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view and i make no claim to being impartial.
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Will Kemp, Chiapas, Mexico, June 1995. |