549 lines
24 KiB
Plaintext
549 lines
24 KiB
Plaintext
******* Racism in Ireland ********
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TRAVELLERS FIGHTING BACK
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Irish Travellers are a very small minority group in
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Ireland, constituting less than 1% of the population.
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Their numbers currently stand at approx. 23,000 people
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in the Republic and another 1,500 in the North. There
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are also an estimated 15,000 Irish Travellers in
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England, Scotland and Wales and 7,000 in the U.S.A.
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The population structure of the Traveller community
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resembles that of a third world country, with large
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numbers of children and very few in the older age
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group. Poor health status, compounded by racist
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policies and practices, and exclusion from mainstream
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society are the causes of this situation. 50% of the
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population is under 15 years. Some health statistics
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revealed by the Health Status Report of the Health
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Research Board in 1987 are worth quoting;
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-> Travellers have more than double the national rate
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of stillbirths.
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-> Infant mortality rates are three times higher than
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the national rate.
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-> Traveller women live, on average, 12 years less than
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settled women.
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-> Traveller men live, on average, 10 years less than
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settled men.
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-> Travellers' life expectancy is now at the level that
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settled people reached in the 1940's.
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These are the statistics of racism, clearly
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demonstrating that Travellers' lives are effected in
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the most basic ways by their exclusion and
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marginalisation. Statistics relating to their
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educational levels reveal the same pariah status. Less
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than 14% currently make it into post-primary education
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and the number who have made it into third level can
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still be counted on one hand. The majority of the
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adults, 80%, are illiterate.
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Ethnicity & Cultural Identity
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Travellers constitute a distinct ethnic group within
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Irish society. They fulfil all the criteria
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internationally accepted as defining ethnicity:
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-> A long shared history of which the group is
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conscious.
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-> A cultural tradition of its own including family and
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social customs.
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-> Descent from common ancestors - you must be born
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into the group.
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-> A common language.
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-> A common religion.
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-> Being a minority, or an oppressed or dominated
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group, within a larger community.
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There has been strong resistance to acknowledging
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Travellers' ethnicity even from people who admit that
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they do not know what the term means. This attitude
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stems from the endemic racism towards them which
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rejects any idea that they could be anything other than
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"failed settled people". There is a fear that if
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Travellers' claim to separate ethnicity is conceded
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that allegations of racism which are currently
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dismissed out of hand in most circles, would have some
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credence.
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The racism practised against Travellers in Ireland is
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so all pervasive that it is not recognised as such
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except by a small minority of progressive people. Most
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left-wing groups either ignore the issue or contribute
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to the racism themselves by adopting reactionary
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positions. Travellers are marginalised and excluded
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from all of the institutions and structures of Irish
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society. The racism they experience operates at both
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the individual and the institutional level.
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At an institutional level Travellers have to sign for
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the dole and for welfare at separate times. In the
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case of Dublin, Travellers claiming welfare from the
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Health Board have to do so at a completely separate and
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segregated clinic. Travellers have to use a separate,
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segregated, social work service and they are often
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segregated into separate classes in school. Socially,
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they are excluded from almost every pub in the country.
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They are routinely refused service in shops, cafes,
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cinemas, laundrettes and every recreational and social
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outlet.
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Over the past 18 months, there has been a substantial
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increase in physical and ideological attacks on them.
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Incidents recorded include an elderly couple attacked
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on the beach in Bantry, Co.Cork, by hired thugs with
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hurley sticks who left the woman with a broken nose. A
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family was burned out of their caravan in Bray, Co.
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Wicklow. Travellers were subjected to an organised
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physical attack in Glenamaddy, Co. Galway, for having
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the cheek to drink in one of the few pubs that served
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them. This pub has since lost its licence as a warning
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to other publicans not to serve Travellers.
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The list goes on and covers all parts of the country
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and every situation where Travellers attempt to live
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their lives. On an individual level, there is almost
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total segregation between Travellers and the sedentary
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population. Social contact is minimal because
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Travellers have been excluded from such contact.
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The effects of this racism are not hard to find. Most
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Travellers lack self-esteem. Pride in their cultural
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identity is a very new experience and confined to the
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minority who have had some adult education and
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training. Self-destructive and even anti-social
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behaviour arises out of this total experience of
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racism. Less than 14% of Travellers currently make it
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into post-primary education and the majority of the
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adults are illiterate. Organising politically in this
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situation is difficult but not impossible as this
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article will demonstrate.
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Irish Travellers share strong cultural ties with other
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nomadic people especially Gypsies and Travellers in
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other countries. Within the E.U., Travellers and
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Gypsies currently form a population of over one million
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people. Another million live in Eastern Europe.
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These groups have faced, and still face, vicious
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persecution and racism which reached its peak this
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century with the murder of over a quarter of a million
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Gypsies and Travellers by the Nazis. Gypsies and
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Travellers in Eastern Europe are experiencing brutal
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racist attacks at the moment. Anti-immigrant agitation
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and attacks are specifically directed at them in
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several European countries.
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Travellers' resistance
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Organised resistance to their oppression is almost
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certain to have existed at several points in their
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history. However, the recorded history of this
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illiterate, nomadic, despised group scarcely existed
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until the early 1960's in this country. An English
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journalist, Grattan Puxon, arrived here to live and was
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immediately struck by the situation of the Travellers.
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Over the next five years he was involved in organising
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the Irish Traveller Community, which organised protests
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and resisted evictions all over the country. Puxon
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produced a number of pamphlets, the best known of which
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was titled The Victims. This protest movement quickly
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gained momentum, especially around the tactic of
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resisting evictions. Support grew both from Travellers
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themselves, and from students and some left wing
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activists.
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A large group of Travellers based at Cherry Orchard in
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Dublin, where Puxon himself lived, built what was the
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first Travellers' school on the site. Dublin
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Corporation bulldozed it down within three weeks,
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setting off a wave of protest marches and pickets.
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The movement for civil rights for Travellers was
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gaining strength and confidence and alarming the
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Government. The Irish Traveller Community held a large
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public rally at Ballinasloe fair in 1963 at which a
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committee was elected and plans made to organise
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throughout the country.
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Around the same time, Gratton Puxon was arrested and
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charged with possessing explosives. He was given the
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choice of facing a lengthy jail sentence or leaving the
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country. It was later revealed that the explosives had
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been planted in his home by the police. Puxon left
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Ireland in 1964. Dozens of Traveller families left
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with him and went on to help form the Gypsy Council in
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England, where they played a prominent role over the
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next decade.
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In Ireland, however, a deal had been done to allow a
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group of clerics and wealthy philanthropists to
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represent Travellers' interests. Called the Itinerant
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Settlement Committee, this group sidetracked
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Travellers' struggles into endless lobbying and charity
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work. Over the next twenty years they ensured there
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was little or no Traveller input into the matters that
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concerned them.
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The next sign of any independent resistance came in
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1980 when a Traveller woman, Roselle McDonald, went to
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court to try to stop the constant evictions from one
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roadside camp to another which were a feature of
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Travellers' lives. She won a ruling that Travellers
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could not be evicted from local authority property
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without being offered a suitable alternative. Although
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it was hailed as a great victory at the time, in
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practice it did not take the authorities long to find
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ways around it. Usually this was achieved by simply
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harassing the families through tactics like dumping
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everything from rubbish to manure beside their
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caravans. This left them with no option but to move.
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In 1981, Dublin County Council tried to open the new
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Tallaght By-pass, home to over 100 Traveller families,
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without offering them any alternative site. The events
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which followed in Tallaght were to be repeated on a
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smaller scale all over the country. Local residents,
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with the active support of some local politicians,
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including a Fianna F<>il councillor, organised protest
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marches. Vigilante type gangs patrolled around all
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open space in the area in order to force Travellers out
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of Tallaght.
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A small number of local activists joined with a small
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number of Travellers to resist this racism and formed
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the Travellers' Rights Committee. This committee
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existed for almost two years until it gave way to the
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first ever 'Traveller only' organisation, Minceir
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Misli, set up in 1983. The Travellers Rights Committee
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put up a Traveller candidate, Nan Joyce, in the general
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election of 1982. She ran against the
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straightforwardly racist 'community' candidate who
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stood on a ticket of "Get the Knackers out of Tallaght"
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. She got twice as many first preference votes. A few
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weeks after the election Nan Joyce was arrested and
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charged with theft of jewellery. This was widely
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reported in the papers with headlines such as "Tinker
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Queen arrested for theft". The charges were dropped
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because of lack of evidence when it came to court. It
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turned out that the stolen jewellery had been planted
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in her caravan by the police themselves in an exact
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repetition of the frame up they had done on Grattan
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Puxon over twenty years previously.
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The protests against Travellers in Tallaght were
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threatening and violent affairs. Leaflets were
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distributed in the doors advising men to leave women
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and children at home and to bring hurley sticks. No
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Travellers were physically attacked on these protests,
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mainly because of the small but highly visible and
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determined pickets supporting the Travellers.
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Minceir Misli lasted almost two years. During this
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time it organised protest marches, hunger strikes,
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pickets, and spoke at numerous meetings around the
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country to galvanise support for Travellers' demands.
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They initiated contact with the trade unions and, in
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some unions, got resolutions passed instructing members
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not to take part in evictions.
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However, Minceir Misli was outside consensus politics
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from the outset and as such could not get access to any
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funding to carry out its work. In addition, almost all
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its members were illiterate which made it extremely
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difficult for them to function effectively. When it
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folded, the Dublin Travellers' Education and
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Development Group (DTEDG) was formed in 1984. However,
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this group was not set up as an agitational one, so
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there was a vacuum in Traveller resistance once again.
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The Irish Travellers' Movement (ITM) was set up in 1990
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as a lobby and pressure group composed of both settled
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people and Travellers. However, its interventions to
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date have been characterised by extreme caution. There
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is no group with a direct action focus at the moment,
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even though the number of physical and racist attacks
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have escalated over the past two years.
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There have been so many attacks over the past two years
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that it would take many more pages to list them all.
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It should be remembered that the Traveller population
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is very small, so that the impact of this level of
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physical attacks on such a small community is intense.
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It generates fear within the whole group and causes
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further isolation. The better known incidents include:
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Bray, Co. Wicklow: Traveller family burnt out of their
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caravan parked on the edge of a housing estate. Their
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van was then burnt. Protests prevented them from being
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offered another site locally. This happened in February
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1995.
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Glenamaddy, Co. Galway: In April 1994, Travellers were
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subjected to an organised attack by local people armed
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with hurley sticks and clubs. Travellers drinking in
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the Four Roads pub were lined up by police and thrown
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out to a 'lynch mob' of locals. Their vans were turned
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over and wrecked. One Traveller woman described hiding
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out in a field all night with her young daughter in
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fear of being attacked. This episode was provoked by
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the fact that the owner of this pub persisted in
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serving Travellers despite police threats, which
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eventually succeeded, that she would lose her licence.
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Most recently, in June 1995 a Traveller family housed
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in Moate Co. Westmeath have been the focus of anti-
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Traveller racism. Locals here held public meetings and
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blocked the main Galway to Dublin road in protest
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against the Council's decision to house the Travellers
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a mile outside "their" town. Travellers were called
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"inferior people".
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The only response from the establishment to this latest
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outrage was an intervention by the Catholic Bishop (who
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"understood" the bigots concerns). Anti-racist
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activity was restricted to a spate of letters and
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articles in the papers. A situation such as this
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requires a direct action response but no group is
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currently in a position to organise it.
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Why this increase in Racism?
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There has been some speculation in the papers (Fintan
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O'Toole, Irish Times 16.6.95) about the increase in
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anti-Traveller agitation over the past two years or so.
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The fact is that such agitation and bigotry was always
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there and has surfaced on numerous occasions.
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Travellers housed in Rahoon in Galway twenty five years
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ago were subjected to such harassment that the term
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"Rahoonery" became part of the vocabulary for a time.
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Travellers in other parts of the country had gunfire
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directed at them and pig slurry thrown over their
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caravans.
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There seems to have been an increase in racist attacks
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but this could also be that they are being reported
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more. The struggles of the various groups described in
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the previous section for civil rights for Travellers
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has undoubtedly increased awareness of these issues
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among people generally. Over the past ten years the
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emergence of a small number of articulate, politically
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active Travellers has raised the issue higher on the
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political agenda. The concepts of ethnic identity and
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cultural difference have also raised the temperature of
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the debate. Until fairly recently, Travellers and
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their supporters were essentially fighting for little
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more than an end to the worst forms of discrimination.
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In many cases, especially where middle class do-gooders
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and liberal clergy were involved, they were appealing
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to a charity motivation.
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However the situation is now very different with
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Traveller groups throughout the country asserting
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their right to be treated with respect as an ethnic and
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cultural minority with their own beliefs, customs and
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values. By adopting this strategy, Travellers are
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finally aligning themselves with the struggles of
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nomadic and indigenous peoples everywhere. Apart from
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their close affinity with Gypsies and Travellers
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worldwide, their struggles now have much in common with
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those of Native Americans, Aboriginal peoples in
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Australia, and Maoris of New Zealand, as well as
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indigenous people in South America. It is this new
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and very unacceptable (to the bigots) demand for
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respect as a cultural and ethnic minority that has
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fuelled the latest outburst of racism against them.
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Over the past decade, these concepts gained credibility
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with a wider range of people. Racist descriptions and
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abuse in the media have been consistently challenged,
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with the result that Travellers rights as a separate
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minority group had begun to gain acceptance in wider
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circles. Once it was no longer acceptable to define
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them either as objects of charity or as failed settled
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people in need of social work and rehabilitation, the
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alternative was to accept them as different with all
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the rights and appropriate services they require to
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live decently in accordance with their cultural values.
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That such a prospect has proved to be totally
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unacceptable to many settled people is obvious.
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Fianna F<>il Senator Marian McGennis, interviewed for a
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recent survey stated that Martin Collins, a Traveller
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activist closely associated with the concepts of
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cultural and ethnic identity, was responsible for all
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the anti-Traveller feeling and agitation in the country
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because he insisted in demanding rights for Travellers!
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Ridiculous though this statement is, it captures what
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many settled people really feel.
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Ironically, settled society has always considered
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Travellers to be both different and inferior. Now
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that Travellers are asserting their right to be
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different but not inferior, they have provoked outrage.
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Issues for Travellers
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The key issues for Travellers remain the standard ones
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of civil rights campaigns: decent appropriate
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accommodation, access to good quality appropriate
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education - including adult education because so many
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of them missed out completely on education as children,
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appropriate easily accessible health care, and equality
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of access to all public and private services on a non-
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discriminatory basis. Central to all these demands is
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the recognition and resourcing of their cultural
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identity.
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Effective anti-racist and anti-discrimination
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legislation is put forward as a solution to some of the
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problems Travellers face but the history of legislation
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such as the 1967 Race Relations Act in Britain shows
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that this is no solution. Self-determination is
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another key issue for Travellers and is complicated by
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the fact that so many adult Travellers have little or
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no formal education. The fact that they are such a tiny
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minority also means that they need the support of other
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more powerful forces in their struggle.
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Current Stratergies
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Strategies being pursued by the ITM and most of the
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Traveller support groups are similar to those pursued
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by all of the major movements for social change over
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the past fifty years. Lobbying, influencing policy and
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legislation, public awareness and education through the
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media and through workshops and seminars aimed at
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different groups within the community along with
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consciousness raising and training for Travellers are
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the main activities of these groups. There has been
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some direct action too with pickets of insurance
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companies who refuse to insure Travellers and several
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protest marches against the continued lack of
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accommodation and civil rights.
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However, these actions have been few, especially in
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view of the recent blatant and vicious rise in racist
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attacks. Whatever mood for radical and direct action
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strategies there is among Travellers themselves has
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been mostly neutralised by professional community
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workers. A great deal of faith has been invested in
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such activities as the Government's Task Force on the
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Traveller community, which published its report this
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summer after nearly two years deliberation. This is
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despite the fact that there have been reports before,
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as long ago as the 1963 "Report of the Commission on
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Itinerancy" which produced nothing useful or effective.
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A great deal of energy and time has been diverted into
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this kind of tactic at the expense of building up a
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strong, assertive direct action movement among
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Travellers and their supporters.
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Throughout Europe there is some mobilisation taking
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place among Gypsy and Traveller groups but most of this
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is now of a defensive nature. Three Gypsies were
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killed by a bomb thrown into their site in Austria
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earlier this year by neo-nazis. Two of those killed
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were survivors of the nazi death camps where a quarter
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of a million Gypsies and Travellers were murdered.
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This outrage did not even make the papers here. In most
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countries Gypsies and Travellers are so despised that
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events such as these are not reported even by the left
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wing press. Racism against Travellers in Europe has
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increased with the opening up of Eastern Europe where
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there has always been a very large Gypsy and Traveller
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population living in oppressed and poverty stricken
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conditions. Thousands of these people are now trying
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to move into Western Europe to achieve a better life.
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They are the first of these immigrants to be harassed
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and sent back and physically attacked and even killed
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when they do manage to get into Germany or any other
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western country.
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In France, Gypsies and Travellers cannot be citizens of
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the state. They cannot have passports, only travel
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papers which they must register with the police when
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they want to travel outside France. Even within,
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France they must register with the police when they
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travel. In Austria, the Catholic Church set up a
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special organisation called Pro Juventute to kidnap the
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children of Gypsies and Travellers and gave them as
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slave labour to Austrian farmers. This practice went
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on into the 1970s and was justified by spokespeople for
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the church even later. The Austrian Gypsy population
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was almost wiped out by this practise with Gypsy
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parents spending years vainly trying to find their
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children whose names and identies had been changed.
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The situation of Irish Travellers is now one of crisis
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on several fronts. Basic accommodation, education and
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health needs are hopelessly inadequate despite the tiny
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size of the Traveller population. But it is on the
|
||
ideological level that the real crisis is located with
|
||
the assertion of cultural and ethnic rights by
|
||
Travellers on the one hand and the total rejection of
|
||
the implications of these demands by much of settled
|
||
society.
|
||
|
||
Travellers' struggle for civil rights should be seen in
|
||
the context of all the major social and political
|
||
movements of the past fifty years and not as something
|
||
separate or peculiar to Ireland or to Irish Travellers.
|
||
Their struggles bear remarkable resemblance to those of
|
||
Native Americans and indigenous peoples throughout the
|
||
world.
|
||
|
||
These struggles have to be situated in a context of
|
||
racism, and the strategies devised must be equal to the
|
||
challenge of racism. The direct involvement of
|
||
Travellers themselves in determining specific
|
||
strategies and tactics is essential, both because
|
||
anarchists believe that all peoples should control the
|
||
decisions that effect them and because it is Travellers
|
||
who have to live with the consequences of such actions.
|
||
These consequences can include increased harassment and
|
||
attacks.
|
||
|
||
Travellers need the active support of progressive
|
||
forces such as the organised labour movement if they
|
||
are to succeed in their struggle. Links need to be
|
||
made with the struggles of working class people and
|
||
their communities on a range of issues which effect
|
||
them both. Travellers are often used by local and
|
||
national politicians as a scapegoat and a distraction
|
||
away from real demands about conditions in working
|
||
class communities.
|
||
|
||
This cynical strategy of deflecting working class anger
|
||
onto Travellers is unfortunately often successful as we
|
||
have seen in Tallaght, Blanchardstown and Navan in the
|
||
recent past. It needs to be challenged and exposed for
|
||
what it is - playing the racist card in local politics.
|
||
Traveller organisations need to take up the challenge
|
||
to engage in direct action strategies if real gains are
|
||
to be made.
|
||
|
||
The history of social movements such as the Black
|
||
movement, the Women's movement and the Gay movement
|
||
shows that serious gains will not be won by lobbying
|
||
alone. The Traveller movement is no different and
|
||
these lessons need to taken on board by groups working
|
||
for Travellers' rights. What is needed now is a strong
|
||
Traveller-directed, direct action campaign to seriously
|
||
challenge the racism at the root of all Travellers'
|
||
inequalities. The WSM is committed to such a campaign
|
||
and urges others committed to the basic principle of
|
||
"Traveller control over the decisions made in such a
|
||
campaign" to become involved in this struggle.
|
||
|
||
|