577 lines
32 KiB
Plaintext
577 lines
32 KiB
Plaintext
Anarchy: a journal of desire armed. #38, Fall 1993
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LETTERS part two
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MINDLESS SEXUAL TABOOS
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Dear Anarchy,
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Writing in the Winter 1993 issue, W.B. from Edgewood, IA. states,
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"Radicals need to take social construction seriously. Where there
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is social power, there are distortions that can hardly be undone by
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the individual, alone, no matter how strong and competent. And all
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of the above has bearing on child-adult sex. The selfish individual
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of individualist anarchy apparently can legitimize adult-child sex
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as a mutual (domination free) relationship irrespective of existing
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social consciousness: the way current mores contribute to guilt,
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lost esteem, etc....We all are continuously being socially
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distorted by the dominant consciousness. It prompts us to seek
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individual gain over others and nature. How can a child, suddenly
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cast into this adult arena of competitive self-seeking individuals
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and narrow moralism, still be expected to avoid serious injury?"
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W.B. raises a valid point in his letter. (I assume W.B. is a "he"
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due to his dogmatic, abstract style of argument.) All relationships
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do take place in a social context and this does have bearing on
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adult-child sex. A child may find a sexual relationship with an
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adult both pleasant and delightful, yet may be "consenting" to a
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risk s/he does not understand. She risks emotional trauma should
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she later encounter society's horrific view of the relationship. It
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is not obvious to young children that their loving relationship
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with an adult will suddenly become problematic for others when it
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begins to involve sexual pleasure. The hysterical response when
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such a relationship is discovered definitely causes harm to at
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least some children. Examples abound, including a couple of case
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histories cited in my article ("Positive Child-Adult Sex: The
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Evidence," Anarchy Summer, 1992). As W.B. wisely points out, these
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mindless sexual taboos hurt children. It would follow then, that
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such hurtful influences which threaten children engaged in
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otherwise harmless, pleasurable behaviors should be scrutinized,
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challenged, questioned. But apparently, this is where W.B. draws
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the line. He gives no indication that the "existing social
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consciousness" and "current mores" invoked in his argument can be
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changed, or indeed that they should be. By this omission, W.B.'s
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position accepts the moralism of the prevailing culture as a
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"given," a fixed, unchangeable constant to which everyone's desires
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and mutual behaviors must conform. Ultimately, this type of
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reasoning reduces to a circular argument. "Consensual child-adult
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sex should be taboo because it is harmful. Why is it harmful?
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Because it is taboo!" W.B.'s argument is a tautology.
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Where in W.B.'s view is there room for rebellion, for experi-
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mentation, for subjectivity? Where is there room for liberation of
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desire in general? I agree with W.B. that radicals need to take
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social construction seriously, but would add that radicals also
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need to take radicalism seriously. Otherwise, all of the subversive
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potential of relationships which cross sociological demarcations of
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power is lost. Writing in Daniel Tsang's anthology, The Age Taboo,
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lesbian feminist sex radical Pat Califia observes, "Our society is
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made up of class systems and runs on arbitrarily assigned
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privilege. Loving relationships are one way to cross barriers,
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forge alliances and redistribute power. Granted, they are no
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substitute for full-scale social change. But we cannot forego all
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intimacy until these iniquities are abolished. There is nothing
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wrong with a more privileged adult offering a young person money,
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privacy, freedom of movement, new ideas and sexual pleasure."
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Since whites hold most of the power in this society, W.B.'s
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analysis forbids all sex between blacks and whites due to inevita-
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ble "distortions that can hardly be undone by the individual
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alone." Since people with money have more power than people without
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it, equalitarian sexual relationships which cross class lines are
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also forbidden because "we all are continuously being socially
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distorted by the dominant consciousness." Since men have more
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political and economic power than women, every woman/man
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relationship is oppressive, according to W.B.'s theory, because of
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the societal construction of gender roles, and should be stamped
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out by "radicals" who "take social construction seriously." By the
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way, sexual activity between children of the same age also involves
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risk of "guilt, lost esteem, etc." if discovered. Thus, we can
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assume that W.B. works hard to prevent this kind of behavior as
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well.
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When not applied in an atmosphere of respect for individual
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freedom and subjectivity, social constructionist theories such as
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W.B.'s quickly collapse into defenses of the status quo. W.B.
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reduces living, breathing human beings to abstract social catego-
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ries ("adult," "child") and passes judgment on the validity of spe-
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cific people's specific relationships solely by examining the
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interplay of his abstractions. He writes as if no tender, equali-
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tarian relationship could ever exist between living, breathing,
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desiring, individuals who have the misfortune of being members of
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societal groups which, as groups, relate in hierarchical terms. A
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multitude of personal and social factors converge upon any
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relationship. How all of these factors interact is unique to each
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relationship. Hence, each relationship must be evaluated on its own
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merits or lack thereof. To treat relationships existing in unique
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circumstances between unique individuals as unique is not "selfish
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individualist anarchy." It is just pragmatic realism, that's all.
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There simply isn't any other way to find out what is really going
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on between two people except to find out. We need to listen to
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them, not lecture them from the outset about how their relationship
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must be oppressive because of the disparate sociological categories
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to which each of them belongs.
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W.B. asks rhetorically how a child engaged in a sexual rela-
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tionship with an adult can "be expected to avoid serious injury?"
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If W.B. believes he can prove all sexual contacts between adults
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and children injurious, then he is more than welcome to try where
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all others have failed. W.B. can begin by explaining away each and
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every one of the case histories cited in my article., as well as
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the many others where these came from. The research literature is
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so full of this type of evidence that mainstream child abuse
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professionals long ago gave up trying to prove all child adult sex
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harmful or negatively experienced by the child. Since the late '70s
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the prevailing doctrine is that such relationships should be viewed
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in moral rather than empirical terms. In other words, even when a
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relationship is admittedly harmless and mutually desired by both
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child and adult, they say it should be destroyed because it is
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"immoral." It is here, among the elite academics of the child abuse
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industry, that W.B. will find the "adult arena of competitive self-
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seeking individualism and narrow moralism" which he projects onto
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all child /adult erotic relationships. These mandarins of the
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psychiatry/social worker/police axis intervene to destroy
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relationships which they tacitly admit are harmless and consensual,
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and justify this by invoking a higher morality to excuse any
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subsequent emotional damage sustained by the child as a result of
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such intervention. Breaking up harmless, consensual relationships
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between adults and children is a form of child abuse, whether the
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ideological rationale stems from "morality" or from "social
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construction."
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X.M. from San Diego notes that male adults outnumber female adults
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in the case histories cited in the articles. She then concludes,
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without further evidence, that "male dominance/patriarchy" lies at
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the root of adult/child relationships. However, there is nothing
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intrinsically "male" about sexual response to children. As Pat
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Califia noted in her previously cited essay, "it is possible that
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more sex occurs between mothers and other women and children than
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between men and children. Women have more access to kids, and there
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are fewer taboos on women handling young people's bodies. Granted,
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given feminine conditioning, the women who have erotic contact with
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young people probably don't think of it as sex, but this is
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hypocrisy, not liberation." She adds, "Why is there no discussion
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of the frustrating and tragic situation of young girls who know
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they are lesbians in grade school, junior high school or high
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school?... Why are lesbians willing to cooperate with the patriar-
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chal conspiracy to silence the truth about the intensity and
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diversity of female sexuality? This attempt to define pedophilia as
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a male issue simply alienates and estranges women whose lesbian
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experiences include cross-generational contact."
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Women in feminist CR groups who attempt to share childhood
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memories of positive sexual experiences with women typically find
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themselves shouted down. Lesbian girl-lovers are deeply closeted
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due to the intolerant PC ideology of so many of their sisters. A
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recent setback to this ongoing battle to suppress all evidence of
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woman/child sexual desire has come in the form of the Special
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Women's Issue (#8) of Paidika: The Journal of Pedophilia (Postbus
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15463, 1001 ML Amsterdam, The Netherlands). The editorial board of
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this journal includes such notorious patriarchs as Dutch feminist
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writer and poet, Sjuul Deckwitz; University of Amsterdam Gay Stud-
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ies Lecturer, Gert Hekma; feminist political scientist and sex
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activist, Marjan Sax; and economist Jan Schuijer. The women's issue
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includes articles by Nora de Ronde, Gloria Wekker, Pat Califia,
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Marion De Ras, and Beth Kelly, and interviews with Gisela Bleitreu-
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Ehrenberg, Martha Vicinus, Kate Millet, and four other women who
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preferred to remain anonymous. This issue also includes "There Can
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Be No Emancipation of Women Without the Emancipation of Children:
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The Kanalratten Manifesto," written in 1989 by "The Canal Rats," an
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anarchist women's and children's commune in W. Germany. The opening
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words of their manifesto read, "We define female pedophilia as love
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between girls and adult women which is voluntary and includes
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sexual satisfaction; it is not a form of domination over other
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people since it is a form of life in which we have no need to
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dominate or possess children." Further on in this document, they
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state, "Almost all women who have tender and sexual feelings for
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children are afraid to pursue their wishes and needs and to respond
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to those of children, because these relationships are legally
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prosecuted and their social therapeutic nature is destroyed. The
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current campaigns which are supposedly directed against "sexual
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abuse" underscore the tightening of conventional morality, the
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suppression of our sexuality and the control of children."
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A couple of readers have speculated, without evidence, that the
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North American Man Boy Love Association (NAMBLA) might be a kiddie
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pimping operation, a child kidnapping ring, and so forth. There is
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no excuse for writing such scurrilous letters without taking the
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time to find out what kind of organization NAMBLA really is.
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NAMBLA can be reached at POB 174, Midtown Station, N.Y., NY.
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10018. Or if you prefer, give them a call at (212) 807-8578. If you
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forget this number, just look it up in the NYC phone book under
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"NAMBLA." Infiltrating NAMBLA is as easy as writing out a check for
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$25 and sending it to the above address. As one of NAMBLA's 1200+
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members, you will receive their monthly 32 page Bulletin, and will
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be entitled to attend local and annual meetings to see with your
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own eyes how much pornography, pimping, kidnapping, sexual slavery
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and rape NAMBLA coordinates: NONE! If you want to hobnob with the
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"inner circle" of NAMBLA, simply volunteer to do some work for the
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national office. The hard-core of activist burnouts who put out the
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Bulletin each month will be delighted to welcome a volunteer keen
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on sharing their workload. The FBI, Postal Inspection Service, NYC
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police, and other law enforcement agencies have been
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"investigating" NAMBLA since its inception in the 1970s, hoping to
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link it with something, anything, of an illegal nature. After all
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these years the cops have had no luck. NAMBLA is an above-ground,
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scrupulously legal, educational organization which, while not
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"anarchist," does take quite a few very libertarian positions on
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children's issues, most of them unrelated to sex. It does not
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deserve to be hounded in print by irresponsible so-called
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"radicals" who won't bother to learn before launching diatribes
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revealing only their own ignorance.
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Joel Featherstone
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c/o Uncommon Desires
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POB 2377
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New York, NY. 10185
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IN THE HOLE AGAIN
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Greetings!
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Let me begin with a statement made by Voltairine de Cleyre in the
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year 1909, "Free speech means nothing if it does not mean the
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freedom to say what others don't like to hear."
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I wrote a letter that appeared in the Anarchy magazine issue #35.
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Due to that letter I received a total of 188 days in the hole. I am
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in prison, I am writing this statement from the hole. The Security
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Director of this prison, Mr. Chris Ellerd, wrote me a "Major
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Conduct Report" for that letter in issue #35. The reason for the
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"Conduct Report" is because he claims I violated two rules by
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writing the letter, Rule #30325 "Disrespect," and Rule 3303271
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"Lying About Staff." The "Disrespect" charge is because I referred
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to Capt. Milliren and associates as "Pigs." The "Lying About Staff"
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charge is because Mr. Ellerd claims that I said "Captain Milliren
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and her pig associates influenced the Hearing Committee into giving
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me a 120 day hole sentence on a previous charge (having a tatoo
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gun, bong, etc.). This "Lying About Staff" charge was totally
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fabricated by Mr. Ellerd. I never said in the letter what he ac-
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cused me of saying. I did claim that Capt. Milliren and pig asso-
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ciates were retaliating against me which is totally true. To
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retaliate, according to the American Heritage Dictionary means "to
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return like for like." What that means to me is that if I do
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something that offends the morals of their pig laws then they will
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in return do something to me. Since my arrival at this prison in
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April '92 I have received numerous "conduct reports," had all my
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books, zines, letters, legal materials, etc. confiscated, had
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countless letters and magazines denied to me from the mailroom
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along with many books also, and have been threatened with more
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"conduct reports."
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The materials were confiscated because they dealt with the subject
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of anarchy. 3 of my past conduct reports were written on me because
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of my use of the anarchist symbol (the circled A). Capt. Milliren
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wrote 2 of them. In the first one Capt. Milliren blatantly lied in
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the report by saying the "Anarchy and its symbol are used by
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Satanists and white supremacists." This by an official who is
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supposed to be some kind of expert on symbols. In the second report
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I was accused of "Disobeying Orders" for refusing to stop using the
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anarchist symbol. The third report I received was by another
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officer who said that the circled A "is a gang symbol." These are
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only 3 examples of the conduct reports I have received and been
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found guilty of. A small example of the type of fascist mentality
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these pigs have.
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Capt. Milliren sent me a memo on Aug. 2, '92 while I was in the
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hole. She had confiscated all my anarchist literature and was told
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to return most of it. This is what the memo states: "A couple weeks
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ago I ordered literature pulled from your cell ...after several
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hours of inspection" (more like 3 weeks) " I am returning most of
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the material and will have you send out the remaining items that I
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feel fall under the laws of Wisconsin, the United States or the
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Dept. of Corrections." (A couple catalogs and a couple A.Y.F.
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papers.) "I also am writing to you to make it clear that the
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publication of letters which advocate starting or supporting
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`anarchists'' groups will be looked at as `group resistance.' These
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materials are not allowed. Conduct Reports will be issued for
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possession of these materials. Also, use of the anarchists' symbol
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(circled A) will also be looked at as `group resistance.'"
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That is why I stated I would have more days in the hole coming.
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When Capt. Milliren sends her threats of more conduct reports what
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else can I say but more days coming in the hole. If you don't call
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that retaliating what else can you call it?
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Mr. Ellerd took the letter out of context and twisted it into what
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he wanted. He is a sneaky, conniving pig. Just like most of his pig
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associates. He's had the nickname "Rooster" for years, probably
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because he looks like one, but inside he's 100% pig.
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The charge of "Disrespect" should also have been dismissed due to
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the fact that in the Wisconsin Administrative Code Rule Book it
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states: "Disrespect does not include all oral or written criticism
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of staff members, criticism of them expressed through the mail,
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thoughts and attitudes critical of them, or activity in therapy
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groups." So why was I still found guilty? Because the Hearing
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Committee that hears & prosecutes the conduct reports goes by their
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own rules and personal feelings, plus since Mr. Ellerd is the Se-
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curity Director he can't be lying or be wrong. So the Hearing
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Committee, since they are included as pig associates, find me
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guilty not because of facts, but because pigs will be pigs.
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There are a couple friends of mine here who are also being
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harassed and in the hole for similar offenses. Adrian Lomax is
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serving a 360 day hole sentence for an article he wrote in the
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Madison Edge zine about the prison system's corruption. He also
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just received another conduct report for the same thing which will
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probably get him another 360 in the hole.
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Also my friend Alex Rasmussen is in the hole for calling a pig a
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"pig" and Capt. Milliren has confiscated most of his anarchist
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literature. All of us have agreed upon and are in the process of
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filing lawsuits. What these pigs are doing is against our First
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Amendment Rights.
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The prison officials are obviously scared of having the prisoners
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speak out and expose the lies and corruption that they are guilty
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of. They try to oppress and suppress us by locking us in the hole,
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thinking this punishment will shut us up. It sure isn't very
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American or patriotic of them, is it? After all they are the ones
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always bragging and waving flags about how their blue blooded
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patriotic forefathers fought and died for our freedoms in this
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country. Freedom of the press freedom of speech, etc. Sounds like
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Chris Ellerd, Capt. Milliren and all their pig associates are the
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kind of people their forefathers fought against.
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I'm sure if any of these pigs see this letter I will receive an-
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other conduct report. But the hole ain't shutting me up. Fuck the
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pigs! Fuck the pig system! And I'll keep on fighting this whole pig
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nation.
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Feel free to write,
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Dale Austin #76660
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Box 900, R.C.I.
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Sturtevant, WI. 53177
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Letters of protest to the warden & security director at same ad-
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dress. And remember, "Free speech means nothing if it does not mean
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the freedom to say what others don't like to hear."
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RATIONAL DISCOURSE IS A TECHNOLOGY
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A friend recently introduced me to issue 35. I'd never read your
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magazine before; I thoroughly enjoy its wide range of content and
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opinion. Here's a sample of my content and opinion.
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I found an interesting thought a year or two ago in the corpor-
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atist/hegemonic pages of Toronto's Globe & Mail by Merlin Donald,
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who had written a book about "our cognitive evolution, that is,
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about how we came to acquire the distinct properties of mind that
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make humans human." In his newspaper article, he states:
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"During the past 35,000 years, we have moved from the Stone Age
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to the Electronic Age, from small tribal settlements to huge
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metropolises, and from living invisibly as just another terrestrial
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species to exerting an overwhelming dominance over the environment,
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threatening the survival of planet Earth...Our consciousness spans
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only a few seconds of time; we are easily distractible; our
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memories are distorted and often just plain wrong; and we seem able
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to solve only one small problem at a time...How can such limited
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minds split the atom, write novels, and run mega-corporations?
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"The answer is that we don't; that is, we don't really do these
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complex things entirely in our minds. We have gradually developed
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a way of circumventing our mental limitations; we have invented
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dozens of external memory devices...these devices include written
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scripts, graphs, models, and other symbols that have become the
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principle location of our thought operations."
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I find Donald's thesis quite illuminating, implying as it does
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that the difference between people today and people 35,000 years
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ago is not in brain capacity, it is in cultural carrying capacity.
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Culture is a vehicle carrying our shared ideas of what's what.
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North America's carrying capacity for cultural artifacts and
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symbols is far more accommodating than, say, Islamic culture's, or
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European Medieval culture's. Thanks to desktop publishing
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technology, and freedom of expression, people in North America can
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make choices concerning the content of their own consciousnesses.
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For instance, my consciousness largely excludes what is on
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television, by free choice. My consciousness largely excludes
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mainstream film and newspapers, by free choice. I can choose a
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variety of non-mainstream sources of information to complement my
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personal awareness of what's what. But why stop there? As well as
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being a consumer of information, I produce information. I'm free to
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express myself in the context of rational discourse; I'm free to
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express myself in poetic and mythic forms; and I'm free to find
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personal expression in entirely nonverbal forms such as music,
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photography or drawings.
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Discourse carried out on a strictly rational level appears to be
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self-defeating. In the debate concerning technology, I'd argue that
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rational discourse itself is a technology. We wouldn't be able to
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indulge in such a debate around technology if we didn't live in a
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complex society in which highly-refined forms of intellectual
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abstraction are used to shape and direct beliefs, institutions and
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collective endeavors. Ward Churchill, Noam Chomsky, Murray Bookchin
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et al. seem well aware of this. Technology, whether it is in the
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form of political concepts, or in the form of a Bic lighter, is a
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distinctly human thing; it is our species' particular
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specialization. A piece of sharpened flint, and a multiple-warhead
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nuclear missile, are both examples of technology. So, for that
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matter, are the Hohokams' irrigation canals, and Stradivarius'
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violins. If we've reached the point of arguing against technology,
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let me paraphrase a line from one of Ferron's songs: can we
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seriously believe that if cities fall, minds won't follow? Could
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the debate be, not pro- or anti-technology, but what kind of
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technology humans need?
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Anarchy functions in daily reality, as does a form of hunter-
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|
gatherer behavior in an urban setting. I furnish me home with other
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|
people's garbage. There's an implicit social contract in the
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|
streets of Montr=82al; what people no longer need is set out as an
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|
offering, not to the waste disposal system, but to those who might
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|
need these items. Clothing, furniture, dishes, records, magazines,
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|
appliances, electronic equipment, typewriters, chance is an
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|
operative element of life. Statistically we live well below the
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|
poverty level, yet paradoxically, we are not poor. Food is cheap,
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|
varied and plentiful. Entertainment is often free. There are
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|
sources of income from "real jobs," from "the social safety net,"
|
|
and from "the underground economy." Social, racial, gender and
|
|
class distinctions are more and more meaningless. People form
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|
relationships, associations as they see fit. Most don't call it
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|
anarchy=FEit's just the way many people live.
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Empowerment is in the recognition that we don't have to live as
|
|
others tell us to live; we don't have to think as others tell us to
|
|
think. Poverty is a concept that belongs to the dominant culture,
|
|
so break the mindset. Is poverty not having all the stuff the TV
|
|
sells? Lose the TV, lose the mindset. Maybe poverty is a lack of
|
|
self-determination, self-awareness, self-esteem. Maybe poverty is
|
|
not thinking for oneself. Maybe poverty is a lack of feeling, of
|
|
being numbed-out by tons of junk: Doritos, Pepsi, Time Magazine,
|
|
Rambo IV, authority/power demands on your time. Cut as much junk
|
|
out of your diet as you can. Take some time to find some feeling.
|
|
Desire armed? Funny metaphor, like rappers calling their lingo-
|
|
proficiency "my Uzi." Feeling=FEas a boy-child I was sensual. I
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|
fucked all the time. I fucked trees, grass, friends, parents, the
|
|
sky, the TV set, the cities, the mountains, I fucked everything all
|
|
the time with my whole being. I felt. Sexuality is only an aspect
|
|
of overall sensuality; why narrow one's range down to just sex? For
|
|
a long time I stopped feeling; "growing up," "being good." Prick
|
|
psychosis, prick was everything; prick prick prick. I did what I
|
|
was told until I found "being good" was not equivalent to "feeling
|
|
good." "Being good" was equivalent to "not feeling anything." So I
|
|
drove the Sherman Tank of my rational mind through the philosophy
|
|
department, the religion department, the science department...that
|
|
felt pretty good. The cops were quickly alerted so I disguised
|
|
myself as a cop and began directing traffic, sending cruisers with
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|
lights blazing this way and that for days. I took off my day and
|
|
followed a feeling. I took off my head and threw it through a
|
|
window. Panic ensued.
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|
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|
I might freely choose to involve myself in group activities:
|
|
social activism, rallies, readings, radio shows. I might soak
|
|
myself in as much feminist, left, wiccan, queer, green, postmodern
|
|
thought and action as I can find. Then I might freely choose to be
|
|
alone with myself for awhile to consider, mull over, meditate upon,
|
|
think about all that I've experienced. To those who way this is
|
|
copping-out; fuck you very much.
|
|
|
|
You see, there's freedom and there's freedom. On one hand, I like
|
|
Ward Churchill's articles, such as his fine critique of Black Robe
|
|
in Z Dec. '92. Undeniably brilliant, and I'm in accord with his
|
|
opinion. The same goes for his response to "Lawrence" from Frisco
|
|
in your letters section. I can't disagree with any of his points,
|
|
because he's right. But it seems unfair that Mr. Churchill should
|
|
deploy so much heavy ordinance to rebut such a weak target. I don't
|
|
know about ol' Lawrence, but when I'm faced with that kind of
|
|
attack I just fold my tent and head for the hills. While Mr.
|
|
Churchill may be a great warrior on the field of rational
|
|
discourse, he seems to have difficulty distinguishing between a
|
|
"civilian" and a "military" target. Ostensibly, Lawrence is on Mr.
|
|
Churchill's side; at least, he might potentially be. But does Mr.
|
|
Churchill acknowledge this? No, he sends out a battalion of
|
|
arguments to pacify some poor rag-assed objection thrashing around
|
|
in the woods. My objection to this is not on a rational level at
|
|
all; I just find such an exchange to be cold. Why not convey the
|
|
same information without treating the "Lawrences" of the world like
|
|
the man-shaped cardboard targets I used to mindlessly pump 7.62
|
|
rounds through when I was a cog in the military/industrial machine?
|
|
Why stay stuck in one mode of consciousness, especially when that
|
|
mode=FErational thought=FEis a product of the very Eurocentric
|
|
traditions which left thinkers profess to so vigourously oppose?
|
|
|
|
I believe this is the same problem Bill McCormick addresses in his
|
|
letter about Murray Bookchin. As McCormick said: "Please stop
|
|
destroying your children." Don't frame the debate as a contest
|
|
between the "rational" and the "irrational," because the
|
|
"irrational" is here to stay. I'm sure Mr. Bookchin and Mr.
|
|
Churchill both dream at night, just like any other members of homo
|
|
sapiens sapiens; the "irrational" inhabits their very beings, like
|
|
all of us. If they want to go on butchering feelings, it's probably
|
|
because they want to run the show. In that case, there is no show.
|
|
The show is not a show. There is no director, there is no cast, no
|
|
script, and no audience. There are just a lot of people who deeply
|
|
care about the future, and who want an answer to the question: how
|
|
should we dwell on this Earth?
|
|
Yours sincerely,
|
|
V.T., Montr=82al, Qu=82bec
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|
PRISONS ARE BIG BUSINESS
|
|
Anarchists,
|
|
|
|
Brothers and sisters, thank you for expanding my knowledge of
|
|
anarchy and adding me to your ranks. The prisoners subscription you
|
|
sent me has been salvation in this bureaucratic void of menial
|
|
minds. I hope you will please continue this subscription for
|
|
another year. Thank you for the light. Possibly you could also list
|
|
my address in one of your future issues. And while I'm asking for
|
|
so much I would enjoy any back issues you could spare me. I have
|
|
issues #32, #33, #34, #35. I also like the new format because it is
|
|
easier for me to hide from ignorant guards who shake me down and
|
|
think it's gang related material. I just went through such an
|
|
atrocity with these fools and it's too exhausting. But everything
|
|
to a dim bulb is gang related material, it is a new ameriklan buzz
|
|
word.
|
|
|
|
According to Amnesty International's standards I realize I am not
|
|
what they would define as a political prisoner. However, I am an X-
|
|
yippie who hates the system we have now! I am oppose it with
|
|
everything I have. It has created economical discriminatory
|
|
policies which led me to be labeled a criminal, a felon, a repeat
|
|
offender, a violent sociopath. In that sense I am indeed a
|
|
political prisoner who is held because of his libertarian beliefs.
|
|
I am communal in nature, an activist and an organizer. I am indeed
|
|
dangerous to their political conformity. I will talk to anyone who
|
|
will listen no matter what their age, sex, or color. I was "gotten
|
|
off the streets" because I promoted violent activities against the
|
|
capital-hungry beast which sucks us dry and grinds our fathers
|
|
bones to dust. This is not, to me, just an excuse to let my id run
|
|
rampant. I do not promote activities against people but against
|
|
corporate entities, big businesses, politicians, and the web of the
|
|
criminal justice system. Yes, they felt threatened. It is a matter
|
|
of my beliefs, my ideals, my choices which landed me here. I accept
|
|
that but I don't have to agree with it and become a conformity
|
|
statistic. Prisons are big business in this country and are taking
|
|
the place of what slavery was. The population of prisons is growing
|
|
every minute and prisoners are forced into labor without pay and
|
|
under tightly supervised authoritarian conditions while their
|
|
families barely exist on government handouts which lead to illegal
|
|
activities to survive and the cycle continues until what? Until we
|
|
are all slaves of the institutions. Twenty-seven prisons in Ohio
|
|
alone.
|
|
|
|
Censorship is a fact as the prisoners political views are narrowly
|
|
defined by limited reading and educational facilities. The average
|
|
prisoner has a sixth grade reading level, sets in front of the TV
|
|
being brainwashed stimulated by sensationalism, then marches off to
|
|
work for the man for nothing because they are told they have to and
|
|
there is nothing they can do about it. There is forced drugging in
|
|
here but the TV does the job for most of the prisoners. Torture is
|
|
hidden, so is murder, but it is very real. Cultural assimilation is
|
|
mandated, and so is the twisted experimental emotional disen-
|
|
franchisement. These are all common at state levels. Meanwhile,
|
|
outside, the media soothes the masses towards political apathy with
|
|
candidates who could be twins while they stir up, incite, right-
|
|
wing vigilante attitudes against the lower castes with shows like
|
|
"Cops," and "America's Most Wanted." The state of the state is the
|
|
result of delegated authority without responsibility, authority
|
|
given to clerks who only know paperwork, who prop up the government
|
|
with a bureaucracy which feeds on paperwork, paper stilts for the
|
|
clown which reduces humanity to a careless statistic. Once a person
|
|
enters prison they become invisible to society, Desaparecido,
|
|
permanently outcast for the rest of their lives. The official
|
|
hysteria promoted by the media will see to that, it will result in
|
|
continual legal harassment, and the violation of human rights by
|
|
managers whose psycho-babble fills the minds of people with cotton
|
|
and contradicts the simplest human condition.
|
|
|
|
Thank you brothers and sisters. You can use my name and my full
|
|
address. Please list my address with the following description: AA,
|
|
BA, Prisoner, Anarchist, Pagan, omnisexual, poet, writer, answers
|
|
all.
|
|
In concrete and steel,
|
|
your friend,
|
|
R. Lee Etzwiler
|
|
POB 57 =FE 204-697
|
|
Marion, OH. 43302
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