1021 lines
57 KiB
Plaintext
1021 lines
57 KiB
Plaintext
FREEDOM AND NECESSITY IN NATURE
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A Problem in Ecological Ethics
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One of the most entrenched ideas in western thought is the notion
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that nature is a harsh realm of necessity, a domain of unrelenting
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lawfulness and compulsion. From this underlying view, two extreme
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either/or attitudes have emerged. Either humanity must yield with a
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religious, a more recently, "ecological" humility to the dicta of
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"natural lawt and take its abject place side by side with the lowly
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ants on which it "arrogantly" treads or it must "conquer" nature with
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its technological and rational astuteness-an enterprise, I may add,
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that may very well entail the subjugation of human by human in a
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shared project to ultimately "liberate" all of humanity from the
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compulsion of "natural necessity."
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This quasi-religious quietism, typified by certain schools of
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"antihumanism" and sociobiology, and the more conventional
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activism, typified by the liberal and Marxian image of an omniscient
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humanity cast defiantly in a Promethean posture, often
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interpenetrate each other with quixotic results. Modern science
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unwittingly takes on an ethical mantle of its own-despite all its
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claims of value-free "objectivity"-when it commits itself to a
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concept of nature as comprehensible, as "orderly" in the sense that
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nature's "laws" are causally unyielding and hence necessitarian.
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The Greeks viewed this orderly structure of the natural world as
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evidence of an inherently rational nature, of the existence of nous or
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logos, that produced a subjective, if not spiritual, presence in
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natural phenomena as a whole. Yet with only a minimal shift in
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emphasis, this very same notion of an "orderly" nature can also yield
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the dismal conclusion that "freedom is the recognition of necessity"
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(to use Frederick Engels' rephrasing in Anti-Duhring of Hegel's
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definition). In this latter case, freedom is subtly turned into its
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opposite: the mere consciousness of what we can or cannot do.
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Such an internalized view of freedom, subject to the higher dicta of
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"Spirit" (Hegel) or "History" (Marx), not only served Luther in his
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break with the Church's hierarchy; it provided an ideological
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justification for Stalin's worst excesses in the name of "dialectical
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materialism" and his brutal industrialization of Russia under the
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aegis of society's "natural laws of development." It may also yield a
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forthright Skinnerian notion of an overly determined world in which
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human behaviour is reducible to mere responses to external or
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internal stimuli.
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Leaving these extremes aside, western conventional wisdom still
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sees nature as a "realm of necessity"-morally, as well as
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materially-which constitutes a challenge to humanity's survival and
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well-being. Despite the considerable intellectual heritage which
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embraces both dystopian thinkers like Hobbes and utopian ones like
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Marx, the very self-definition of major disciplines embodies this
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tension, indeed, this conflict.
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Economics has been forged in the crucible of a Snecessitarian," even
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a "stingy"nature that opposes its "scarce resources" to humanity's
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"unlimited needs." Sociology has been guided by the need to explain
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the emergence of arational man" from "brute animality," a project
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that still awaits its fulfilment in a rational society that presumably
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will succeed a mindless natural world from which contemporary
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Sirrationalities" are said to emerge.' Psychology, certainly in its
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psychoananlytic forms, and pedagogy stress the importance of
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controlling human "internal nature" with the bonus that the
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sublimination of individual energy will find its expression in the
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subjugation of external nature.
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Theories of work, society, behaviour, even sexuality, turn around an
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image of a necessitarian nature that must in some sense be
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manipulated to serve human ends-presumably on the old theory that
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what is human is "rational" per se and what is natural is "irrational"
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in that it lacks any elements of choice and freedom. Nor has nature
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philosophy been less tainted by this necessitarian image. Indeed,
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more often than not, it has served as an ideological justification for
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a hierarchical society, modelled on a hierarchically structured
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"natural order."
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This image and its social implications, generally associated with
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Aristotle, still lives in our midst as a cosmic justification for
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domination in general-in its more noxious cases, for racial and
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sexual discrimination, and in its most nightmarish form, for the
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outright extermination of entire peoples. Raised to the level of a
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moral calling "man" emerges from this massive ideological
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apparatus as a being beyond nature, a creature in whom "Spirit" or
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'''God" has imparted a supranatural quality of a transcendental kind
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and mission to govern an ordered universe that has its inception in a
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supernatural world.
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OVERCOMING DUALISM
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To overcome the problem of the conflict between necessity and
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freedom-basically, between nature and society-we must go beyond
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the building of bridges between the two, such as we find in value
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systems that are based on purely utilitarian attitudes toward the
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natural world. The argument that our abuse of nature subverts the
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material conditions for our own survival, although surely true, is
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crassly instrumental. It assumes that our concern for nature rests
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on our self-interest, rather than on a feeling for the community of
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life of which we are part, albeit in a very unique and distinctive
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way.
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Given such an argument, our relationship with nature is neither
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better nor worse than the success with which we plunder the natural
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world without harming ourselves. This is a warrant for undermining
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the natural world provided we can find workable or adequate
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substitutes for existing life-forms and ecological relationships,
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however synthetic, simple, or mechanical they may be. Time has
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shown that it is precisely this view that has played a major role in
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the present ecological crisis a crisis that results not only from
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physical disruption but also from a serious derangement of our
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ethical and biotic sensibilities.
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In any case, bridge-building preserves a dualism that works with the
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nature/society split but presumably "reconciles" it structurally by
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merely "bridging" a gulf that accounts for the division between the
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natural and social worlds. This kind of mechanical thinking also
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gives rise to splits between body and mind, reality and thought,
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object and subject, country and town, and, ultimately, society and
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the individual. It is not far-fetched to say that the primary schism
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between nature and humanity, a schism that may well have its
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original source in the hierarchical subordination of women to men,
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has nourished splits of enormous scope in everyday life as well as in
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our theoretical sensibilities.
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To overcome these dualisms simply by reducing one element of the
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duality to the other is no less a serious fallacy. The universal anight
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in which all cows are black," to use He el's phrase in the
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Phenomenology of Spirit, purchases unity at the expense of the very
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real variety and qualitative differences that surround us and nourish
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creative thinking. Such reductionism yields a crude mechanistic
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spiritualism that is merely the counterpart of the prevailing
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mechanistic materialsm. In both cases, the need for a nuanced
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interpretation of complex phenomena that takes delicate
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distinctions and gradations into account in any explanation of
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development is sacrificed to a simplistic dualism that dismisses
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the need to emphasize the phases that enter into any process.
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Alternatively, it embraces an equally simplistic "oneness" that
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overrides the immense wealth of differentia to which the present
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biosphere is heir-the rich, fecund and interconnected constituents
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that make up our evolution and that are still preserved in nearly all
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existing phenomena.
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It is surprising that ecology, one of the most organic of our
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contemporary disciplines, is itself so lacking in organic ways of
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thinking. I refer to the need to inwardly derive differentia from each
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other, the full from the germinal, the more complex from the
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simpler-in short, to think biologically, not merely to "deduce"
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conclusions from hypotheses in typical mathematical fashion, or
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simply to tabulate and classify "facts." Whether as ecologists or
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accountants, we tend to share the same mode of reasoning so
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prevalent today, one that is largely analytical and classificatory
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rather than processual and developmental. Appropriate as analytical,
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classificatory and deductive modes of reasoning may be for
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disassembling or reassembling automobile engines or constructing
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buildings, they are woefully inadequate in ascertaining the phases
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that make up a process, each conceived in its own integrity, yet part
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of an ever-developing continuum.
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It is becoming a cliche to fault "separation" as the source of
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apartness in our highly fragmented world. We must see that every
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process is also a form of "alienation" in the very non-Marxist sense
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of differentiation in which the whole is seen as the richly varied
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fulfilment of its latent potentialities.2
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Underlying this distinction between alienation conceived as
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opposition on the one hand and self-expression or self-articulation
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on the other is an all-pervasive epistemology of rule that sorts
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difference as such (indeed, the "other" in all its forms) into an
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ensemble or pyramid of antagonistic relationships structured around
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obedience and command. The modern ethical procedure for
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assembling all phenomena into an "order of one to ten" and "benefits
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versus risks," each "summed up" by ascertaining a "bottom line" (the
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businesses here, is as delicious as the image of marriage, child-
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rearing, and education as "investment") testifies to a conception of
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variety not as unity, but as a problem of conflict. That the "other"
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can be seen as part of a whole, however differentiated in one degree
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or another, eludes the modern mind in a flux of experience that
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knows only division as conflict or dissolution.
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The real world is indeed divided antagonistically and herein lies its
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tainted character which must be remedied by struggle as well as
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reconciliation. But if the thrust of evolution has any meaning, it is
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that a continuum is precisely processual in that it is graded as well
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as united, a flow of derived phases as well as a shared development
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from the simpler to the more complex. The reality of conflict must
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never override the reality of differentiation as the long-range
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character of development in nature and society.
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PARTICIPATORY EVOLUTION
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What then, does it mean to speak of complexity, variety, and unity-
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in-diversity in the overall thrust of developmental processes?
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Ecologists have generally treated diversity as a source of ecological
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stability, an approach, I may add, that was still rather new some
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twenty-five years ago. Experiences in agriculture showed that the
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treatment of single crops by pesticides could easily reach alarming
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proportions and seemed to suggest that the more diversified a crop,
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the more plant and animal species interacted to produce natural
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checks on pest populations. Today, this notion, like the value of
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organic methods of agriculture, has become commonplace in
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present-day ecological and environmental thinking-a view which
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this writer pioneered together with a few rare colleagues like
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Charles S. Elton.
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But the notion that biotic-and, as we shall see, social evolution has
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been marked until recently by the development of ever more complex
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species and ecocommunities (or "ecosystems," to use a very
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unsatisfactory term) raises an even more challenging issue.
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Diversity maybe regarded as a source not only of greater
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ecocommunity stability, it may also be regarded in a very
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fundamental sense as an ever-expanding, albeit nascent, source of
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freedom within nature, a medium for objectively anchoring varying
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degrees of choice, self-directiveness, and participation by lifeforms
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in their own evolution. I wish to propose that the evolution of living
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beings is no passive process, the product of chance conjunctions
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between random genetic changes and "selective" environmental
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"forces," that the "origin of species" is no mere result of external
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influences that determine the "fitness" of a life-form to "survive" as
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a result of random factors in which life is merely an "object" of an
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indeterminable "selective" process.
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I wish to go beyond the increasingly popular notion that symbiosis is
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quite as important as "struggle" to contend that the increase in
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diversity in the biosphere opens increasingly new evolutionary
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pathways, indeed, alternative evolutionary directions in which
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species play an active role in their own survival and change.
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However rudimentary and nascent it may be, choice is not totally
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absent in biotic evolution. Indeed, it increases as individual animals
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become structurally, physiologically, and, above all, neurologically
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more complex. Mind has its own evolutionary history in the natural
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world and, as the neurological capability of life-forms to function
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more actively and flexibly increases, so too does life itself help
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create new evolutionary directions that lead to enhanced self-
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awareness and self-activity.
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Finally, choice becomes increasingly evident as the ecological
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contexts within which species evolve-the communities and
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interactions they form-themselves become more complex so that
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they open new avenues for evolution, a greater ability to act self-
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selectively, forming the bases for some kind of choice, fostering
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precisely those species that can participate in ever-greater degrees
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in their own evolution, basically in the direction of more complex
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life-forms. Indeed, species and the ecocommunities in which they
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interact to create more complex forms of evolutionary development
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are, in increasing degree, the very "forces" that are often treated as
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the external agents that account for evolution as a whole.
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I wish to propose that this view, which I call a "participatory
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evolution," is very much at odds with the prevalent Darwinian or
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neo-Darwinian syntheses in which a non-human life-forms are seen
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primarily as "objects" of selective forces exogenous to them. It is
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also at odds with ] Henri Bergson's "creative evolution" with its
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semi-mystical elan vital. Ecologists, no less than biologists, have
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yet to come to terms with the notion that symbiosis (not only
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"struggle") and participation (not only "competition") factor in the
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evolution of species. The prevalent view of nature still stresses the
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"cruelty" and "necessitarian" character of the natural world, a view
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that is as moral as it is physical in its overtones. An immense
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literature, no less artistic than scientific, stresses the "unseeing
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muteness" of a nature that bears no witness to the suffering of life
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and has no ears to the cry of pain in the "struggle for existence."
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"Cruel" nature in this imagery offers no solace for extinction-
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merely an all-embracing darkness of mean ingless motion to which
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humanity can only oppose the light of its culture and mind, in short,
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a stoic worldview that ethically expires in a sigh of resignation and
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loneliness.
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We may reasonably ask whether human will and freedom, at least as
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self-consciousness and self-reflection, have their own natural
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history in developments within nature | itself-or whether they are
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simply sui generis, a self aggrandizing rupture with the whole
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principle of development, such that will and freedom are so
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unprecedented and so self-contained in their uniqueness that they
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contradict our conception that all phenomena are emergent: that
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phenomena are graded from antecedent potentialities that lie behind
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and within every "product" of a processual kind. Such a claim to
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uniqueness is as self-serving as it is selfaggrandizing. It
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underwrites our claim to be justified in dealing with the natural
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world as we choose-indeed, in Marx's words in the Grundisse to
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regard it merely as "an object for mankind, purely a matter of
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utility. . ."
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The dim choices that animals exercise in their own evolution are not
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the will that human beings exhibit in their social lives. Nor is the
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nascent freedom conferred by natural complexity the same as the
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rational decisions that human beings bring to the service of their
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own development. Our prejudice against the concept of complicity
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between evolving life-forms and the environmental forces that
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"select" them has its pedigree in the Newtonian mechanism that still
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clings to evolutionary theory into our own time. The "inert" matter
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and mechanical operations, hypostasized by Newton and the
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Enlightenment thinkers have their counterpart in the contemporary
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image of all non-human life-forms as basically inert. All
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antiCartesian protestations to the contrary, non-human life-forms
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are still viewed as little more than machines. Structurally, we may
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fill them out with protoplasm, but operationally they are imparted
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with as little meaning as we impute to mechanical devices, a
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judgment that is not without its economic utility. Despite the
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monumental nature of his work, Darwin did not orgarlicize
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evolutionary theory. He conferred a sense of evolution on the "origin
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of species," but species in the minds of his acolytes still stood
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somewhere between inorganic machines and mechanically
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functioning organisms.
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No less significant are the empirical origins of Darwin's own work, a
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work that is deeply rooted in the Lockean atomism that nourished
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nineteenth-century British science as a whole. Allowing for a
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reasonable amount of shading and nuance that exists in all great
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books, The Origin of Species is an account of origins in a fairly
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isolated sense, notably, the way in which a species originates,
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evolves, adapts, survives, changes, or pays the penalty of extinction.
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Any one species can stand for the world of life as a whole in
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isolation from the life-forms that normally interact with it.
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Although predators depend upon their prey, to be sure, the strand
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from ancestor to descendant stands in lofty isolation such that early
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eohippus rises, step-by-step, from a plebeian dog-like estate to the
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aristocratic grandeur of a sleek race horse. This paleontological
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diagramming of bones from what were formerly "missing links" to
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the culminating beauty of Eguos caballus more closely resembles the
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adaptation of Robinson Crusoe from an English seafarer to a self-
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sufficient island dweller than the reality of a truly emerging being.
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This reality is contextual in an ecological sense. The modern horse
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did not evolve alone. It lived not only among its predators and prey
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but in creatively interactive relationships with a great variety of
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plants and animals. It evolved in ever-changing ecocommunities such
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that the "rise" of Equos caballus occurred conjointly with other
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herbivores that shared, maintained, and even played a major role in
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creating their grasslands. The string of bones that traces eohippus
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to Equus is really evidence of the succession of the ecocommunities
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in which the animal and its ancestor interacted with each other.
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One could more properly modify The Origin of Species to read as the
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evolution of ecocommunities as well as the evolution of species.3
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Indeed, to place the community in the foreground of evolution is not
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to deny the integrity of species, their capacity for variation, and
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their development. Quite to the contrary: species become vital
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participants in their own evolution active beings, not merely passive
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components which thus takes full account of their self-directive and
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nascent freedom in the natural process.
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Will and reason are not suigeneris. They have their origins in the
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growing choices conferred by complexity, the alternative pathways
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opened by the growth of complex ecocommunities, and the
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development of increasingly complex neurological systems-in short,
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processes that are both internal and external to life-forms. They
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appear germinally in the communities which life-forms establish as
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active agents in their own evolution, a view that cuts across the
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grain of conventional evolutionary theory in which non-human life-
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forms are seen as little more than passive objects of natural
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selection apart from their ability to produce random variations. Even
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genetic changes seem to occur in patterns that cohere into organs
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and organ systems whose capacity to serve biotic needs are hard to
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understand as products of mere chance events.
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Does this warrant the need to introduce an elan vital or a hidden
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hand that has entered into western thought as "Spirit," "God," or
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"Mind," a predetermining agent that presides over the development of
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life-forms? I think not even if only because the concept of such a
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hidden hand restores the very dualities that underpin hierarchy and
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the conception of all differentiation as conflict. We may well ask
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ourselves if we have ever understood life itself as a creative and co
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ative phenomenon when we see it as little more than a factor in
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production, a "natural resource," placed in the service of wealth
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rather than a reproductive process, promised in the very way life is
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constituted.
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Again, we encounter a western sensibility that is alien to
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processual thought, development, and its phases, an inability to see
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nature as a phenomenon whose basic organization challenges our
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mechanistic and analytic modes of thought. Dualism inheres in our
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mental operations so profoundly that the conative striving of life-
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forms toward freedom and self-awareness tends to slip into
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supernature rather than nature, reductionism rather than
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differentiation, succession rather than culmination.
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This much is clear: The way we position ourselves in our view of the
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natural world is deeply entangled with the way we view the social
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world. In large part, the former derives from the latter and serves,
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in turn, to reinforce social ideology. Every society extends its own
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perception of itself into nature, k whether as a tribal cosmos that is
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rooted in kinship
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communities, a feudal cosmos that originates in and; underpins a
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strict hierarchy of rights and duties, a bourgeois cosmos structured
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around a market society that fosters human rivalry and competition,
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or a corporate cosmos, diagrammed as flow charts, feedback
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systems, and hierarchies that mirror the operational systems of
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modern corporate society.
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That some of these images reveal an aspect of nature, whether as a
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community or a cybernetic flow of energy, does not justify the
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universal, almost imperialistic, claims that they stake out over the
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world as a whole. Ultimately, only a society that has come into its
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"truth," to use Theodor Adorno's term-an ecological society-can
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free us from the limits that oppressive and hierarchical societies
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impose on our understanding of nature.
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ECOLOGICAL ETHICS: AN OBJECTIVE GROUND
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Granting the limitations which every society in its own one-
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sidedness imposes on our thinking, herein lies an objective ground
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for an ethics, indeed, for formulating a vision of the "true society"
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that is neither hierarchical at one extreme nor relativistic at the
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other. I speak of an ethics that neither justifies atavistic appeals to
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"blood and soil" and modernistic appeals to "law" ("dialectical" or
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"scientific") on the one hand, nor the wayward consensus that
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justifies capital punishment during one year and confinement during
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another. Freedom becomes an end in itself-as se f-reflexivity, self-
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management, and, most excitingly, as a creative and active process
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that, with its ever-expanding horizon and growing wealth of
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diversity, resists the moral imperatives of a rigid definition and the
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jargon of temporally conditioned biases.4
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"Reverence" for nature, the mythologizing of the natural ;4 world,
|
|
and the so-called "biocentric" hypostasizing of the natural over the
|
|
human all degrade nature by denying the natural world its
|
|
universality as that which exists everywhere, free of all dualities
|
|
like "Spirit" and "God," indeed, a nature that encompasses the very
|
|
congregation of worshippers, idolators and "antihumanists" who
|
|
subtly deny their own specificity as part of nature.
|
|
|
|
A "revered" nature is a separated nature in the bad sense of the term.
|
|
Like the idols which human beings create from the depths of their
|
|
imagination and worship from afar with the mediation of priests and
|
|
gurus, and in temples with incantations and rituals, this separated
|
|
nature becomes reified, a contrived phenomenon that helps set the
|
|
natural world apart from the human during the very act of
|
|
genuflecting and voicing incantations before a mystified "it." Much
|
|
has been said about the alienation produced by work, anomie, fear,
|
|
and insecurity: but a nature reconstructed into forms apart from
|
|
itself, however "reverentially," is no less an alienated nature than
|
|
the Marxian image of nature as a "mere object of utility."
|
|
|
|
Herein lies the paradox of "biocentricity" and "antihumanism,"
|
|
indeed, any "centricity" toward nature: the 0 alienation and
|
|
reification of nature to a point where the "reverence" for the natural
|
|
world negates any existential respect for the diversity of life.
|
|
Preliterate peoples are no less locked into this paradox than their
|
|
so-called civilized cousins. Happily, they are simply incapable,
|
|
whether by inclination, r technical development or tradition, of
|
|
inflicting too much harm on the natural world, although they are not
|
|
immune to this charge as the extermination of so many great
|
|
mammals of the late Pleistocene seems to indicate.
|
|
|
|
What is perhaps more irksome than this overblown "biocentricity"
|
|
that denies humanity's real place in nature is the vision of a natural
|
|
world-overburdened by "reverence" and dissolved into a mystical
|
|
"oneness"-that preserves and even fosters the traditional split
|
|
between nature and society, the basic source in my view of
|
|
philosophy's theoretically elaborate separation of the concept from
|
|
the real world. One thinks, here, of the traditions created by Plato in
|
|
the ancient world and Kant in the modern.
|
|
|
|
A nature that is reverentially hypostasized is a nature that is set
|
|
apart from its own place in humanity in the very real sense that
|
|
human reason, too, is an expression of nature rendered self-
|
|
conscious, a nature that finds its voice in one of its own creations.
|
|
It is not only we who must have our own place in nature but nature
|
|
which must have its place in us in an ecological society and in an
|
|
ecological ethics based on humanity's catalytic role in natural
|
|
evolution.
|
|
|
|
Nor should we ignore the fact that the "reverence for nature," so
|
|
poetically cultivated by the Romantic tradition, has been warped by
|
|
"biocentrically" oriented "antihumanists" and acolytes of "natural
|
|
law" into the insidious image of a humanity that is "dominated by
|
|
nature"-the converse of the old liberal and Marxian image of a
|
|
nature "dominated" by man. In both cases, the theme of domination is
|
|
re-instated in ecological discourse. If liberal and Marxist theorists
|
|
prepared the ideological bases for "controlling" and plundering the
|
|
natural world, "antihumanists" and "natural law" devotees may be
|
|
preparing the ideological bases for controlling and plundering the
|
|
human spirit. Indeed some "natural law" acolytes have already
|
|
justified the use of authoritarian measures to control population
|
|
growth and to legitimate the forcible expulsion of urban dwellers
|
|
from large, congested cities as though a society that harnesses
|
|
human beings can be expected to leave the natural world intact.
|
|
|
|
A humanity that has been rendered oblivious to its own
|
|
responsibility to evolution-a responsibility that brings reason and
|
|
the human spirit to evolutionary development, diversity, and
|
|
ecological guidance such that the accidental, the hurtful and the
|
|
fortuitous in the natural world are diminished-is a humanity that
|
|
betrays its own evolutionary heritage." It surrenders its species-
|
|
distinctiveness and its uniqueness. It is grossly misleading to
|
|
invoke "biocentricity,n "natural law," and "antihumanism" for ends
|
|
that deny what is most distinctive in all human natural attributes.
|
|
|
|
I speak of humanity's ability to reason, to foresee, to will and to act
|
|
insightfully on behalf of directiveness within nature and enhance
|
|
nature's own development. It is also an insult to nature to separate
|
|
these subjective attributes from nature, to deal with them as though
|
|
they did not emerge out of evolutionary development and are not
|
|
implicitly part of nature in a deeper sense than the "law of fang and
|
|
claw" that we so flippantly impute to natural evolution as a
|
|
metaphor for the "cruelty" and "harshness" of that evolutionary
|
|
process. Nature, in short, is defamed in the very process of being
|
|
hypostasized over humanity at one extreme or subordinated to
|
|
humanity at the other. Here, the faulty reasoning based on
|
|
"deduction," so commonplace today in conventional logic, claims its
|
|
toll at the expense of an organismic form of reasoning based on
|
|
derivation, as rooted in a dialectical outlook.
|
|
|
|
Social ecology, by definition, takes on the responsibility of evoking,
|
|
elaborating, and giving an ethical content to the natural core of
|
|
society and humanity.5 The steady denaturing of humanity by
|
|
"biocentricity" in all its forms or by the reduction of human beings
|
|
to commodities is not a metaphor; it is compellingly real and in both
|
|
cases involves the denaturing of humanity into a mere object.
|
|
|
|
The commodification of humanity takes its most pernicious form in
|
|
the manipulation of the individual as a means of production and as a
|
|
means of consumption.
|
|
|
|
Here, human nature is either employed (in the literal sense l of the
|
|
term) as a technique in production or a technique in j consumption,
|
|
a mere device whose creative powers and authentic needs are
|
|
equally perverted into objectified phenomena. As a result, we have
|
|
today not only the "fetishization of commodities" (to use Marx's
|
|
famous formulation) but the fetishization of needs.6 Human beings
|
|
thus become separated from the natural world and from their own
|
|
nature in a real split that replaces the theoretical one attributed to
|
|
Descartes. In this sense, the claim that capitalism is a totally
|
|
"unnatural order" is only too accurate.
|
|
|
|
To recover human nature is to "renature" it, to restore its continuity
|
|
with the creative process of natural evolution, its freedom and
|
|
participation in that evolution conceived as a realm of incipient
|
|
freedom and as a participatory process. Here, it is freedom and
|
|
participation-not necessity and the hierarchical organization of
|
|
relationships-that must be emphasized, an emphasis that involves a
|
|
radical break with the conventional western image of nature.
|
|
|
|
SOCIAL ECOLOGY
|
|
|
|
Social ecology, in effect, stands at odds with the notion that culture
|
|
alone is the realm of freedom. Indeed, it tries to root the cultural in
|
|
the natural and to ascertain the gradations that unite them. To
|
|
identify society as such with the present society, to see in
|
|
capitalism an "emancipatory" movement precisely because it frees
|
|
us from nature is not only to ignore the roots of nature in society; it
|
|
is also an attempt to identify a perverted capitalist society with
|
|
"humanism" and thereby to give credence to certain atavistic trends
|
|
in ecological thinking that appear under the name of "antihumanism."
|
|
|
|
The power of social ecology lies in the association it establishes
|
|
between society and ecology, the social conceived as a fulfillment
|
|
of the latent dimension of freedom in nature, and the ecological
|
|
conceived as the organizing principle of social development-in
|
|
short, the guidelines for an ecological society.
|
|
|
|
The great divorce between nature and society-or between the
|
|
"biological" and the "cultural," as Europeans like to put it-is
|
|
overcome by shared concepts of development as such; increasing
|
|
diversity; the wider and more complete participation of all
|
|
components in a whole; ever more fecund potentialities that expand
|
|
the horizon of freedom, self-directiveness, and selfrerlexivity.
|
|
Society ceases to be sui generis. Like mind-which has its own
|
|
natural history in the evolution of the human nerve network from
|
|
simple invertebrates through ever-complex ganglia, the spinal cord,
|
|
"layered" brains and cortices (each functionally incorporating the
|
|
others such that they exist as a united apparatus in human beings as
|
|
well as neurologically less complex animals)-social life too,
|
|
emerges from the loosely banded animal community to form the
|
|
highly institutionalized human community.7
|
|
|
|
Ultimately, it is the institutionalization of the human community
|
|
that distinguishes society from the non-human community-whether
|
|
for the worse as in the case of weak, unfeeling tyrants like Nicholas
|
|
II or Louis XVI who were raised to commanding positions by
|
|
bureaucracies, armies, and social classes or, for the better, in forms
|
|
of self-governance and management that empower the people as a
|
|
whole. We see no such contrived institutional infrastructures in
|
|
non-human communities, although the rudiments of a social bond do
|
|
exist in the mother-offspring relationship and in common forms of
|
|
mutual aid.
|
|
|
|
The social bond that human parents create with the young as the
|
|
biocommunity phases into the social community is fundamental to
|
|
the emergence of society and it is retained in every society as an
|
|
active factor in the elaboration of history. It is not only that
|
|
prolonged human immaturity develops the lasting ties so necessary
|
|
for human interdependence, a fact which Robert Briffault so
|
|
forcefully pointed out in The Mothers. It is also that care, sharing,
|
|
participation, and complementarity develop this bond beyond the
|
|
material division of labour, which has received so much emphasis in
|
|
economic interpretations of social origins.
|
|
|
|
This social bond gives rise to a fascinating elaboration of the
|
|
tentative parent-offspring relationship: love, friendship,
|
|
responsibility, loyalty-not only to people but to ideals and beliefs,
|
|
and hence makes belief, commitment and civil communities possible.
|
|
|
|
It also gives rise to a constellation of functions each unique in its
|
|
creativity, often highly personalized, and richly developed into
|
|
different cultures based on gender, age, intercommunity
|
|
relationships, myths specific to women and men, even differences in
|
|
body language and behavioural traits.
|
|
|
|
I do not wish to reduce the cultural expression of these functions to
|
|
their biological sources. Rather, I wish to emphasize that the
|
|
sources do not disappear but work subtly within society, culture,
|
|
and even the human psyche as wellsprings of ever new elaborations
|
|
of social and personal association. In any case, to speak of "society"
|
|
without recognizing that men and women, to deal with one of the
|
|
most basic and ever-present divisions within humanity, have often
|
|
formed separate fraternities and sororities in preliterate and well
|
|
into historical societies is to ignore two sources of human
|
|
development which still require careful study as alternatives to the
|
|
present course of social evolution. The militarized, indeed, warrior
|
|
society in which we live was made by men; its culture, traceable
|
|
back for thousands of years, still works upon our civilization with a
|
|
vengeance that threatens the very existence of social life itself. To
|
|
go backward in time and in mind to its beginning is not atavistic.
|
|
The thorough exploration of its origins, development, and forms may
|
|
be indispensable for going forward in any rational and meaningful
|
|
sense of the term.
|
|
|
|
Social ecology, in short, challenges the image of an unmediated
|
|
natural evolution: the image of the human mind, society, and even
|
|
culture as suigeneris, of a non-human nature that is irretrievably
|
|
separated from human nature, and, ethically, of a defamed nature
|
|
that finds no expression in society, mind, and human will. It seeks to
|
|
throw a new, critical, and meaningful light on the phased, graded,
|
|
and cumulative development of nature into society, richly mediated
|
|
by the prolonged dependence of the human young on parental,
|
|
particularly maternal, care (a biological fact that is rich in social
|
|
and ethical implications), on the blood tie as the earliest social and
|
|
cultural bond that extends beyond immediate parental care (still
|
|
another biological fact of social importance that enters into clan
|
|
and tribal communities), on the so-called "sexual division of labour "
|
|
(no less biological in its origins than social in its elaborations into
|
|
gender-oriented cultures), and on age as the basis of status and the
|
|
origins of hierarchy (but no less a biological fact in its early
|
|
phases).
|
|
|
|
The historic effort, political as well as ideological, to rid us of this
|
|
prehuman "slime" of our natural origins has served only to make us
|
|
its unknowing victims in the sense that we have followed its most
|
|
necessitarian instead of libertarian paths of development: toward
|
|
the nascent elements of struggle that inhere in the prey-predator
|
|
relationship, toward the celebration of death in what E.E. Thompson
|
|
has called "exterminism" rather than its acceptance in the larger
|
|
cycle of life, toward a process of destructuring the elaborate
|
|
food-webs that are a metaphor for natural complexity rather than
|
|
their elaboration. Our civilization has turned into one vast hurricane
|
|
of destruction and threatens to turn back the evolutionary clock to a
|
|
simpler world where the survival of a viable human species will be
|
|
impossible.
|
|
|
|
With a growing knowledge of the need for care, fondling, and
|
|
attention that fosters healthy human consociation, with technical
|
|
disciplines that open the way for a creative Nmetabolism" between
|
|
humanity and nature, and with a host of new insights into the
|
|
presence of nature in so much of our own development toward
|
|
"civilization," can it be denied any longer that nature is still with
|
|
us-indeed, that it has returned to us ideologically as a challenge to
|
|
our exploitation of "natural resources" and our simplification of the
|
|
biosphere? That we can no longer speak meaningfully of a "new" or
|
|
"rational" society without also tailoring our social relationships and
|
|
institutions to the ecocommunities in which our social communities
|
|
are located? In short, that any viable future society must be an
|
|
ecological society, all its presumable "autonomous" cultural
|
|
artifacts and uniquely human achievements aside? It is myopic to
|
|
reduce nature to mere "slime" when, because of the very sensibility
|
|
that deals with the natural world as such, we are sinking into it
|
|
with a vengeance. The ecological principles that enter into bi tic
|
|
evolution do not disa pear from social evolution any more than the
|
|
natural history of mind can be dissovled into Kant's ahistorical
|
|
eplstemology. Quite the contrary: the societal and cultural can be
|
|
seen as ecologically derivative, as the men's houses and the women s
|
|
homes in tribal communities so clearly illustrate 8 The relationship
|
|
can also be seen as a cumulative one while still remaining highly
|
|
original and creative in its own right Perhaps most significantly,
|
|
the societal and the cultural can be seen as a clerivative-and
|
|
cumulative-in terms of a nature that is definable as a realm of
|
|
freedom and subjectivity, yet without ceasing to be the most
|
|
self-conscious and selfreflexive expression of that natural
|
|
development.
|
|
|
|
Herein lies the ground for an ecological ethics of freedom that
|
|
provides an objective directiveness to the human enterprise. We
|
|
have no need to degrade nature or society into a crude biologism at
|
|
one extreme or a crude dualism at the other. A diversity that
|
|
nurtures freedom, an interactivity that enhances participation, a
|
|
wholeness that fosters creativity, a community that strengthens
|
|
individuality, a growing subjectivity that yields reason-all are
|
|
desiderata that provide the ground for an objective ethics They are
|
|
also the real principles of any graded evolution, one that not only
|
|
renders that past explicable but also renders the future meaningful.
|
|
|
|
An ecological ethics of freedom cannot be divorced from a technics
|
|
that harmonizes our relationship with a nature-a creative, not
|
|
destructive, "metabolism" with nature. An ecotechnology is a moral
|
|
technology. There is a profoundly ethical dimension to the attempt
|
|
to bring soil, flora, and fauna (or what we neatly call the food chain)
|
|
into our lives, not only as "wholesome" sources of food but as part of
|
|
a broad movement in which consumption is no less a creative
|
|
process than production- originating in the soil and returning to it
|
|
in a richer form all the components that make up the food cycle.
|
|
Here, consumption goes beyond the pure economic domain of the
|
|
buyer-seller relationship, indeed, beyond the domain of mere
|
|
material sustenance, and enters into the ecological domain as a
|
|
mode of enhancing the fecundity of an ecocommunity. An ecological
|
|
technology-for consumption no less than production-serves to
|
|
increase natural complexity, not simplify it, as is the case with
|
|
modern technics.
|
|
|
|
By the same token, an ecological ethics cannot be divorced from a
|
|
politics of participation, a politics that fosters self-empowerment
|
|
rather than state empowerment. Such a politics must become a truly
|
|
peopled politics, organic in the sense that political participation is
|
|
literally protoplasmic and peopled by assemblies, face-to-face
|
|
discussion that is reinforced by the veracity of body language as
|
|
well as the reasoning process of discourse. The political ethics that
|
|
follows from this ground is meant to create a moral community, not
|
|
simply an "efficient" one; an ecological community, not simply a
|
|
contractual one; a social praxis that enhances diversity, not only a
|
|
political culture that invites the widest public participation.
|
|
|
|
Within this nexus of ideas, commitments, and sensi- tt bilities,
|
|
human freedom can be brought to the service of natural fecundity, a
|
|
participatory society to the service of complex and interactive
|
|
ecocommunities, creative people to the service of a more organic
|
|
community, and mind to the service of a more subjectivized nature.
|
|
To say that nature belongs in humanity just as humanity belongs in
|
|
nature is to express the need for a highly reciprocal relationship
|
|
between the two instead of one structured around subordination and
|
|
domination. Neither society nor nature dissolve into each other.
|
|
Rather, social ecology tries to recover the distinctive attributes of
|
|
both in a continuum that gives rise to a substantive ethics, wedding
|
|
the social to the ecological without denying the integrity of each.
|
|
|
|
ECOLOGICAL SOCIETY
|
|
|
|
Life must again be returned to Life-vividly, expressively, actively-
|
|
not by retreating into the passive animism of early humanity, much
|
|
less the inert matter of Newtonian mechanism. Society must recover
|
|
the plasticity of the organic in the sense that every dimension of
|
|
experience must be infused with the vitality of life and an
|
|
ecological sensibility. It makes all the difference in the world if we
|
|
cultivate food, for example, in order to maintain the soil as well as
|
|
our physical well-being. Inasmuch as agriculture is always a
|
|
culture, the difference in our methods and intentions is no less
|
|
cultural than the composition of a book on engineering. Yet in the
|
|
first case, our intentions are informed by an ecological sensibility;
|
|
in the second, by economic considerations at best and greed at
|
|
worst. So, tocX, in the production of objects. It makes all the
|
|
difference in the world if craftpersons work along the grain of the
|
|
materials on which they exercise their creative powers or warp the
|
|
materials in order to serve the ends of mass production. In these
|
|
examples, our choice is either an ecological or an economic one and
|
|
in both cases is profoundly influenced by social institutions. Hence
|
|
the inseparability of the social from the ecological. In the end, our
|
|
choice-that primal exercise of freedom-will be between an
|
|
ecocommunity or a market community, a society infused by life or a
|
|
society infused by gain.
|
|
|
|
It is enough to recognize that nature, conceived as a realm of
|
|
potential freedom, is basically part of that choice to demonstrate
|
|
that an ecological sensibility is always a social one and a social
|
|
view point is always, at least implicitly, an ecological one.
|
|
Whatever our choice may be, even the rejection of an ecological
|
|
viewpoint affirms its existence, and in the very act of rejection
|
|
will be expressed by the "revenge" nature will claim for being
|
|
factored out of social development.
|
|
|
|
Finally, the recognition that nature is a realm of potential freedom
|
|
that phases into society as a realm of authentic freedom raises an
|
|
important issue for theories about the emergence of society,
|
|
particularly from a feminist perspective.
|
|
|
|
Woman's domestic world has been dishonoured and dealt
|
|
with shabbily by man's civil world. From Aristotle's day to
|
|
fairly recent times the domestic world has been seen as little
|
|
more than a privatized domain of biological "necessity" that
|
|
exists exclusively to satisfy the male's "animal" needs for food,
|
|
shelter, reproduction, and physical renewal. The male's civil world,
|
|
in turn, has been traditionally counterposed to the female's domestic
|
|
world as the realm of culture, rational consociation, and freedom.
|
|
|
|
This duality has made it difficult to see woman's domestic sphere,
|
|
once the authentic centre of tribal society, as the cradle of society
|
|
itself, the all-important phase where the biological is transmuted
|
|
everyday into the social and the natural into the cultural-more by a
|
|
process of integration than by substitution. Here the duality between
|
|
biology and society or nature and culture is not only overcome: the
|
|
social and cultural worlds are literally formed out of the biological
|
|
needs for care and institutionalized consociation.
|
|
|
|
The graded continuum between nature and society is thus "filled out"
|
|
processually by the mediating domain of women's domestic world
|
|
and the mystery that produced society as the "leap" dispelled.
|
|
Anthropologically, woman's domestic world was the arena not only
|
|
for the socialization of the young into a permanent and organized
|
|
community in which the individual acquired his or her identity and
|
|
satisfied his or her emotional needs (needs that were formed and
|
|
enlarged by the domestic sphere); it was also home in the ecological
|
|
sense that men and women, young and old, formed as the environment
|
|
for their sense of place in the world and the ecocommunity in which
|
|
they lived.
|
|
|
|
I say "home" in the sense of a treasured place enhanced by tradition,
|
|
the imprint of the past, long-gone generations to which we still
|
|
belong, a personal remembrance of our origins and our individual
|
|
development, the palpable stuff from which we have formed our
|
|
biography, a loyalty to the land and community that surrounds it, a
|
|
dedication to the preservation of its uniqueness and meaning for us.
|
|
All of these sentiments have yet to be fully incorporated into the
|
|
splendid work of the bioregionalists, who call for a sense of
|
|
regionality in terms of watersheds and the flora and fauna with
|
|
which we share a given area.
|
|
|
|
Today, what we misname "home" is not a place, but a residence that
|
|
often is as transient as the cheap commodities that circulate
|
|
through our lives and like the jobs we tentatively occupy as rungs in
|
|
the climb up the corporate ladder. The traditional ecological home to
|
|
which I have alluded was largely created by woman-though not
|
|
without the oppressions and insults that man inflicted on her. There
|
|
she played the indispensable role of giving it life, continuity, and
|
|
care. If we are homeless, today, it is less because we have lost our
|
|
"openness" to "Being" as Heidegger might say, than because we have
|
|
degraded woman and home, reducing her to a "homemaker" and
|
|
reducing home to a plastic ranch-house in a santitized suburb.
|
|
|
|
The domestic world still remains the immediate source of
|
|
humanity's emergence from nature into society, indeed, the domain
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|
that includes both and phases them into an organic continuum
|
|
without losing the integrity of either one. The attempt of man's civil
|
|
society totally to subordinate the domestic world-to reduce it to
|
|
woman's "place in the kitchen"-violates not only the biosocial
|
|
medium for the individual's own phasing into society; it preserves
|
|
the Cartesian dualism that has been used not only to seek the
|
|
domination of nature but the domination of human by human-
|
|
particularly of woman by man.
|
|
|
|
In our own time, we are bearing witness to the total
|
|
commodification of the remnant domestic and civil worlds, to their
|
|
reduction to a common world of things in which a market economy
|
|
threatens to become a market society. No restoration of a domestic
|
|
or civil society is possible or even desirable. Rather, the future in
|
|
any rational sense depends upon the development of an ecological
|
|
society that will integrate the virtues of domestic and civil life in a
|
|
new, balanced, and moral social dispensation a social dispensation
|
|
that transcends both past and present.
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|
|
|
CONCLUSION
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|
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To know "the world we have lost," to use Peter Laslett's words, is to
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|
lay the ground for hope and social reconstruction, indeed, to
|
|
establish criteria drawn from the past that will provide us with the
|
|
coordinates for a harmonious future. The fecundity and potentiality
|
|
for freedom that variety and complexity bring to natural evolution,
|
|
indeed, that emerge from natural evolution, can also be said to apply
|
|
to social evolution and psychic development. The more diversified a
|
|
society and its psychic life, the more creative, and the greater the
|
|
opportunity for freedom it is likely to offer-not only in terms of
|
|
new choices that open up to human beings but also in terms of the
|
|
richer social background that diversity and complexity create. As in
|
|
natural evolution, so too in social evolution we must go beyond the
|
|
image that diversity and complexity yield greater stability-the
|
|
usual claim that ecologists make for the two-and emphasize that
|
|
they yield greater fi creativity and freedom.
|
|
|
|
The terrible tragedy of the present social era is not only that it is
|
|
polluting the environment but also that it is simplifying natural
|
|
ecocommunities, social relationships, and even the human psyche.
|
|
The pulverization of the natural world is being followed by the
|
|
pulverization of the social world and the psychological. In this
|
|
sense, the conversion of soil into sand in agriculture can be said, in
|
|
a metaphoric sense, to apply to society and to the human spirit. The
|
|
greatest danger we face apart from nuclear immolation is the
|
|
homogenization of the world by a market society and its
|
|
objectification of all human relationships and experiences.
|
|
|
|
If history is a bloody "slaughter bench," to use Hegel's phrase, it is
|
|
covered not only by the blood of "civilization's" innocent victims but
|
|
also by that of the angry men and women who have left us a legacy
|
|
of freedom. The legacy of freedom and the legacy of domination have
|
|
been mingled up to now i in a dialectic that mutually defined them
|
|
and affected the horizon of both a shared horizon in which freedom
|
|
and domination were mutually intermingled. If we are to rescue
|
|
ourselves from the homogenizing effects of a market society, it is
|
|
necessary that history, humanity's waning memory, be rescued from
|
|
this society's pollution and simplification of the past, a process
|
|
that has already gone very far in Marxism, liberalism and pop
|
|
culture.
|
|
|
|
More than at any time in the past, the two legacies must be
|
|
disengaged from each other and set in opposition to each other. The
|
|
loss of the legacy of freedom and the lessons it imparts to future
|
|
struggles for freedom will produce irreparable results-for we will
|
|
have lost not only our sense of natural development and the graded
|
|
evolution which gave rise to society. We will have become
|
|
completely immersed in a concept of the social that has no past
|
|
beyond the present and no future beyond the extrapolation of the
|
|
present into the years ahead. The idea that there can be fundamental
|
|
and qualitative change in the present era will have been lost in a
|
|
'Xnowness" that is eternal in every respect but its quantitative
|
|
expansion and contraction.
|
|
|
|
NOTES
|
|
|
|
1. Characteristically, one thinks of the pathetic argument advanced
|
|
in psychoanalysis of an inherent (read: "natural") dimension of the
|
|
human psyche that is guided solely by self-interest and the impulse
|
|
for immediate gratification which education and "civilization"
|
|
redirects toward creative ends.
|
|
|
|
2. Despite some recent nonsense to the effect that the "Frankfurt
|
|
School" reconnoitered a nonhierarchical and ecological view of
|
|
society's future, in no sense were its most able thinkers, notably
|
|
Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, resolutely critical of
|
|
hierarchy and domination. Rather, their views were clearly
|
|
pessimistic: reason and civilization, for be tter or worse, entail the
|
|
need by "uncompromising individuals [who] may have been in favour
|
|
of unity and cooperation...to build a strong hierarchy... The history of
|
|
the old religions and schools like that of the modern parties and
|
|
revolutions teaches us that the price for survival is practical
|
|
involvement, the transformation of ideas into domination./' Max
|
|
Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment (New
|
|
York, Herder & Herder, 1972. orginally published in 1944). pp 213,
|
|
215. The power of these thinkers lies in the problematical nature of
|
|
their work, not in the solutions they had to offer. Attempts to make
|
|
them into "social ecologists,/' much less precursors of
|
|
"bioregionalism/' and the like involve a gross misreading of their
|
|
ideas, or worse, an attempt to impute ideas to them without a
|
|
serious study of their works.
|
|
|
|
3. Darwin did not deny the role of animal interactivity in evolution,
|
|
particularly in the famous Chapter III of The Origin of Species,
|
|
where he suggests that "ever-increasing circles of complexity/'
|
|
check populations that, left uncontrolled, would reach pest
|
|
proportions. But he sees this as a /'Battle withinbattles [which]
|
|
must be continually recurring with varying success." (p.58)
|
|
|
|
Moreover, /'The dependency of one organic being on another"-is
|
|
secondary to the struggle "between individuals of the same species."
|
|
(p.60) Like most Victorians, Darwin had a strongly providential and
|
|
moral side to his character: awe may console ourselves,/' he tells
|
|
reassuringly, "that the war of nature is generally prompt, and that
|
|
the vigorous, the healthy, and the happy survive and multiply,/'
|
|
(p.62) Indeed: "How fleeting are the wishes and efforts of man! how
|
|
short his time! and consequently how poor will be his results,
|
|
compared with those accumulated by Nature's productions during
|
|
whole geological periods! Can we wonder, then, that Nature's
|
|
productions should be far 'truer' than man's productions: that they
|
|
should be infinitely better adapted to the most complex conditions
|
|
of life, and should plainly bear the stamp of a far higher
|
|
workmanship?/' (p.663 (Gtations from Modern Library Edition, New
|
|
York) These remarks do not make Darwin an ecologist, but are the
|
|
marvelous asides to a thesis that emphasizes variation, selection,
|
|
fitness, and above all, struggle. Yet one cannot help but be entranced
|
|
by a moral sensibility that would have been magnificently
|
|
responsive to the message of modern ecology and deserves none of
|
|
the onerous rubbish that has been imputed to the man because of
|
|
social Darwinism.
|
|
|
|
4. Hence freedom is no longer resolvable into a strident Hegelian
|
|
negativity or a trite instrumental positivity. Rather, in its
|
|
openendedness, it contains both and transcends them as a continuing
|
|
process. Freedom thus resists precise definition just as it resists
|
|
terminal finality. It is always becoming, hopefuRy surpassing what
|
|
it was in the past and developing into what it can be in the future.
|
|
Neither a Hegelian "Absolute/' nor identity philosophy has any
|
|
meaning in the realm of freedom, a realm that is not cor.strained by
|
|
any fixed boundaries apart from its respect for individual rights.
|
|
|
|
5. This project is not an abstraction. It is elaborated in considerable
|
|
detail in my book, The Ecology of Freedom (Montreal, Black Rose
|
|
Books, 1990) and should be carefully examined by the interested
|
|
reader.
|
|
|
|
6. Ibid., pp 6849.
|
|
|
|
7. The extent to which an ecological approach spares us some of the
|
|
worst absurdities of sociobiology and biological reductionism is
|
|
illustrated by the highly popularized notion that our deep-seated
|
|
"reptilian" brain is responsible for our aggressive, "brutish," and
|
|
cruel behavioural traits. This argument may make for good television
|
|
dramas like "Cosmos" but it is ridiculous science. Like all the great
|
|
animal groups, most Mesozoic reptiles were almost certainly gentle
|
|
herbivores, not carnivores-and even many of the carnivores were
|
|
probably neither more nor less aggressive, "brutish," or "cruel" than
|
|
mammals. The images we have of Tyranosaurus rex (the generic
|
|
name is a delicious example of sociological nonsense created by
|
|
taxonomists) may seem inordinately frightening, but they grossly
|
|
distort reptilian lifeforms on which the carnivore preyed. If
|
|
anything, the majority of Mesozoic reptiles were probably very
|
|
pacific and easily frightened, all the more because they were not
|
|
particularly intelligent vertebrates. What remains unacknowledged
|
|
in this imagery of fierce, fire-breathing, and "unfeelingly cruel"
|
|
reptiles is the implicit assumption of different psychic
|
|
sensibilities in reptiles and mammals, the latter presumably being
|
|
more "sensitive" and "understanding" than the former. Thus we are
|
|
talking about a psychic evolution in non-human beings that goes
|
|
together with the evolution of intelligence. Yet confronted with the
|
|
unstated premises of such evolutionary trends, few scientists would
|
|
find them comfortable.
|
|
|
|
8. The insidious nature of expressions like "woman's place in the
|
|
division of labour" is seen in the denial implicit in these terms of
|
|
woman's contribution to the making of human culture. When culture
|
|
and woman's development of it along sororal lines is reduced to
|
|
labour-or even, more "generously," to the economy-the whole
|
|
problematic of cultural development becomes safe and sanitized, not
|
|
to speak of liberalized and Marxified. We no longer have to concern
|
|
ourselves with the early role sororal cultures played in history, the
|
|
alternatives they opened to the emergence of a male-oriented
|
|
warrior "civilization,' the terrible role this civilization played in
|
|
history (natural as well as social), and the sensibilities it
|
|
introduced. "Woman's place in the division of labour" becomes merely
|
|
an economic problematic not a cultural and moral one. Hence it can
|
|
be comfortably resolved by raising women's incomes, managerial and
|
|
professional status, quotas in industry-by doing everything that
|
|
avoids recognizing woman as a reproducer of life rather than a
|
|
producer of commodities.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|