234 lines
13 KiB
Plaintext
234 lines
13 KiB
Plaintext
International Newsletter #1 - September 1994 (Updated Version)
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Stop The Murder Trial In Berlin!
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Freedom For Fatma, Abidin, Mehmet, Seyho, Carlo, Erkan and Bazdin!
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A call for a day of international solidarity activities on behalf of the 7
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imprisoned Kurdish and Turkish anti-fascists in Berlin, Germany.
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Supporters and relatives of the imprisoned seven antifascists and youths are
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concerned over the fact that the trial might take place behind closed doors.
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Apparently, the presiding judge, Mrs. Eschenhagen, is contemplating the
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exclusion of the public throughout the whole trial (see below).
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On September 20, 1994, one of the biggest trials against anti-fascists
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and politically organized immigrants since 1945 will start in Berlin. Four
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Turkish and Kurdish antifascists - Fatma, Abidin, Mehmet and Seyho, one German
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anti-fascist, Carlo, and two youths Erkan and Bazdin - are being charged with
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the alleged "premeditated collective murder and six attempted murders."
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What happened: In April 1992 a group of fascist cadres from offshoot
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organizations of the Republikaner Party, among them functionaries from the DL
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(Deutsche Liga fuer Volk und Heimat - German League for Folk and Nation, an
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organizational alliance between militant fascists, right-wing conservatives
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and representatives of the New Right) met in a Chinese restaurant in the
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Berlin neighbourhood of Neukolln. Neukolln is a neighbourhood with a high
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ratio of Turkish, Kurdish and other immigrant citizens. The fascists - among
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them the infamous lawyer Carsten Pagel - were discussing plans and financing
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for German fascist expansions in eastern Europe. By coincidence the meeting
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was discovered and a spontaneous mobilization to prevent the meeting took
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place. Outrage existed that in a climate of fascist and racist terror a group
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of nazi functionaries would meet in their neighbourhood. The meeting was
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attacked by a group of masked people in a spontaneous anti-fascist action.
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During the attack, one fascist Gerhard Kaindl, secretary of the DL, was
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severely hurt with a knife and subsequently died. Another fascist Thorsten
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Thaler (from the Hoffman-von Fallersleben Think Tank) was injured. Immediately
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after the incident, the police, state security forces and the media claimed
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that the perpetrators could only come from Turkish or Arabic circles - even
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though they were partially masked. A first wave of intense repression was set
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in motion. A special commission was established with 20 members. Houses of
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politically active antifascist Turkish and Kurdish persons were watched and
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raided. The main target of the repression became the Turkish-Kurdish
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organization "Antifascist Genclik" (Antifascist Youth). Antifascist Genclik
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had been partially successful in organizing Turkish and Kurdish youth gangs
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politically and claiming the right to anti-racist/anti-fascist self-defence
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for immigrants, refugees and other people of colour.
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From the start of the investigation, certain elements of the police
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force cooperated closely with the fascists from the DL. Already in October
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1992, a representative of the Hoffman-von Fallersleben-Think Tank admitted
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that he was handed a list of alleged perpetrators by the police during a
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witness interrogation. In June 1994, the DL announces in their newspaper that
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the names and addresses of the alleged perpetrators can be obtained from their
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office.
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Then, in November 1993, the 18 year old, Erkan, handed himself to the
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police, claiming that he participated in the attack on Kaindl, and that he
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would give testimony on the other participants. For two weeks Erkan was held
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by the police without any contact to lawyers. It was during that time, that
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Erkan made his statements against 10 other people. Shortly after a lawyer was
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able to visit him, he stopped cooperating with the police. To this day it is
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unclear what happened to Erkan during those first two weeks in police custody.
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Erkan has had a history of mental illness. His illness grew worse in prison;
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over New Years 93/94 he attempted suicide. He was then placed in a psychiatric
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prison ward and later on declared to be "unfit for prison" and temporarily
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released to a closed psychiatric treatment centre in Berlin.
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Due to Erkan's statements, the police arrested Fatma (22) and Mehmet
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(32). Two days after their arrests Abidin (34) handed himself over to the
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police. Two weeks later Bazdin (20) was arrested. Bazdin also cooperated with
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the police and gave statements against the other 10 accused. In July 1994,
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another Kurdish antifascist, Seyho, handed himself over to the police and in
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August 1994, the German antifascist Carlo also gave himself up to the police.
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Both of them have not given any testimony to the police. They are facing the
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same charges as the other five and will be put on trial with them. Beyond that
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the police are still searching for four more Kurdish, Turkish and German anti-
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fascists. During the arrests of Fatma and Mehmet, police threatened their
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relatives and friends. Especially for Fatma, the racist special treatment has
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continued in jail, where she was held in isolation for the first 3 months. In
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April 1994, the state prosecutor, Nielson, handed down the indictment. The
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indictment is based exclusively on the testimony of Erkan and Bazdin.
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The Trial
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Judge Eschenhagen has announced the beginning of the trial for September
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20th. The trial is scheduled to take at least until the end of 1994 and might
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take place in the high security wing of the courthouse (with glass cages in
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the courtroom for the accused, etc.) The five accused are facing a life
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sentence (up to 20 years in jail) and deportation to Turkey afterwards. At
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this point Judge Eschenghagen is contemplating the exclusion of the public
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from the courtroom throughout the whole trial. That would mean that no one
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would be able to enter the courtroom - except for the three judges, the state
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prosecutor, the seven imprisoned accused and their lawyers as well as the
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fascist witnesses. The media, any human rights activists and international
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observers as well as the relatives and supporters of the accused would be
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barred from observing the trial.
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In a trial,
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* where the state prosecution will rely heavily on the statements of the two
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crown witnesses Bazdin and Erkan,
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* where certain elements of the investigation forces, the Berlin police and
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the Secret Service, have cooperated with the DL,
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* where the charges could result in sentences up to life imprisonment and
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extradition to Turkey afterwards, the contemplations of the presiding judge,
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Mrs. Eschenhagen, are a cause of grave concern to the accused and their
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supporters and relatives.
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Fascist Terror And The State's Complicity
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Since 1990, fascists and racists have killed at least 75 people -
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immigrants, refugees, homeless, disabled and young anti-fascists - in Germany;
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thousands of attacks and firebombings have been aimed particularly at
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immigrants and refugees as well as against the small Jewish community. In
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1991/1992 i.e., the pogrom in Hoyerswerda took place. Mete Eksi, a Turkish
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youth was killed on the street by racists in Berlin. The situation was and has
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been escalated to a point where internationally known Jewish writer Ralf
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Giordano publicly called on all Jewish people and other victims of fascist
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terror to arm themselves, because they could not rely on the German state for
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protection.
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The media and the government have been and are fuelling a fascist
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ideology; the daily terror is being down-played and the victims are being
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blamed - by the colour of their skin or their nationality they are being
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turned into scapegoats. The government is using the fascists in order to
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create a climate of overboard nationalism and chauvinism. Similarly, elements
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of the governing parties openly support German revisionism and rewriting of
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history, questioning the borders to Poland again, for example.
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Despite the unabated wave of racist and fascist murders and terror the
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German government, state forces and media have declared so-called "organized
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crime by foreigners", immigrants, refugees, leftists and all others who stand
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up against racism and fascism to be the "inner enemy", threatening the order
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and security of the German state. In contrast the murders of immigrant women
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and children in Moelln or Solingen are being called "lost youth", "drunk at
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the time of their action" and the "losers of German reunification" and dealt
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with accordingly with mere slaps on their wrists.
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At this point all elements of the German state are acting in complicity
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with organized fascists:
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During the pogroms in Hoyerswerda, Rostock and Magdeburg, German police
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looked on while a racist mob chased people of colour in the streets or
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actively took sides with the fascists, by arresting refugees and immigrants
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who dared to defend themselves.
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Racism within the state security forces is fashionable and accepted:
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In Berlin and the state of Brandenburg, at least 15 Vietnamese citizens
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were systematically tortured in several police precincts - cigarettes were
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extinguished on their bodies, plastic bags were placed over their heads and
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they were threatened with death and rape. The Jewish community of Berlin has
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stated publicly that they do not feel protected against the growing wave of
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anti-semitic attacks by a police that often refuses to even record complaints.
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The German justice system has a fascist continuity and continues along
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theses lines: One of many examples is the case of former Waffen SS-Major-
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General Wilhelm Mohnke. Mohnke (82) was responsible for the deaths of hundreds
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of Allied prisoners of war and the defense of the Fuhrerbunker in 1945. Even
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though in 1994, British officials released further evidentiary material, the
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German state prosecutor has not wanted to open a case for the last 49 years.
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Meanwhile, a German court in 1992 sentenced the 76 year old anti-fascist
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Gerhard Bogelein to life in prison for having allegedly killed a former
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Wehrmacht judge in a Soviet prison camp in 1947 - despite the fact that no
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direct evidence existed. Gerhard Bogelein died in 1993 due to the consequences
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of his imprisonment.
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Berlin is just one example of a city where members of the government
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apparatus are closely cooperating with the organizations of the New Right. The
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latest scandal in a long line: Hans-Ulrich Bonfert, spokesperson for Christian
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Democrat Senator of the Interior Heckelmann, attended an open and internal
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strategy meeting with representatives of circles from the Republikaner party
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and the DL. The consequences have been mild: Bonfert has been placed in a
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different position inside the state apparatus. Senator Heckelmann, responsible
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for overseeing the police apparatus, i.e., also for the special police
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commission on Kaindl's death, the state security apparatus and the secret
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service, had to hand the secret service over to Berlin's Christian Democratic
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mayor.
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What Does This Trial Mean?
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The charges are sending a clear message: Do not dare to intervene
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against fascists and racists or you will be charged with murder or attempted
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murder.
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Any attempts by refugees and immigrants for political self-determination
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and autonomous organization is being threatened with criminalization - be it
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anti-fascist immigrant organizing or support for the Kurdish liberation
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struggle.
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The trial will take place during the "hot phase" of the national general
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elections. Already, the governing parties CDU/CSU and FDP are campaigning on
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"Law and Order" slogans and the demand for a strong state with severely
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limited civil rights, especially for immigrants and refugees as well as the
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left opposition. The trial is to serve as an example of that strategy.
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Remember:
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* This trial is the result of a campaign by state forces to criminalize mainly
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immigrant anti-fascists and their organizing for self-determination and self-
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defense in a country where racist and fascist terror is being openly supported
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by the state and where fascist killers are being dealt with as "apolitical
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youth.'
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* It is rather evident that certain elements of the police have cooperated
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with the fascists from the DL during the investigation of Kaindl's death.
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* The DL is not just one fascist organization among many, but a link between
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the parliamentarian wing of the fascist Right and the militant right-wing
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terror scene.
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* The indictment charges ten people with "premeditated collective murder and
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attempted murder." Thereby, no individual evidence has to be presented for the
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court to decare everyone who was present at the scene.
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* The indictment is based exclusively on the statements of two youths, and one
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of them has a history of mental illness.
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* The trial is one in a row of trials against active anti-fascists and it is
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being used to intimidate the whole anti-fascist movements as well as to split
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the movement along the lines of "militant self-defense versus trust in the
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state forces."
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Do Not Leave Fatma, Abidin, Mehmet, Seyho, Carlo, Erkan And Bazdin In The
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Hands Of The German "Justice" System!
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Protest At Your Local German Institution - Consulate, Embassy, Chamber Of
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Commerce, Goethe Institute, German Banks And Multinationals, Etc, On September
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19th!
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Write Letters Of Protest And Support To State Prosecutor Nielson
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Send Faxes (49-30-39792010) Of Solidarity On The First Day Of The Trial,
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September 20th To The Court!
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For more information and contact to friends and supporters of the 5 anti-
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fascists:
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Prozessbuero c/o
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International Solidarity Group
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Dieffenbachstrasse 33
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D-10967 Berlin
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Germany
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Telephone and Fax: ++49-30-694 93 54 or Fax ++49-30-786 99 84
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E-mail: PROZESSBUERO@LINK-B36.berlinet.in-berlin.de
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(Leave messages or call on monday from 14.00-20.00)
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