669 lines
31 KiB
Plaintext
669 lines
31 KiB
Plaintext
3 articles
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2nd is 'Sex, Class & Womens oppression
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3rd is 'Equality for some women'
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*************** Why Women are Oppressed ***************
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from Workers Solidarity No 36
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WE ARE NOW eight years from the year 2,000.
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Approximately 14,000 years ago the first
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agricultural communities, and with them human
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civilisation, were founded. Humanity is 600
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generations old.
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We hold the position of 'most successful species' because
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unlike animals we have been able to modify our
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environment to suit our needs. To early humans nature
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was a powerful and frightening force, the bringer of
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plagues, storms and droughts. Nowadays we control our
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environment to such an extent that nature is no longer a
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demon spirit or an instrument of the wrath of god. In
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much of the world nature is way down on our list of
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worries, it is more likely to fear us. As the capability to
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control the world around us has increased from the first
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primitive farmers to the high-technology multinationals,
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the way we perceive the world around us has also
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changed. So has the way we perceive each other.
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One thing, however, that has remained constant
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throughout this time is that in the majority of societies
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half our species (women) has been held in an inferior
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position to the other half (men). Why is this the case?
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The answer to this question should explain two things.
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It should explain why today with all our equal rights
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legislation women are still second class citizens, and
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secondly it should indicate the mechanisms and tactics we
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have to use to achieve womens' liberation. If we know
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what the problem is, we can find a solution.
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CIVILISATION DAWNS
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Early humans were hunter/gatherers living in nomadic
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communities, living from hand to mouth. The discovery of
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agriculture lead to huge changes in the organisation of
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humanity. Agriculture was the point at which
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civilisation began. This is because there are a number of
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ways in which an agricultural community is different from
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a hunter/gatherer clan. Communities remain in the same
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spot. Agriculture can support more people than
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hunting/gathering so communities get larger. Farming
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leads to the development of new technology. New skills
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lead to a greater division of labour. Individuals specialise
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in certain types of work, be it tool making, leatherwork or
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defence.
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However the key difference is that farmed land becomes a
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valuable resource. Land provides a surplus, that is land
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provides more food than is necessary for day to day
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survival. More importantly, land will provide this
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resource in the future, for the next generation. None of
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this is true of the herd of wild animals persued by the
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hunter-gatherer. The concept of ownership developed.
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So civilisation began when man began to acquire wealth
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in the form of land, food and animals. If a rich man wants
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to ensure that his offspring alone inherit his wealth, he
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must be sure that his wife is only mating with him. Thus,
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he has to be in a position of control over her. He needs
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to portray this as part of the 'natural order'. To
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accommodate this need society, through the use of
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religion, developed a rationale to justify the inferior
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position of woman.
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GOD"S CHOSEN RULERS
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Rulers have always been good at rationalising unfair
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practices, take for example the idea of the 'divine right of
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kings'. Popular for centuries, the church and state
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argued that kings and queens were appointed by God.
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The status quo was natural and good, any opposition to it
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was evil and doomed to eternal hell. These days kings
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don't have much power, which is why not many people
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rush to describe Charles and Di as God's chosen rulers.
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In much the same way, it was necessary to have women
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inferior to men to ensure inheritance rights. In order to
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keep women in this position a whole mythology of women
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as second class humans was developed. It was the
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accumulation of a surplus and the desire of a minority to
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monopolise it that lead to the class division of society and
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to the oppression of women.
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Now we've established the motive and the cover story,
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but of what relevance is the status of women in early
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history to their status today. As capitalism evolved it
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built on the existing model of the family, adapting it to
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suit it's own interests. Assurance of inheritance rights
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isn't as necessary today, however the family provides
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other services which capitalism does require. Initially,
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when the industrial revolution first began men, women
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and children were drafted wholesale into the factories.
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DEATH IS NOT ALWAYS ECONOMIC
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Quickly, however, the bosses realised that this was not
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the most economic way to run the system. The labour
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force was weak and the children who were to be next
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generation of workers were dying in the mills and mines.
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The solution was was to be found in the family.
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Before the rise of capitalism society was based around a
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system of slaves/serfs and kings or lords. The problem
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with slaves or serfs is that the owner must provide food,
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basic health care and subsistence in old age, i.e. maintain
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the slave at a cost for those times when he or she is not
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productive. A much more cost efficient way to keep a
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workforce is through the nuclear family. In this scenario,
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it is up to the family to provide itself with food, shelter,
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healthcare, look after the elderly and young (who will
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provide the next crop of workers). Within this family unit
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it is normally the woman who fulfils the functions of
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housekeeper, nurse, childminder and cook.
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There are two knock-on effects of women staying at home
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minding the family. Firstly they are not financially
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independent. They do not earn any money and are
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dependant on income received from their partners.
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Because nobody gets paid for rearing a family it's status
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as an occupation is at the bottom of the ladder and
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because women are financially dependant on their
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husbands it means they, in the past, have had little input
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into the major decisions affecting the family.
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ISOLATION
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This led to women having no input into the decisions
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affecting society. A woman's place was in the home. A
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second effect of women's position in the family is that
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they are often isolated from each other and from society
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in general. Unlike a paid worker they have little
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opportunity of meeting and sharing experiences with
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others in the same situation on a daily basis, and do
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something about it. They, on their own, have little
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power to change the conditions they find themselves in.
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Today the family is a trap for women as much as it was for
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women at the beginning of the industrial revolution.
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Women are paid on average 2/3 of the wage that men are
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paid, so within any partnership it obviously makes more
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sense for the woman to undertake responsibility for the
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care of children. It is for this reason, common sense
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rather than sexism, that that the vast majority of part-
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time workers are women, juggling two jobs at the same
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time.
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Having said that, why is it that women are among the
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lower paid in society? Is it necessary for capitalism to
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exploit women workers to this degree? The simple answer
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to that is sometimes it is, sometimes it isn't. The only
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important difference between a male and female worker is
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that the female has the potential to get pregnant, that is
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the potential to want maternity leave and need creche
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facilities. In other words they are slightly more
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expensive to employ than men. So when women are
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asked (illegally!) at job interviews if they intend to
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marry, such discrimination has a material basis. An
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employer isn't interested on the good of society at large
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but in obtaining the cheapest most reliable workforce
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possible.
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DISPOSABLE WORKERS
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Historically women have been encouraged to work and
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have been accommodated when it suited capitalism.
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When there was either a shortage of male labour due to
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war as during the 1st and 2nd World Wars or an
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expansion of industry as in the dawn of the industrial
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revolution or the 1960s. When times are tough, when
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recession sets in, women are encouraged back into the
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family.
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The conclusion for most socialists is that women's'
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liberation can only be lastingly obtained with the
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overthrow of capitalism. This is not to say that reforms
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should not be fought for at the moment, but to recognise
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that some of the gains may be short-term ones which can
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be withdrawn.
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This conclusion isn't accepted by everyone concerned with
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womens' liberation, and certainly is rejected by large
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sections of the feminist movement. A good example of the
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alternative analysis can be seen in the following extract
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from the British Survey of Social Attitudes (a survey
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carried out regularly by an independent body).
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WHO MINDS THE CHILDREN
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It found that the provision of childcare was one of the
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impediments preventing women from working. Their
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conclusion was that "in the absence of changes in
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mens' attitudes, or working hours outside the home
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or in their contribution within the family it seems
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unlikely that even a greater availability of childcare
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outside the home would alter domestic arrangements
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greatly. Without these changes, it is conceivable that
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many useful forms of work flexibility - that might be
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offered to women such as job sharing, career breaks,
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special sick leave or term-time working - might
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reinforce rather than mitigate the formidable level
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of occupational segregation based on gender, to
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women's longer-term disadvantage."
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The authors of the survey note that as long as
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responsibility for childcare rests with the women they will
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remain trapped in the family. They also point out that
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concessions to women in the world of work often result in
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women being pidgeon-holed into less well paid job. This
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already happens in regard to part-time workers who are
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paid a lower hourly wage than full-time workers. They
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point out that men have to square up to their
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responsibility as fathers. The key they emphasise is a
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change in mens' attitudes.
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However what was not mentioned is that no matter how
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attitudes change, men are as powerless as individuals in
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regard to their working conditions as women are. With
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all the good will in the world they cannot change their
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employer/employee relationship, they cannot adjust their
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working hours to suit childcare just as women cannot. A
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more fundamental conclusion would be that society at the
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moment, capitalism, does not want to accommodate any of
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the problems of childcare preferring to leave it up to the
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individual to make their own arrangements as best as
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they can.
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CONTROL OF OUR BODIES
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It is for this reason that the issue of womens' ability to
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control their own fertility is key in obtaining womens'
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liberation. That is the fight for abortion rights, for freely
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available contraceptives, for 24 hour quality childcare.
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Women will remain as second class citizens as long as they
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are relegated to an inferior position in the work force.
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They are now in that position because to the bosses they
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are an unstable workforce, likely to want pregnancy
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leave, likely to come in late if a child is sick, likely to
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require a creche or want to work part time. It is because
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men in society are seen as the breadwinners that they
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have slightly more secure, slightly more dependable jobs.
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It's a vicious circle, because men are in reality better
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paid, it makes more sense within the family to assign the
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role of main earner to the male and the role of carer to
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the female. The only way to permanently get out out of
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this circle is to change the system. In a society organised
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to make profits for a few, women loose out. In a society
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organised to satisfy needs, womens' fertility would no
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longer be a limiting factor.
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INTO THE MAINSTREAM
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Women can of course win gains at the moment. In
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Ireland women are no longer forced to stop working upon
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marriage (though lack of childcare can make it impossible
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to continue). Attitudes have changed considerably in the
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last thirty years. Most importantly, the position of
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women is now an issue. Whereas before it was only
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addressed by the few socialist or womens' groups, now it's
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taken up in the mainstream media, in chat shows and
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newspaper articles. However, any of our new freedoms
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are very much dependant on the economic conditions of
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the day. So, while in the booming sixties American
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women won limited access to abortion, now in recession
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those rights are being pushed back inch by inch.
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When the reality is weighed up equal education & job
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opportunities and equal pay are limited without free 24
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hour nurseries and free contraception & abortion on
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demand. While a small minority of women can buy control
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of their own fertility, for the majority family and childcare
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is still - as it has always been - the largest problem faced
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by women workers. In this argument capitalism won't
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concede, it must be defeated.
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Aileen O'Carroll
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********** Sex, class & Womens oppression **********
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from Workers Solidarity No 36
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Lavinia Kerwick showed great bravery when
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she spoke out about being raped, thousands
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took to the streets in support of "X" last
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February. Violence and discrimination
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against women are still very real. But for the
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first time since the early 1980s large numbers
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of women want to fight back. Aileen O'Carroll
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looks at some of the issues that have arisen.
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Can women of all classes share a common
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goal? Should women organise separately? Is
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there a connection between fighting sexism and
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fighting capitalism?
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IT WAS NOT until the French Revolution in 1798, that
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it began to be accepted that all men are equal. Until
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then the concept was dismissed as irreligious and and
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against the 'natural order'. Many of the morals, rules
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and rights that society assumes as constant are
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actually quite fluid. It is only in the last few decades
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that the idea of equality has been extended to include
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women.
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Although women still hold a secondary status, the idea of
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women as second class citizens is beginning to lose ground.
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Changing attitudes in itself are not going to lead to womens'
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liberation (all men aren't in fact equal in today's society, though
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there is no longer strong ideological opposition to the idea of
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equality). However, the freeing of women from the chains of
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sexism empowers us to fight for womens' liberation.
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However having said all this, why is it that women aren't more
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active in politics, in community groups, in campaigning? What is
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it that is holding them back? Anarchists believe that the core
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problem facing women is class society. However overlying that
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core is a layer of sexist ideas. This ideology serves to reinforce
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and justify womens' inferior status. How does this operate?
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How does it manage to do this?
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It's easy today to underestimate the effects of the conditioning
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that takes place. Conditioning that tells us, that in the very
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first place we doesn't have any right to compete on an equal
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basis. There is ample proof that this occurs, for example the
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findings of a recent survey on secondary school children
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indicated that girls had a much lower self-image than boys of a
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comparable age. Recent studies in American classrooms showed
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that when girls answered out of turn they were more likely to
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be told off, while boys were likely to be praised for showing
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intelligence or initiative. Given this it was not surprising that
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in later classes girls rarely spoke unless specifically asked a
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question while boys often spoke out or chatted with the teacher.
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RAPE AND 'GUILT'
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Researchers into the area of sexual harassment have found that
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people have difficulty in knowing what type of behaviour
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amounts to harassment. Women feel unsure as to what are
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their rights are, unsure as to how much hassle they are
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expected by society to put up with. In a recent interview a
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representative of Dublin Rape Crisis Centre indicated that in
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her experiences all the women she saw felt guilt in some way,
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right down to an old age pensioner raped in her own home.
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Indeed, this is hardly surprising given the type of reporting of
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trials such as the Kennedy rape trial this year.
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One in three of crimes against women arise from domestic
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violence. Yet these problems are given low priority. Rape Crisis
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Centres are constantly under threat of closure due to lack of
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funding. In the first four months of 1990, the Gardai received
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1,568 calls for help in domestic violence situations (and all the
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experts accept that only a small number of such crimes are ever
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reported). The Womens' Aid refuges, run by volunteers, have
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only 16% of the space that is needed.
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Workers in a Dublin refuge reported that between four and
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seven families are turned away on average, while approximately
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another 60 women phone seeking advice each week. Our low
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status in society is reflected not only by the level of violence
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against us, but by the complete disregard that is shown for the
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problem by the government and society at large.
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A CURFEW ON WOMEN
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Though most rapes are committed by somebody known by the
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woman (92% of Irish rape victims knew their attackers), police
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propaganda is still aimed at frightening women into maintaining
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a self-imposed curfew at night. Even though the statistics
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indicate she is probably in more danger at home! We are forced
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to leave limited lives. We don't have freedom of movement even
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within our own communities. We are denied control over our
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own bodies. Worse of all, we are told how to look and how to
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behave.
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Women are constantly given cues that they are in some way
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inferior. This conditioning is a symptom of the position of
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women in society, not the cause but a symptom with far reaching
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affects. We learn what is the norm through what is seen as
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acceptable behaviour in the world around us. The media, be it
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TV, film industry or pop music occupy a very vocal and dominant
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position. Next time you watch MTV or go to the cinema try and
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count how many times you see women portrayed as individuals
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in their own right, rather than as appendages. You won't need
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more fingers to count on than you have on your own two hands.
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Most womens' magazines are still concerned with beauty, fashion
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and home making. Articles about working women are almost
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exclusively aimed at professionals and executives. They don't
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reflect the the reality that most women experience. Company
|
||
magazine (June 1991) asks "Are you scared of success? Career
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success can be dazzling and very exciting, yet it can go hand in
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hand with tremendous fear". The article argues that if we just
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didn't keep holding ourselves back, we could make it in the
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career world. The truth for most of us is that it is lack of
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childcare and job opportunities determines our position as low
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paid workers, not our lack of confidence.
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GLOBAL FORUM OF EGOISTS AND BOSSES
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Unfortunately much of the womens' movement does exactly the
|
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same thing. Dublin recently hosted the 1992 Global Forum of
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Women. At <20>180 a head the forum was dedicated to "visions of
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leadership". Those attending were all "political, artistic &
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scientific leaders or prominent in the international leadership of
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the womens' movement". The brochure advertising the
|
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conference proclaimed "the president of Nicaragua is a women".
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So what! So is the Queen of England and Margaret Thatcher. I
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don't see things being much better for our 'sisters' over the
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water or for those in Nicaragua. The election of Mary Robinson
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didn't make any noticeable difference for the 'sisters' at home
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either.
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The conclusion of the conference, the message they are sending
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to the low paid, the part-time workers and the unemployed is
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that what is needed is 40% representation of women at all
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levels. Overwhelmingly, the message to us was to get up on our
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bikes, to seize the opportunities, that the only thing stopping us
|
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was ourselves. Class didn't come into it.
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|
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A gap exists between what women are meant to be like and what
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we are, between what we are supposed to achieve and what it is
|
||
possible for us to achieve. Failure on our part to live up to an
|
||
ideal is attributed to some fault within us, rather than to the
|
||
type of society we live in. It is for these reasons that women
|
||
often find it more difficult to speak in public. We are often are
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less confident because by standing up we are reacting against a
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conditioning that tells us we should sit down.
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ORGANISING SEPARATELY?
|
||
|
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Women are constantly conditioned to believe that we do not
|
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have a right to an opinion, to be politically active, to speak out.
|
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Sometimes the first step against this conditioning is to organise
|
||
separately from men. Partly this is because it is felt that men
|
||
being more confident and more self-assured tend to dominate
|
||
discussions. Or even more simply some women feel that when
|
||
men are present they are more likely to take a silent role and
|
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leave the arguing up to them.
|
||
|
||
Under these conditions women organising together is an
|
||
exercise in empowerment. It's a positive response to the
|
||
conditioning of society. It's role should be to make it possible for
|
||
women to participate as equals with men. It should be seen as
|
||
a temporary but necesary step, not as an end in itself.
|
||
|
||
However problems arise when this is taken further and when
|
||
women begin to campaign separately. This identifies men as the
|
||
root of the problem, which they aren't. It also isolates men from
|
||
the struggle, when it is obvious that in order to change society
|
||
we must work alongside them.
|
||
|
||
Within many Unions and the British Labour Party there exist
|
||
women only conferences. A problem with this is that womens'
|
||
issues are often referred to these conferences as a as a way of
|
||
avoiding the issues and forgetting about them. Rape is a
|
||
womens' issue - refer it to the womens' conference,
|
||
contraception is a womens' issue - refer it to the womens'
|
||
conference, etc.
|
||
|
||
In these instances men are rarely confronted with these issues,
|
||
rarely have to deal with them and are let off the hook.
|
||
Therefore while we defend the right of women to meet
|
||
separately we also think it vital in any organisation, in any
|
||
campaign, that women present their arguments to the entire
|
||
body of people and win those arguments and fight as a whole.
|
||
Tactically, this is the only way to widen and then win the fight
|
||
for womens' liberation.
|
||
|
||
Things are better for us today. A lot of the institutionalised
|
||
oppression, such as marriage bars and property laws has been
|
||
removed. Often equal pay legislation and quota systems have
|
||
been put in their place. Yet while things may have changed on
|
||
paper, we are still left with class society. As long as this
|
||
remains, the majority of us will not have equal access to the
|
||
workplace or much else. As long as we are denyed economic
|
||
equality, society will continue making up morals and invent so
|
||
called 'natural laws', as a way of justifying it's treatment of us.
|
||
By tackling the symptom, sexism in society, we will be in a
|
||
better position to tackle the root cause. By tackling capitalism
|
||
we will be fighting for womens' liberation.
|
||
|
||
Aileen O'Carroll
|
||
|
||
************* Equality for some Women ***************
|
||
from Workers Solidarity No35
|
||
|
||
|
||
LAST SEPTEMBER the Bank of Ireland was, according
|
||
to the 'Irish Times', 'basking in an unadulterated glow
|
||
of approval' from the Employment Equality Agency, the
|
||
Council of Status for Women and the Joint Oireachteas
|
||
Committee on Womens Rights among others. What the
|
||
Bank of Ireland had so progressively managed to do was
|
||
to provide one creche which will cater for up to 45
|
||
children.
|
||
|
||
The Bank of Ireland employs 11,600 people. However, at <20>55
|
||
a week the centre is obviously aimed at helping only a very
|
||
small section of the workforce. As Bertie Ahern said, it did
|
||
not make sense having highly and expensively qualified
|
||
women leaving the workforce because of lack of childcare
|
||
facilities. However, it does make sense, to industry, to
|
||
employ over 50% of the entire workforce having either low
|
||
pay or no security of employment (or both).
|
||
|
||
It isn't sexism that holds us in the worse paid jobs but rather
|
||
the economic reality of the capitalism system. To survive in
|
||
the market place any company has to be competitive, to
|
||
maximise profits. With wages accounting for 80% of the
|
||
outgoings in most business, employing the cheapest labour
|
||
makes good sense. In todays society, creches and child-care
|
||
are a luxury that the profit motive can rarely afford. To
|
||
women who accept this system, the provision of expensive
|
||
inadequate child care is a victory, while the plight of ordinary
|
||
women workers isn't worth mentioning.
|
||
|
||
But there is a general feeling that we are now living in a
|
||
post-feminist world. Women may not be quite equal to men,
|
||
but the principle of equality has been widely accepted and
|
||
liberation is only a matter of waiting. We are allowed to vote,
|
||
to drink in pubs and to work outside marriage. Our right to
|
||
an equal education system and an equal workplace is
|
||
enshrined in law. We have a women president.
|
||
|
||
In Ireland there is now a wide acceptance that women have
|
||
the right to participate in society on an equal basis with men.
|
||
However, despite this change in hearts and minds, life on the
|
||
ground for most women today, is quite similar to those of forty
|
||
years ago. Though we may not, in general, have the same
|
||
sexist morality to put up with; economically we are still
|
||
second class citizens.
|
||
|
||
For the majority of us, our right to choose the way of life we
|
||
wish to lead is as limited as it has always been. Rather than
|
||
being liberated, we are still tied, by virtue of our poor wage
|
||
earning abilities, to the home and family. A study recently
|
||
published in Fortune magazine indicated that the leading
|
||
occupations for women in 1990 weren't so different from the
|
||
top jobs for 1940 (see table). The average hourly earnings of
|
||
woman are still 68% of those of men. In hard cash terms, men
|
||
earn on average, <20>1.83 more per hour than women do.
|
||
|
||
Fortune Magazine Table
|
||
1990 1940
|
||
1. Secretary 1. Servant
|
||
2. Cashier 2. Secretary
|
||
3. Bookkeeper 3. Teacher
|
||
4. Nurse 4. Clerical worker
|
||
5. Nursing aide 5. Sales worker
|
||
6. Teacher 6. Factory worker
|
||
7. Waitress 7. Bookkeeper
|
||
8. Sales Worker 8. Waitress
|
||
9. Child care 9. Housekeeper
|
||
10. Cook 10. Nurse
|
||
|
||
|
||
So, what are the problems facing women in the workforce?
|
||
The answer you'll get to that question, will depend very much
|
||
on who you are talking to. For the last six years, Social and
|
||
Community Planing Research, a non-profit making institute,
|
||
has been surveying British social attitudes to everything from
|
||
should revolutionaries be allowed to have public meetings
|
||
(only 48% said yes) to should the tax system be changed.
|
||
Looking at the recently published 1991 survey, it becomes
|
||
obvious that the key factor preventing women from working is
|
||
children; i.e. lack of nursery places, lack of creches at work
|
||
and "guilt at leaving the care of children to others".
|
||
|
||
It noted that while 51% of those surveyed would have
|
||
thought a work-place nursery suitable for the care of their
|
||
children, none of the sample surveyed had access to such a
|
||
service. Overwhelmingly, children were cared for by a close
|
||
relative.
|
||
|
||
On the other hand, the Financial Times, in a major article
|
||
on women managers cited the main problems for women going
|
||
into business as confidence, training and expertise, credibility
|
||
and networks. For women at these higher levels, childcare
|
||
provision is not a key problem, as they can afford to hire
|
||
other women to stay at home so they are freed to go out and
|
||
work. So when women managers seek to overcome sexism,
|
||
provision of free 24 hour childcare is not a priority. Women
|
||
may not be equal to men in today's society, but undoubtedly
|
||
some women are more equal than others.
|
||
|
||
It is certainly true that there are very few women managers,
|
||
however this is just a symptom of the general situation of
|
||
women as a whole, not a cause. The installation of women at
|
||
the top of a profession won't change the basic ground rules by
|
||
which society is run. Those women at the top may suffer
|
||
sexism from their colleagues. They may be ostracised from the
|
||
old boys network and may find it more difficult to succeed.
|
||
|
||
However, they also have an interest in seeing the system
|
||
continue. Their high incomes, standard of living and position
|
||
in society is dependant on them being on the top of the pile.
|
||
So while they may lobby on 'safe' issues that affect most
|
||
women, such as rape and domestic violence, when it comes to
|
||
issues that question the way society is run and thus threaten
|
||
their position, sisterhood quickly breaks down.
|
||
|
||
How many of the Irish women TD's, who support abortion
|
||
information are willing to publicly say so? On the one hand
|
||
they may be members of the womens movement while on the
|
||
other protecting their seat is more important. Mary Robinson
|
||
may be a women, but she didn't show much sisterhood or
|
||
solidarity when she signed into law the new social welfare
|
||
regulations on cohabiting couples. This provision limits
|
||
couples to 80% of the benefit that two single people receive
|
||
Normally the women is the partner who receives the lower
|
||
income.
|
||
|
||
Women will remain as second class citizens as long as they are
|
||
relegated to an inferior position in the work force. They are
|
||
now in that position because to the bosses they are an
|
||
unstable workforce, likely to want pregnancy leave, likely to
|
||
come in late if a child is sick, likely to require a creche or
|
||
want to work part time. It is because men in society are seen
|
||
as the breadwinner that they have more secure, more
|
||
dependable jobs.
|
||
|
||
It's a vicious circle, because men are in reality better paid, it
|
||
makes more sense within the family to assign the role of main
|
||
earner to the male and housework to the female. The only
|
||
way to permanently get out out of the circle is to change the
|
||
system. In a society run for profit women loose out, in a
|
||
society run for need, womens fertility is no longer a limiting
|
||
factor.
|
||
|
||
Women can of course win gains at the moment. In Ireland
|
||
women are no longer forced to stop working on marriage,
|
||
though lack of child care can make it impossible to continue.
|
||
Attitudes have changed considerably in the last thirty years.
|
||
Most importantly, the position of women is now an issue.
|
||
|
||
Where as before it was only addressed by the few socialist or
|
||
womens groups, now it's taken up by the mainstream media,
|
||
by chat shows and newspaper articles. However, any of our
|
||
new freedoms are very much dependant on the economic
|
||
conditions of the day. So, while in the affluent 1960's British
|
||
women won limited access to abortion (used by thousands of
|
||
Irish women), now in recession those rights are being pushed
|
||
back inch by inch.
|
||
|
||
When you come down to basics equal education and job
|
||
opportunities and equal pay amount to little without free 24
|
||
hour nurseries and free contraception and abortion on
|
||
demand. While a small minority of women can buy control of
|
||
their own fertility, for the majority, family and child care is
|
||
still as it has always been the largest problem faced by women
|
||
workers.
|
||
|
||
And as a small finishing thought, under capitalism most
|
||
managers are paid a hell of a lot more than most workers.
|
||
That's a situation women mangers won't want to change.
|
||
After all, Margaret Thatcher was the ultimate woman
|
||
manager, wasn't she?
|
||
|
||
Aileen O'Carroll
|
||
|