225 lines
9.8 KiB
Plaintext
225 lines
9.8 KiB
Plaintext
********** Kuwait & Iraq : After the Gulf War **********
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from Workers Solidarity No 34
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[1991?]
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It's a proud day for America and, by God, we kicked the
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Vietnam syndrome for once and for all" declared Bush.
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"In the hours after the ceasefire north of the
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Iraqi border, it was impossible to drive on the
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highway without running over parts of human
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bodies. I watched wild dogs feasting on Iraqi
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flesh and camera crews filmed all this. But
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scarcely a frame reached television viewers.
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Faced with the reality they supposedly craved,
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nearly all television editors decided that 'good
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taste' would restrict their reports now that
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government officials were no longer there to
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censor them. Having therefore offered viewers
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war without responsibility, television ended the
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Gulf conflict by giving them war without death."
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Robert Fisk, Irish Times, January 19th.
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The imperialists' victory over Iraq was no surprise given
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their massive technical and military capacity. What is
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more interesting is the ready help given them by the
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"free press". This article focuses on how the media
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provided a "licence to kill" in the Gulf.
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LET'S EXAMINE a few of the myths that were
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floating around in February 1991. Firstly was
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this a war aimed only at liberating a small
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independent country from a pitiless
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aggressor?
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A Kuwaiti "exile" told Maggie O'Kane in the Irish
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Times of the hardships they had endured due to the
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invasion, "In my normal life I would have servants to do
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everything in the house now I am ironing my own
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clothes and I have only one servant". "Before the
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invasion Kuwaiti citizens had the highest standard of
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living in the world and enjoyed free education, health
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care and social services. Sounds o.k. but only 15% of
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the workforce are citizens!
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The remaining 85% are "guest workers" and enjoy the
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most appalling conditions. Since the war ended 300,000
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of the 400,000 Palestinian guest workers have been
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expelled. Only 60,000 propertied Kuwaiti males have
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the vote - not that theres been an election in quite a
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while. The al-Sabah ruling family returned promising
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democracy and immediately began assassinating Kuwaiti
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opposition figures. Kuwait was and is little more then
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a rentier state. The Al-Sabahs were installed by
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Britain in 1961 and still depend totally on the
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imperialists.
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This doesn't justify Iraq's expansionism. Saddam,
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despite playing "the Palestinian card", was no sort of
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liberator. However the rush to "save" Kuwait while
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ignoring Israel's grabbings over the years shows clearly
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that the West "defends small nations" only when it
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suits their geo-political schemes.
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Secondly, was Saddam the new Hitler? Saddam
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Hussein is not a nice guy. In fact he's a pretty vicious
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nationalist dictator. He was responsible for the
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agonising death by (West German made) Cyanide and
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mustard gas of 5,000 Kurds at Halabja. He killed
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thousands of Shias during the uprisings in March and
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continues to rule Iraq with an iron fist.
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However, much as he might relish the thought, Saddam
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was not and certainly is not in the position of Adolf
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Hitler in 1939. Nazi Germany was the second most
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powerful industrial nation in the world, almost totally
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self-sufficient with it's own massive arms industry. Iraq
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is only self-sufficient in oil (which it can't fully process),
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dates and some vegetables and was almost $ 80 billion
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in debt at the start of the war. Despite the hype they
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were actually years away from producing nuclear
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weapons and had almost no native arms technology. Up
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to August Saddam relied totally on the major powers.
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Thirdly Iraqi forces in Kuwait were accused of being a
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gang of murderers. No war is ever "clean". In this war,
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as in all others, there were horrible atrocities on both
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sides. However given the balance of forces it comes as
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no surprise that the coalition forces were the ones that
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reaped the biggest harvest of death and destruction.
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Only 137 coalition troops were killed (many by "friendly
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fire") compared to at least 100,000 Iraqi troops. At
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least 200,000 Iraqi civilians died in the bombing or as a
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result of the starvation and disease that followed.
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While the press rabbited on about Western hostages,
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millions of workers from third world countries were not
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allowed to leave Saudi Arabia and other countries for
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the duration of the war. Only 1 in 10 Palestinians in
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the West Bank (were many of the Iraqi scuds
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eventually landed) had gas masks in case of chemical or
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biological attack.
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The Western media both "tabloid" and "quality" were
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prepared to exaggerate, lie, accept rumours or just
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publish any old rubbish that aided the war effort. We
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were told that babies in Kuwait city had been ripped
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out of incubators and left to die. Hospital officials
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dismissed these as absurd - they didn't have enough
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incubators to even hold the number supposedly ripped
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out.
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An icerink in the city was said to hold thousands of
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bodies - none were found. Up to 40,000 Kuwaitis were
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alleged to be held hostage - they weren't. Airmen who
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appeared in Iraqi TV were supposed to have been
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beaten black and blue by the Iraqis but sustained their
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injuries ejecting from their planes had high speeds.
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COLLATORAL DAMAGE
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The Iraqis couldn't, even if they wanted to, have come
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close to the imperialist tallies. The Iraqi army of young
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and mostly untrained recruits was annihilated in
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Kuwait. Iraq itself was bombed back into the stone-
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age. It wasn't so much a war as a turkey shoot.
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Between Kuwait and Basra a fleeing and deserting
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army in every conceivable vehicle was exterminated.
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They were attacked by British and American tanks and
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from the air with rocket and cluster bombs. Tens of
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thousands were wiped out and it didn't merit a
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headline in many papers. They called it "the mother of
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all easy target areas".
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A few journalists were revolted by what they saw.
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Some did not to a lesser or greater extent take part in
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the sanitised and censored coverage. They refused to
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be involved in the censored military press briefings or
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to be photographed in camouflage at the front "with
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our boys". One British group, Media Workers Against
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the War, had 800 people at their founding meeting.
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They produced their own "War Report" which
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contained much good factual reporting.
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Breaking the consensus carried its risks which tended
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to increase nearer the front. DJ Miles Patterson of
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Jazz FM in London played a few mildly anti-war tracks
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and was fired. Bob Fisk who tried to prevent Kuwaitis
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beating up Palestinians in Kuwait city was told by an
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American soldier "You have a big mouth, this is
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marshall law boy. Fuck off!" All things considered he
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probably got off fairly lightly.
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KURDISH WORKERS' COUNCILS
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One possible reason for the massacre between Kuwait
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city and Basra could have been the rebellious feelings
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of many of the fleeing conscripts. Though the West
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wanted rid of Saddam it would much prefer a palace
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coup within the Ba'athists then a popular uprising. It
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was possibly, also, for this reason that his elite imperial
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guards were left fairly intact. On the 29th of March
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one of the first tanks back into Basra destroyed a
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poster of Saddam. A generalised uprising soon gripped
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the area.
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The rising in the South was portrayed by the media as
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exclusively Shia Muslim in character. However this
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area of Iraq has always been strongly secular. Basra,
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Nasariah and Hilah were traditional center of the Iraqi
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Communist Party (effectively wiped out in the sixties).
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Had the rebellion lasted longer there might have been
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some appearance of socialist ideas on the agenda.
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In the North according to some sources1 quoting
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participants in the Kurdish uprising there may have
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been up to 100 'shoras' or workers councils. These were
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active in the fight against the Ba'athists. They also
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came into conflict with the nationalists of the Kurdish
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Front (KF) and the Stalinists of the 'March of
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Communism' (RAWT) group.
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The nationalist forces seem to have been extremely
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unpopular in some areas. One witness said that Jalai
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Talabani (who later signed a treaty with Saddam) was
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not let into the town of Sulaymaniyah. Massoud
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Barzani of the Kurdish Democratic Party had two body
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guards killed by the people of Chamcharni.
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Shoras called for self-determination, bread, work and
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freedom including freedom to strike, for a "shoras
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government", for womens' equality and that people
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should control their own economic and political destiny.
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It would appear that a revolution which began as a
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nationalist one was being taken further by workers
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fighting for a social revolution. According to one
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activist "a large part of the shoras movement didn't
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acknowledge the KF's social authority".
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Of course the KF have since brokered an agreement
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with Saddam which recognises his authority in return
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for an autonomous region. The lessons of the Gulf
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massacre and the Kurdish uprising seems to be that
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nationalists have no answers. Neither Saddam, Yasser
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Arafat, the KF or any bourgeois outfit have anything
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to offer workers fighting imperialism in the Gulf region.
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All nationalists eventually find themselves in
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collaboration with the imperialists and only step out of
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line to pursue their own interests (as in Saddam's case).
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The working class must assert it's interests. They must
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break with nationalism and boot out all the Emirs,
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Sheiks, petty dictators and imperialist stooges.
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Only in a revolutionary war against the imperialists
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and their own rulers can the really defeat imperialism
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as a force. Only through fighting for real socialism can
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they take revenge for the crimes of the imperialists.
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1 The Kurdish Uprising and Kurdistan's nationalist shopfront
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and it's negotiations with the Ba'athist/Fascist regime"
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BM Blob + BM Combustion London WC1N 3XX, and the Autumn
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1991 issue of "Wildcat".
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