244 lines
15 KiB
Plaintext
244 lines
15 KiB
Plaintext
ANARCHA-FEMINISM * by Flick Ruby
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For too long anarchist feminists have been labeled as the ladies auxiliary
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of male bomb throwers. The misconception and manipulation of both
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feminists and anarchist principles and practice have resulted in the use of
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sensationalist and ridiculing tactics by the state and its spokespeople.
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This has not only polarised the general populace from potentially
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liberation concepts but has also polarised anarchist from feminists. In
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the past and more so recently there has been a uniting of these beliefs and
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Peggy Korneggers article; 'Anarchism; the Feminist Connection' goes so far
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as to say that the two genres of thought are inextricable tied although the
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connection has not been consiously articulated by feminists very often.
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Kornegger agrues that feminism "emphasis on the small group as a basic
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organisational unit, on the personal and political, on anti-
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authoritarianism and on spontanious direct action was essentially
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anarchism. I believe that this puts women in a unique position of being
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the bearers of a subsurface anarchist consiousness which if articulated and
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concretised can take us further than any previous group toward the
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achievement of total revolution.
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While anarchism has provided a frameword for the transformation required,
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for far too long even this revolutionary ideology has been largely male
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identified; male articulated, male targeted and male exclusive in both its
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language and participation. It has therefore been unfortunately lacking in
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vital analysis especially with regard to the psychological and physical
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realities of oppression experienced by the majority of the human
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population: women. As Emma Goldman said of the Spanish Revolution of 1936
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"Despite the impressive rhetoric, most frequently male anarchists retreated
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to cultural orthodoxy in the personal relationships with women ...The vast
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majority of Spanish comrades continued to expect their own "companions" to
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provide the emotionally supportive and submissive relationships "necessary"
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for the activism of the males". Anarchism has often duplicated the very
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concpts of power it sought to obliterate . One of the basic tenants of
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anarchist feminsm is that we are not prisoners of the past -
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The past leads us if we force it to
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Otherwise it contains us,
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In its asylum with not gate
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We make history or it makes us"
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As anarchist feminist we are not asking men to attone for the sins of the
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forefathers, we are asking them to take responsibility for the masculinity
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of the future, we are not asking women to be perpetually aware of their
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opression but to emerge from it. Mostly we are not locating conflict with
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certain people rather than the kind of behaviour that takes place between
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them.
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Anarchist feminism addresses these notions of power, attempts to criticise,
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envision and plan. Everything is involved in the question. However it is
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from a consious understanding of the lessons of the past that presses us
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into the future, however angry or embarrased. While it is not my intention
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to analyse in depth the traditions of anarchism and feminism, discussion
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of their union in the past and the barriers to this union may help to
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inform both genres as I see them as both phenomenas of urgent relevance.
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Definitions of both anarchism and feminism are totally anathma as "freedom
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is not something to be decreed and protected by laws or states. It is
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something you shape for yourself and share however both have insisted "on
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spontenaiety, on theoretical flexibility, on simplicity of living, on love
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and anger as complementary and necessary compoents of society as well as
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individual action." Anarchist feminist see the state as an insitution of
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patriarchy, and seek to find a way out of the alienation of the
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contemporary world and the impersonal narture of the state and its rituals
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of economic, physical and psychological violence.
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The word anarchist comes from archon meaning a ruler and the addition of
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the prefix "an" meaning "without" creates the terms for concieving not of
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chaos not disorganisation, but of a situtaion in which there is
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emancipation from authority. Ironically what consititutes anarchism is not
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goal orientated post revolutionary bliss but is a set or organisational
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principles which may redress the current obstacles to freedom. As Carlo
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Pisacane, an Italian anarchist wrote "The propaganda of the idea is a
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chimera. Ideas result from deeds, not the later from the former, and the
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people will not be free when they are educated, but educated when they are
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free."
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Most of the focus of anarchist discussion has been "around the governmental
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source of most of societies troubles and the viable alternative forms of
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voluntary organisation possible", but has paid little attention to the
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manifestations of the state in our intimate relationships nor with the
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invidivual psychological thought processes which affect our every
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relationship while living under the tyranny of a power-over ideology. The
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above quote came from George Woodcocks anthology called The Anarchist
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Reader who should be forever embarrased for citing only one woman briefly
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(Emma Goldman in the role of critic of the Russian Revolution). The quote
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continues "and by further definition, the anarchist is the man who sets out
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to create a society without government."
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Exactly.
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How is it that revolutionary libertarian fervour can exist so harmoniously
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with machismo? It is far too easy in this instance to say that "It is hard
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to locate our tormentor. It's so pervasive, so familiar, We have known it
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all our lives. It is our culture." because although it is true the
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essences of liberty so illustrously espoused by these people have not
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extended their definition of freedom to ther sisters. Why not?? It is
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often a problem of language used by idealists in their use of the term man
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as generic, but what is also clear in so much of the rhetoric is that the
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envisioned 'proletariat' is the male worker, the revolutionary is a person
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entering into the struggle that is the seeking of a "legitimating"
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expression of 'masculinity' in the political forum staked out by the
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dominant male paradigm. Feminists are suspicious of logic and its rituals
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and the auidence addressed by a ritual language, with reason. Consider the
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folloving examples and if you are not a woman try to imagine the conflict
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created by such wonderful ideas that deliberately and needlessly exclude
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you from relevance or existance.
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"Our animal needs, it is well known, consist in food, clothing and shelter.
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If justice means anything, nothing can be more unjust than that any man
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lack them. But justice doesn't stop there."
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"the objection which anarchists have always sustained to fixed and
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authoritarian forms of organisation does not mean that they deny
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organisation as such. The anarchist is not an individualist in the extreme
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sense of the word. He believes passionately in individual freedom, but he
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also recognises that such freedom can only be safeguarded by a willingness
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to co-operate by the reality of community"
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"An integral part of the collective existance, man feels his dignity at the
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same time in himself and in others, and thus carries in his heart the
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principle of morality superiour to himslef. This principle does not come
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to him from outside, it is secreted within him, it is immanent. It
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consititues his essence, the essence of society itself. It is the form of
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the human spirit, a form which takes shape and grows towards perfection
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only by the relationship that everyday gives birth to social life. Justice
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in other works, exists in us like love, like notions of beauty of utility
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of truth, like all our powers and faculties."
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"Chomsky argues that the basis of Humbolt's social and political thought is
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his vision "of the end of man"...the highest and most harmonious develpment
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of his powers to a complete and consistent whole. Freedom is the first and
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indispensable conditions which the posasibility of such a development
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presupposes."
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And as if bearing witness to the sucesses of the socialisaion process,
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women too use this language as Voltairie de Clayre said "And when modern
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revolution has thus been carried to the heart of the whole world if it ever
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shall be, as I hope it will - then may we hope to see a ressurection of
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that proud spirit of our fathers which put the simple dignity of Man above
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the gauds of wealth and class and held that to be an American was greater
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than to be a king. In that day there shall be neither kings nor Americans
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- only men, over the whole earth MEN."
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Well save me from tommorrow! Sometimes you have to edit your reading with
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so many (sic) (sic) (sick's) it renders the text unreadable. And so to
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what extent than has revolutionary ideology created and spoken to women
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when the language, the focus and the freedom offered is so often clearly
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for men? The fact is that women have only so very recently acquired access
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to education and also do not often have the opportunity for political
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involvement, consider both the physical and psychological barriers. There
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have always been a womans voice in political forums and feminism builds
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upon these tradition, theories and courage to create a body of thought that
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specifically addresses womens empowerment.
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As Robin Morgan points out in her book The Demon Lover, the left have been
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dominated asnd led by a male system of violence which has created with
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reactionary punctuality its "opposite" (duplicate) of action theory and
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language. She argues that in the search for "legitimacy" that male
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revolutionaries adopt the forums and language of violence and domination
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that continue to oppress women but that because these fourms are seeminsly
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the sole route for political transgression; that women are enticed and
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engaged in the struggle that while purporting to be revolutionary it is
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revolutionary on male terms and will use and betray her. So often feminist
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have been abused by and asked by male revolutionaries to make ther claim
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and focus subsurvient to "the wider struggle". From the women
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Abolitionists jeered at when they gave a feminist understaning of the
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problems of male drunkeness and its devestating effects on women, to the
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suffragists accused of diverting attention from the war effort, to Zetkin,
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Luxumbourg and Goldman all suffering the eye roll and brutality of both the
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state that is and the state that would be. We see Alexandra Kollontai the
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only women involved in the Russian cabinet after the 1917 Revolution being
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exiled to Norway after all her references to the necessity of a feminist
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component to revolution were edited and diluted. We are asked to stop
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pursuing our cause and start defending it but to argue for the validity of
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our cause that would imply we wanted "in". Even recently a once respected
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friend said that "The womens meeting is on now, the real meeting will state
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in half and hour." When questioned he added "the full meeting". The
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fullness of the lack filling penile participation I supposed, lubricated
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and made ready, as always in isolation. Ah but how can one quibble about
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the sloppiness of language when it serves our purposes so well. Thankyou
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Mirabeau for the following "Every party has its criminals and fools because
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every party has its men."
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Entering into political circles with men is an exercise in the risk of
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compromising and being obedient to this attitude or in confronting it.
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Ridicule is the worst, tokenism is little better and so gloriously rare and
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acute is our joy when the issues are taken seriously that we could be
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mistaken for groaning clapping seals unless we are already cringingly
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braced in anticipation of the backlash of men genuinely perplexed but
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inarticulate except in the socialised male response; defensiveness. But
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there must be some way in which to address the political nature of our
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polarisiaion as sexes in political forums which involve men. There must be
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some way to point to the coercive power structures that display a hidden
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elite, invariable of men but also of women. I believe like Peggy Krogger
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that feminism could be the connection that links anarchism to the future,
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both add to eachothers struggle not to seize but to abolish power, but both
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go further than the socialists and assert that people are not free becuse
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they are surviving, or even economically comfortable. They are only free
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when they have power over their own lives. Anaerchist feminist say that
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the goal is not to fabricate the new and artificial social forms but to
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find ways or articulating people so that out of their groupings, the
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insitutions appropriate to a free society might evolve."
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Socialist organisations are popular with a lot of people who are flocking
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to these groups because it is felt that one must be involved with a
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revolutionary group,. Indeed. But their gender blind hierarchical
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bludgenoning from the poduim organisations have a typical style of
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interpreting feminist concerns and concrete grievances as irrelevant to or
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symptomatic of the larger struggle. "They appeal to the women to suspend
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their cause temporarily which inevitable leads to a dismissal of women's
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issues as tangential, reducing them to subsidiary categories."
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Anarcha-feminist have said that often the "definitive body of theory which
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is so often the comforting cushion for male reclining, such theoretical
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over articulation gives one the illusion of responding to a critical
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situaion, without ever really coming to grips with ones perception of it.
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With capitalism and patriarchy so safely reduced to an explination, we
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distance ourselves from the problem and the necessity to immediately
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interact with it or respond to other people." So often revolutionaries
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deal with concepts and not people.
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But while as anarcha-feminists we object to much of the politics of
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socialist (as a friend of mine says "After your revolution we'll still be
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us, but you'll be them, ) we also argue that liberation needs to happen in
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small afinity groups so that people are not blugeoned into opinions and can
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build up the personal relationshiop of trust that facilitates the grieving,
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the sharing and the exorcisms of the psyhological though processes and
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experiences that brought them to their politics.. This is often a sanity
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compromising process or do we actually become sane through that difficult
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time when we realise that the personal is political.
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"Those of us who have learnt to survive by dominating others, as well as
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those of us who have learned to survive by accepting domination need to
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socialise ourselves into being strong without playing dominance submission
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games, into controlling what happens to us without controlling others."
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"To this end anarchism must start with a solid feminist consiousness and
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practise it or it is doomed to just as much internal contradiction and
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failure as anarchists traditionally foresaw for hierarchical Marxism."
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