825 lines
42 KiB
Plaintext
825 lines
42 KiB
Plaintext
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JOE HILL - IWW Songwriter by Dean Nolan and Fred Thompson
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Education
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*
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Organization * * Emancipation
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@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ @@@ JOE HILL, IWW Songwriter
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@@@ @@@ @@@ @@@ born 1879; executed
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1915 @@@ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
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Shortly after Salt Lake City police arrested Joe Hill on
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January 13, 1914, they got in touch with the Chief of Police at
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San Pedro, California, where Hill had previously lived. The Chief
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of Police there had fought Hill's efforts to organize longshore
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workers and replied: *I see you have under arrest for murder one
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Joseph Hillstrom. You have the right man... He is certainly an
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undesirable citizen. He is somewhat of a musician and writer of
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songs for the IWW Songbook.* //Salt Lake City _Herald-Republican_
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Jan.23,1914.//
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His meaning was clear. Though he lacked details of the murder
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with which Hill was charged, he had no doubt that Hill was *the
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right man.* For him, Hill symbolized working class threats to the
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established order. The men he admired did not want their workers
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to organize, or to sing songs such as Joe Hill had written,
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ridiculing them and the police, challenging their right to wealth
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they had not produced. From these biases it came about that Joe
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Hill was tried and executed for a murder he did not commit.
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Joe Hill was born Joel Emmanuel Haggland on October 7, 1879 in
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Gavle, Sweden. One of 9 children, he was brought up in a
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conservative and highly religious family atmosphere. It was a
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closely knit family in which both parents encouraged music, and
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during his early years Joel learned to play the organ as well as
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the violin, accordion and guitar.
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In 1887 Joel's father Olaf, a railway conductor was injured at
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work and died. All members of the hard hit family had to earn
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what they could, including 8-year old Joel who went to work in a
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rope factory. In his teens he contracted tuberculosis of the skin
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and joints and was treated in a Stockholm hospital, but the
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disease left his body scarred. In 1902 his mother died and the
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family fell apart. He and his brother Paul left for America and
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landed in New York. Like many immigrants of the time, Joel
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changed his name, first to Joseph Hillstrom and then to Joe Hill.
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Few hard facts are known about Joe Hill's first 10 years in
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America. Although there are a number of stories about the places
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he had been and things he had done, one account putting him in
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Hawai'i, few can be substantiated. His brother Paul later told
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Ralph Chaplin that at first Joe worked as a porter in New York and
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played piano in saloons there. Joe did send a Christmas card to
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his sister from Cleveland in 1905. In April 1906 he was in San
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Francisco during the Earthquake and wrote an account of it for his
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hometown paper.
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He became one of thousands of migrant workers who were building
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America or harvesting its wheat. Men who worked the harvests
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later spoke of knowing him there, and he was in a picket camp on
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the Canadian Northern Railway when the IWW struck it in 1912. Joe
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worked so much as a longshore worker that he referred to himself
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as a *wharf rat.* Bill Chance shacked with him in San Pedro,
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where he worked longshore, but says Joe talked so little about
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himself that he could add no details. Neither could Alexander
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McKay, who also worked with Hill, and wrote recollections of the
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1912 San Diego free speech fight in 1947.
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During the first half of 1911, Hill with his friend Sam Murray and
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other IWW members and radicals who supported Madero and Magon in
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the Mexican revolution were in Lower California, trying to protect
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it from Diaz. Hill was there only off and on, but he could not
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have been there if he had not by that time dropped the
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conservative views which he brought with him to America. In 1913,
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Hill was secretary of the local IWW formed in San Pedro.
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The earliest parody written by Hill that we know of, went to the
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hymn, *Sweet By and By*, a Salvation Army favorite. It was
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already in circulation before it appeared in the 1911 edition of
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the IWW songbook. It went:
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**
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Long-haired preachers come out every night Try to tell you
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what's wrong and what's right But when asked about something
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to eat They will answer with voices so sweet:
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You will eat, by and by In that glorious land above the sky
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Work and pray, live on hay You'll get pie in the sky when you
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die.
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If you fight hard for children and wife Try to get something
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good in this life You're a sinner and a bad one they tell
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When you die you will surely go to hell /Chorus/**
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Hill's song added a phrase *pie in the sky* to the American
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vocabulary, a phrase often used by people who would be surprised
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how it came about. In those days before movies, before radio,
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when phonograph was still an odd-sounding toy, the music most
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available to workers, especially migratory workers of the West,
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was that of the Salvation Army and other street evangelists. They
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usually performed along *skid road*, the section of town where
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migratory workers could find the cheapest meals, the cheapest
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*flops* or lodging, and a series of signs chalked on blackboards
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offering them another job for a dollar -- roughly a day's pay at
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the time. These skid roads became the battlefield for worker's
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minds, between those who wanted to keep things as they were, and
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those who wanted to change and improve things. Hill's parody had
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several verses, the final verse and chorus running:
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**
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Working folks of all countries unite Side by side we for
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freedom will fight When the world and its wealth we have
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gained To the grafters we'll sing this refrain:
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You will eat, by and by When you've learned how to cook and
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how to fry Chop some wood, 'twill do you good And you'll eat
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in the sweet by and by.**
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Hill's union, the Industrial Workers of the World, was launched in
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1905 by the Western Federation of Miners, some smaller unions, and
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rebels in better established ones, in the hope of bringing the
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millions of unorganized workers and those in existing
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organizations into One Big Union of the Working Class, so that no
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group of workers could be used to break the strike of another
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group.
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Asserting as its name implied, the widest jurisdiction a union
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could have, its concern was the welfare of the worldwide working
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class, and its ultimate aim the reorganization of industry, to be
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run by its workers for the general good.
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Its practical activities were smaller scale, but notable. In the
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Pittsburgh industrial suburb of McKees Rocks in 1909, in response
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to a call for help from car builders already out on strike and
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excluded from the craft union a handful of skilled workers had
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there, the IWW went in and won. The strike drew wide attention,
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for it proved that unskilled immigrant workers speaking with a
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confusion of tongues, could stick together and win even though the
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established unions refused to accept them. On western
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construction projects, in lumber camps and along the skid roads
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where these migratory workers got their jobs, the IWW was engaged
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in efforts to raise the pay, establish showers and laundry rooms
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on these out-of- town jobs, and make the company provide beds and
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bedding so that workers could discard the blanket rolls they had
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carried on their backs.
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In Spokane Washington the IWW concluded that the practical way to
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organize the workers on these projects was to get them to make the
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companies set up a free hiring system , by concerted refusal to
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patronize the *job sharks* who sold them the right to hire out.
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This could be done without risking a strike. The IWW promoted the
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idea from skid road soap boxes. The soap box, an improvised stand
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for a street speaker, was an established institution of the times.
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It was used by evangelists, socialists, advocates of new diets and
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currency reform, by the IWW, and by women who had the novel idea
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that they too should be allowed to vote.
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As the IWW campaign to bypass the job sharks became effective,
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these employment agents countered by getting the Salvation Army or
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other religious groups to drown out the IWW speakers with trumpet
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and drum. The IWW replied with song cards containing verses to be
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sung to these hymn tunes. Both used the song, *Where Is My
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Wandering Boy Tonight?* that closed a still current melodrama, but
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the IWW version depicted the wandering boy as being yanked by a
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cop from a freight train and sent to a chain gang. For another
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Army favorite, *Revive Us Again*, the card carried:
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**
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O why don't you work like other folks do? How in hell can I
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work when there's no work to do? Hallelujah, on the bum!
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Hallelujah bum again Hallelujah give us a handout to revive
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us again.**
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These song cards in 1909 grew into the first IWW songbook, in its
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early editions aimed mostly at the employment sharks. Hill's
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pie-in-the-sky song fit this skid road situation and so did
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another he wrote to the hymn, *There Is Power In The Blood*:
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**
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There is power there is power In the hands of the working
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folks When they stand, hand in hand That's a power, that's a
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power That must rule in every land One industrial union
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grand.**
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When the employment agents found they could not win by drowning
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out the speakers, they got the city council to pass an ordinance
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denying the IWW the right to speak. This led to the IWW Free
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Speech Fight of 1909-1910 and to headlines about the IWW across
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the nation. Figuring the jail could only hold a limited number,
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the IWW sent out a call for volunteers to test the
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constitutionality of the ordinance. These men mounted the box,
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said a few words and were hauled to jail. On the first day,
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Nov.2,1909, a hundred and three were arrested. By March, jails
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and a schoolhouse turned into a jail were filled. Jail conditions
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and police brutality aroused wide indignation and created pressure
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in lumber and construction camps to boycott Spokane merchants. A
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compromise was reached, the IWW resumed publication of its banned
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_Industrial Worker_, spoke once more on the streets and laid the
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basis for improved job conditions in the Inland Empire.
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Similar free speech fights related to similar issues erupted in
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Fresno, California in 1910, in San Diego in 1912, and in other
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towns, with the same basic story. Volunteer speakers were herded
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to jail, brutalized by police and vigilantes, with the right of
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free speech eventually asserted.
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Did Joe Hill get arrested in these free speech fights? Various
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histories say he did, but always quote the same source of evidence
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-- an account of a meeting in London England at the time of Hill's
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execution, reported that various speakers there said he was
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involved in these fights, and that is not good evidence. A Hill
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who addressed a San Francisco street meeting protesting San Diego
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police brutality may have been some other Hill. Those who knew
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Hill describe him as a quiet man, not a speaker.
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Another of Hill's songs, his parody of Casey Jones, got into wide
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circulation months before it got into the IWW songbook. He wrote
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it in support of railroad shopworkers who walked out on strike in
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September 1911 throughout the Harriman system that stretched from
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Illinois Central to the Southern Pacific. These shop workers who
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repaired rail cars and locomotives were divided among 16 different
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craft unions and wanted to bargain as a federation. Harriman said
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no. These shop workers struck over 4 years and still did not win,
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because five other craft unions running the trains still ran them,
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repaired them and hauled scabs into the shops. It was a situation
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that painfully illustrated the merits of the IWW argument for
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industrial unionism, an argument it was almost alone in making in
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those days.
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By 1911 *Casey Jones* had come to mean *locomotive engineer*
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because of a popular series of ballads memorializing the heroic
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John Luther Jones of Cayce, Kentucky. Jones had lost his life
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April 29,1900 while saving the lives of his crew with his full
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weight on the brakes as his engine plowed into a side-tracked
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freight projecting into its path. Wallace Saunders, a black
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worker who took care of Jones' engine, wrote the original
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version.
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It was developed by vaudeville song and dance teams into a
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powerful rhythmic song, and well before Joe Hill wrote his union
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parody, others had already added various unprinted verses
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depicting Casey as the father of numerous children along his line.
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It was a well known song identified with locomotive engineers, and
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an appropriate vehicle for ridiculing how separate craft union
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contracts obligated them to make emergency repairs to keep engines
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running despite the bungling work of scab shop workers. As the
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song put it:
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** The workers on the SP line to strike sent out a call But Casey
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Jones was the engineer he wouldn't strike at all His boiler it was
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leaking and his drivers on the bum And his engine and its bearings
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they were all out of plumb
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Casey Jones, kept his junk pile running Casey Jones was working
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double time Casey Jones got a wooden medal For being good and
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faithful on the SP line**
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In Hill's version, Casey met with an accident and *took a trip to
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heaven* where St. Peter told him *our musicians are on strike,
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you can get a job a-scabbing any time you like*. But the angels
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got rid of him too. The striking shopworkers welcomed this song
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of humor and defiance and circulated it across the country. In
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the spring of 1912 Hill was in British Columbia during a strike on
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the construction of Canadian Northern. To the tune of *Wearing of
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the Green*, he had the strikers promising to *build no more
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railroads for overalls and snuff*. One grievance was the poorly
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constructed camps with walls made of potato sacks. To the tune of
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the *River Shannon* ballad, Hill wrote:
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** These gunny sack contractors have all been dirty actors And
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they're not our benefactors as each fellow worker knows So we've
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got to stick together in fine or dirty weather And we'll show no
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more white feather where the Fraser River flows.**
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On this Fraser River strike he wrote other snatches used during
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the strike but soon forgotten. All used comic jabs to aggravate
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the bosses and boost the morale of the workers, so they could look
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down on their bosses for a change. Many of his songs written for
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specific strike situations paralleled experience elsewhere, and
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had wide worker appeal.
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He chose the popular songs of the day for parody. The 1912
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Songbook had one on Irving Berlin's *Turkey Trot*, turning
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*Everybody's Doing It* into an IWW song. The optimism of
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*Everybody's Joining It* was warranted by the growth of IWW in
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southern lumber and in eastern textiles. In January workers at
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American Woolen Company, Lawrence Massachusetts, walked out and
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asked IWW to handle their strike. John Golden, head of UTW,
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disgraced himself in the eyes of other union men and women, by
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offering to supply scabs. Hill sent the strikers a parody on a
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Sunday School song, *A Little Talk With Golden Makes It Right, All
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Right*. They won their strike.
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Hill had 9 new songs in the 1913 Songbook. As if in anticipation
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of what was brewing in Europe, 2 of the songs were
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anti-militarist. To the Irish air *Colleen Bawn* he wrote:
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**
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We're spending billions every year For guns and ammunition
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Our Army and Our Navy dear To keep in good condition Why do
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they mount their Gatling guns A thousand miles from oceans
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Where hostile fleets could never run Ain't that a funny
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notion?**
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Another, to the rollicking tune of *Sunlight* told the
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disappointments of a lad who joined the Navy to see the world but
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found he had to *scrub the deck and polish brass and shine the
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captain's shoes.*
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Some of his best-liked songs ridiculed the 1913 forerunners of
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Archie Bunker, who blamed their troubles on foreigners and blacks.
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To his Industrial Workers of the World, no worker could be a
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foreigner. *Steamboat Bill* had a swinging rhythm for one of the
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dances of 1913, and to it Joe added words about Scissorbill...
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**
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He's found in every mining camp in lumber mill He looks just
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like a human, he can eat and walk But you will find he isn't
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when he starts to talk He'll say *This is my country* with an
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honest face While all the cops they chase him out of every
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place Scissorbill says, *This country must be freed From
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Negroes, Japs and Dutchmen and the gol-durn Swede...**
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A similar worker was *Mr. Block who thinks he may be president
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some day.* The IWW was turning out songbooks in printings of
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50,000 at a time, and Mr. Block inspired a cartoon strip about the
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misfortunes that his lack of class consciousness brought on him.
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The gender of the terms in Hill's songs reflects the circumstance
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that out west the population was predominantly male, and its wage
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earners almost entirely male. This was balanced somewhat back
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East by predominantly female textile towns. Children were an
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important part of the labor force and , except for the textile and
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garment industries, women's main economic role was to produce
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children and rear them to working age. Here Hill was no sexist
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either. He wanted women in his union. To the hit tune *Rainbow*,
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he wrote in early 1913:
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**
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We want the tinner and the skinner and the chambermaid We
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want the man that spikes on soles We want the man that's
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digging holes We want the man that's climbing poles And the
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trucker and the mucker and the hired man And all the factory
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girls and clerks Yes, we want every one that works...**
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He wrote his own music for *That's the Rebel Girl, that's the
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Rebel Girl, to the working class she's a precious pearl,* and
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said he considered that his best song.
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In San Pedro, Hill had the use of a piano at Beacon Street Sailors
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Mission, and many of his songs seem to have been written in San
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Pedro. He was secretary of the IWW local there and during a short
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strike of dock workers was picked up by the police. They tried to
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get passengers on a street car to say he was the man who held them
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up. None would say so, but they gave Hill 30 days for vagrancy
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anyway.
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Late in 1913 Hill headed for the Salt Lake City area and got a job
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in the machine shop at the Silver King Mine in Park City, where
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Otto Applequist, a fellow Swede Joe had known in San Pedro, was
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foreman. In this area IWW's were not welcome either. Earlier
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that year the IWW had struck the Utah Construction project at
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Tucker, and despite attacks by thugs, had won a 25-cent increase
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and improved conditions. The company retaliated by sending thugs
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to attack the IWW street meetings in Salt Lake City, where the
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police arrested the speakers instead of their attackers.
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Somewhat before Christmas, Hill and Applequist came to Salt Lake
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City and visited the sizable Swedish community there, where Hill's
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musical talents fitted the season's festivities. They stayed at a
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boarding house run by the Eselius family, some of whom both had
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known in San Pedro.
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It was in a room off the kitchen of this boarding house that Hill
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was arrested Monday evening, January 13, 1914. He lay in bed, a
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bullet wound completely through his chest, grazing heart and
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lungs, and under sedation. As 3 police entered the room, he moved
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an arm. The chief of police fired at Hill, shattering his
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knuckles. Later he explained that he thought Hill might be
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reaching for his gun, though he had none and though Dr. McHugh,
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who had informed the police about treating Hill's wound, had told
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them Hill was under morphine. The chief had come to arrest him on
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the theory that his wound might tie him to a revenge killing the
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preceding Saturday night, Jan.10, in John Morrison's grocery.
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John Morrison, a former police officer, had lived in continuous
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fear of revenge. He had exchanged shots with 3 assailants in his
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store 7 years earlier, and one of them was killed by police in a
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chase that followed. Morrison had been attacked again the
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previous September and had wounded one of his assailants. He
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spoke of his fear of revenge to several, including his wife, whom
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he instructed in case of his death to ask police to investigate a
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certain neighbor. On the afternoon of his death Morrison had told
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a police associate, Captain John Hemple, that he would gladly give
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up all he had saved from years of hard work, to be free of his
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fear of revenge. Hemple told the press, *Morrison was in constant
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dread of men he had arrested when he was a policeman.*
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The revenge killing he had feared came as he was closing his store
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at 10 o'clock Saturday night. One son, Arling, was sweeping; a
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younger son, Merlin, was near the storeroom at the back. Mr.
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Morrison was dragging a sack of potatoes across the floor as two
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masked men, both armed came into the store, hollered *We've got
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you now!* shot Mr. Morrison as he bent over the sack of potatoes,
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then shot the boy Arling and left. A revolver on the floor near
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Arling, belonging to Morrison, probably indicates that Arling was
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not an intended victim, but was shot as he came out with the
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store's revolver which was kept in the icebox.
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Years later a charge against Joe Hill, more serious to students of
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labor history than any police contention, was made by historian
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Vernon Jensen in the *Industrial and Labor Relations Review* April
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1951. There, Jensen wrote that Dr. McHugh, who had treated Hill's
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chest wound, had told him in the late forties that Hill had
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confessed the Morrison murder to him. According to his account,
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McHugh had asked Hill on Monday evening whether he had shot
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Morrison, and Hill had answered, *I shot him in self defense. The
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older man reached for the gun and I shot him and the younger boy
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grabbed the gun and shot me and I shot him to save my life. I
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wanted some money to get out of town.* Dr. McHugh had given no
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such story to the police nor in the trial. The alleged confession
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does not fit the known facts, for Mr. Morrison was shot while
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dragging a sack of potatoes across the center aisle where he had
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no access to the gun that was in the icebox. It was plainly a
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revenge killing, with no hindrance to robbery, but no robbery
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attempted.
|
|
|
|
But back to 1914. Until Dr. McHugh, who had met Hill at social
|
|
events and knew him as the author of IWW parodies, notified the
|
|
police about Hill's wound and arranged to sedate him, the police
|
|
had followed the obvious revenge clues but without success.
|
|
|
|
The Morrison gun had one spent cartridge. It was the practice of
|
|
Salt Lake City police to let the hammer rest on an empty chamber
|
|
or discharged cartridge as an extra safety precaution. No bullet
|
|
from the Morrison gun was found in the store, and probably it was
|
|
not fired; yet it could have been, if the bullet remained in the
|
|
body of the man it hit. Neighbors who rushed to the store on
|
|
hearing the shots, said that one of two masked men held his hands
|
|
to his chest as though wounded; one neighbor reported the only
|
|
words spoken by the pair as *I'm shot,* while another heard this
|
|
as *Oh Bob.* There were blood stains on the ground. So police
|
|
considered that one of the two men may have been wounded by the
|
|
Morrison gun. Hill's wound, however, went completely through his
|
|
chest.
|
|
|
|
Blood stains on the ground led in diverse directions. Some went
|
|
down alleys, some to warehouses, some to railroad tracks. They
|
|
could not have all been made by one man, and all they led to was a
|
|
dog with a bleeding paw. Two men were apprehended in the alley as
|
|
they grabbed a freight leaving town; they were wanted in Arizona
|
|
for a $300 robbery, and were ruled out as suspects somehow. Other
|
|
suspects were taken in and released. A man had been seen lying in
|
|
a ditch at 11:30 Saturday night, and got up and ran away when a
|
|
passerby asked him if he needed help. Later a streetcar conductor
|
|
reported the man had taken the streetcar downtown and identified
|
|
him as Frank Z. Wilson, an ex-convict Morrison had helped send to
|
|
prison.
|
|
|
|
The revenge theory and all other trails were dropped by police
|
|
once they arrested Hill. The doctor who had told them about Hill
|
|
knew him as the man who wrote those IWW songs, and like the Chief
|
|
of Police in San Pedro, they were satisfied they had *the right
|
|
man.* One circumstance may have made them prone to forget the
|
|
revenge motive and convict Hill:
|
|
|
|
this would end a blood feud that had been going on between
|
|
Morrison and some gang, a feud that would likely continue against
|
|
any officers convicting members of that gang.
|
|
|
|
They now had a chance to end all this while disposing of an
|
|
*undesirable citizen*, a stranger, whose union and whose songs
|
|
they hated anyway. On Jan.23 through the local press the police
|
|
informed all, including the gang members, that Joe Hill the IWW
|
|
songwriter was the man they would try to convict for the Morrison
|
|
murder.
|
|
|
|
The unjust convictions that have evoked wide indignation have
|
|
usually started out, not as a conspiracy by some executive
|
|
committee of the elite, but as one of the more or less routine
|
|
injustices that lower authorities perpetrate, confronting those
|
|
higher up with something congenial to their biases. Their
|
|
superiors must go along, despite public outcry, or admit the
|
|
criminal character and class bias of law enforcement.
|
|
|
|
The only link the police offered to connect Hill with the Morrison
|
|
murder was the fact that he had a bullet wound for which he
|
|
offered no explanation, and the Morrison gun may have been fired.
|
|
The neighbors who saw the 2 masked men flee could give no
|
|
trustworthy identification, but did try to. Merlin Morrison, the
|
|
youngest son, 13 at the time and still living in 1979, said when
|
|
taken to the jail on the 14th to see Hill: *Hillstrom is about the
|
|
same size and height as one of the men who entered my father's
|
|
store Saturday night. AS the light was bad, I could not get a
|
|
lasting impression of the man's features, but Hillstrom appears to
|
|
be very much the same build as the man who entered the store and
|
|
whom I saw fire at my father--* or that is how the _Salt Lake
|
|
Tribune_, the only available record, reported the comments of this
|
|
13-year old boy. Again according to the press, for the transcript
|
|
has been lost, Merlin said much the same at the trial. Hill gave
|
|
a very different account in September 1915, when in a statement to
|
|
the Utah Board of Pardons, he recalled Merlin Morrison's visit to
|
|
the jail thus:
|
|
|
|
*He was the first one to come up and look at me in the morning
|
|
after my arrest. Being only a little boy, he spoke his mind right
|
|
out in my presence, and this is what he said: *No, that is not
|
|
the man at all. The ones I saw were shorter and heavier set.*
|
|
When he testified at the preliminary hearing, I asked him if he
|
|
did not make that statement but he denied it.*
|
|
|
|
Hill was arraigned on Jan.27, and his preliminary hearing set for
|
|
the next day. At the hearing he questioned the boy and two other
|
|
witnesses, for he had no attorney, and presented no defense.
|
|
Trial was set for June 17. A few days after this January hearing,
|
|
E.D.McDougall, an attorney, visited Hill and offered his services
|
|
for free. Hill accepted them, for he had told Ed Rowan, the local
|
|
IWW secretary who had visited him after the local press published
|
|
his picture, that this did not involve the IWW and he did not want
|
|
the union to get him a lawyer. McDougall's poor services at the
|
|
June trial led some to wonder if the mysterious offer of free help
|
|
could have been part of the plan to make sure Hill lost.
|
|
|
|
The sole link to the Morrison murder was Hill's wound. How did he
|
|
get it? To this day no one knows. A widely held belief ran that
|
|
he got it out of some romantic affair, but the evidence for this
|
|
is slim; that a newspaper said that Dr. McHugh told a reporter
|
|
that was what Hill told him. Hill himself offered no one an
|
|
explanation. The physical evidence shows that Hill was shot from
|
|
the front, with his jacket on but no overcoat, so presumably
|
|
indoors, with his hands raised high as if he had been held up,
|
|
thus pulling his jacket high, and somewhere about an hour after
|
|
the Morrison murder, and several miles away from the Morrison
|
|
store.
|
|
|
|
He walked to Dr. McHugh's office, which was also the doctor's home
|
|
about five miles from the Morrison store, about 11:30 Jan.10,
|
|
rather freshly wounded, his shirt bloodied, his heart grazed, his
|
|
lung bleeding. There was no bullet hole in his overcoat, though
|
|
the bullet had gone through his torso, front and back of his
|
|
jacket and shirts -- and had been left wherever he was shot, which
|
|
could not, then, have been the Morrison store.
|
|
|
|
Hill insisted that how he got wounded was his own business and
|
|
that he owed no one any explanation. But some of his statements,
|
|
combined with other data, do bear on the question. He did have a
|
|
gun when he entered Dr. McHugh's office. He said he was not armed
|
|
when he was shot. He threw the gun away on his ride from the
|
|
doctor's office to his boarding house. Later he went with police
|
|
unsuccessfully trying to find the gun, and with the police did
|
|
establish that he had bought a gun in a Salt Lake pawn shop. He
|
|
hoped by identifying the gun or its make to establish that it
|
|
could not have been the gun that killed the Morrisons. When he
|
|
was arrested the police found in his pants pocket a note from his
|
|
associate Applequist, reading: *Hilda and Christina were here. We
|
|
went to the Empress. Tried to find you. Otto.*
|
|
|
|
The Empress was a local theater. There were conflicting accounts
|
|
of whether Applequist was in the Eselius home when Hill returned
|
|
wounded, but he was neither seen there nor identified anywhere
|
|
else thereafter.
|
|
|
|
These circumstances do make a much better case than the police had
|
|
against Joe for this chain of events: that Hill went out Saturday
|
|
evening leaving his gun at the boarding house; that later he
|
|
returned and picked up the note; that he then went out and
|
|
somehow got shot and obtained the gun from the person who shot
|
|
him. For this to be the gun he had bought in the pawn shop, his
|
|
assailant must have obtained it from the Eselius boarding house,
|
|
making him most likely Otto Applequist. Whether this is how it
|
|
happened involves limited conjecture.
|
|
|
|
Anyway, Hill consistently refused to say how he got wounded. Some
|
|
urged that he might save his life by telling. He replied that if
|
|
those who did know did not come forward freely on their own
|
|
account it would be useless for him to identify them. So he stuck
|
|
to his position that it was not up to him to prove himself
|
|
innocent, but up to the police, if he was guilty, to prove that.
|
|
A good lawyer could have shredded the prosecution's case, and have
|
|
used physical facts about the wound to show that Hill could not
|
|
have been wounded in the Morrison store or about 10 o'clock. His
|
|
trial in June was a farce in which he tried to dismiss Attorney
|
|
McDougall for not cross-examining witnesses, but he lacked the
|
|
courtroom skills to bring out the facts himself.
|
|
|
|
Belatedly a new attorney, Sorn Christensen, was added through the
|
|
efforts of Virginia Snow Stephen and Orrin Hilton. The court
|
|
would not let them present any evidence of the fears Morrison had
|
|
about revenge. They did get a chance to show that the police had
|
|
tried to get a member of the Eselius household to lie against Hill
|
|
under threat of jailing her son. The court would not let them ask
|
|
Dr. Beer whether the holes in Hill's body and jacket could be
|
|
accounted for except that he was shot with his arms held high.
|
|
The court would not instruct the jury in accordance with Utah
|
|
precedent that such circumstantial evidence must be like a chain
|
|
with no defective link; instead the court instructed them to
|
|
consider the preponderance of the evidence. McDougall got in a
|
|
closing speech that botched the defense presentation, and Hill was
|
|
convicted June 27.
|
|
|
|
On July 8 the judge asked Hill whether he would prefer to be
|
|
hanged or shot. He answered:
|
|
|
|
* I 'll take shooting. I have been shot a few times and I guess I
|
|
can stand it again.* On September 1, a motion for new trial was
|
|
denied. In May 1915, Orrin Hilton argued the case before the Utah
|
|
Supreme Court. In its decision the court dodged defense
|
|
contentions by saying it could not attempt to do the work of the
|
|
jury or make up the bad judgement of the jurors, but on those
|
|
bullet holes it did exert more creative imagination. It argued
|
|
they could be low in the coat but high in Hill's body if he got
|
|
shot leaning over the counter with his coat pulled opposite to the
|
|
direction this would pull it -- and that Hill's possession of
|
|
these bullet holes identified him as clearly as if he has stolen
|
|
goods form the Morrison Store.
|
|
|
|
On September 18, 1915, the same imaginative gentlemen met along
|
|
with the Governor and Attorney General to sit as the Board of
|
|
Pardons much in the manner of Gilbert and Sullivan's Lord High
|
|
Executioner. They could not reconsider what they had already
|
|
passed upon, but did here meet with Hill face to face. Knowing
|
|
his adamant position about revealing nothing on how he got shot,
|
|
they urged him to tell them or attorneys privately. Hill said
|
|
what he wanted was a new trial where witnesses could be properly
|
|
cross-examined. Any ordinary crook could long before this have
|
|
arranged with friends to set up some satisfactory explanation
|
|
about how he got shot -- but this was not Hill's way.
|
|
|
|
During these months in jail Hill wrote more songs. The fracture of
|
|
the knuckles on his hand impeded writing, but he turned out music
|
|
to go with the words for *The Rebel Girl* and
|
|
*Workers of the World Awaken.* These two songs are less in the
|
|
vernacular of the job than most of his songs, but show that in
|
|
jail he had not lost the perspective of job action:
|
|
|
|
** If the workers take a notion They can stop all speeding
|
|
trains Every ship upon the ocean They can tie with mighty
|
|
chains Every wheel in the creation Every mine and every mill
|
|
Fleets and armies of the nations Will at their command stand
|
|
still**
|
|
|
|
Locked up, Hill was missing acquaintance with the new song hits.
|
|
Europe was at war, marching to *It's a Long Way to Tipperary*, and
|
|
Sam Murray sent him a copy with a request for something for the
|
|
unemployed around San Francisco, where many had come hoping to get
|
|
jobs at the World's Fair. Hill made a song about Bill Brown's job
|
|
hunt that left him singing:
|
|
|
|
** It's a long way down to the soupline It's a long way to go
|
|
It's a long way down to the soupline And the soup is weak I
|
|
know Goodbye, good old pork chops Farewell beefsteak rare
|
|
It's a long way down to the soupline But my soup is there.**
|
|
Meanwhile a worldwide protest grew on his behalf, paralleled only
|
|
by concern in 1918 for Tom Mooney and in 1927 for Sacco and
|
|
Vanzetti. From September 22, 1915 on, the Swedish government
|
|
actively intervened on his behalf and induced President Wilson to
|
|
do likewise, even though this was a state and not a federal matter
|
|
and Utah officials and press resented this interference. Hill was
|
|
to have been shot October 1, but on September 30, after he had
|
|
written farewell letters beneath the eye of a death-watch, a stay
|
|
was granted to October 16 when the Pardon Board was to reconvene.
|
|
The Swedish Prime Minister urged Hill to conciliate the Board of
|
|
Pardons with an explanation about his wound, but Hill refused and
|
|
said he wanted a new trial. Since he was charged with the murder
|
|
of only the elder Morrison, the State could have provided a new
|
|
trial without conceding an inch on its previous conviction, by
|
|
deferring execution on that score while he stood trial for the
|
|
murder of Arling Morrison -- but it did not want to give Hill that
|
|
chance to cross examine its witnesses and lay a foundation for
|
|
witnesses he might then call. On October 18, he was sentenced to
|
|
be shot November 19.
|
|
|
|
The massive protest continued to grow, with a new issue in
|
|
November. On October 30, Salt Lake City police officer Myton took
|
|
exception to remarks made by R.J. Horton in a street talk on
|
|
behalf of Hill, and shot and killed Horton. On November 16, the
|
|
American Federation of Labor in convention assembled resolved that
|
|
the Governor should grant Hill a new trial. Telegrams and letters
|
|
of protest came to the governor by the hundred daily, and also
|
|
threatening letters, some traced later to a detective agency.
|
|
Preparations to protect the governor from some imagined attack
|
|
were much publicized. Hill worked calmly on a new song dedicated
|
|
to the dove of peace. He wired Bill Haywood, general secretary of
|
|
the IWW: *Don't waste any time in mourning -- organize.* At 10
|
|
p.m., November 18, Hill handed a guard a slip of paper headed *My
|
|
Last Will*.
|
|
|
|
** My will is easy to decide For I have nothing to divide My
|
|
kith don't need to fuss and moan Moss does not cling to a
|
|
rolling stone My body -- Ah, if I could choose I would to
|
|
ashes it reduce And let the merry breezes blow My dust to
|
|
where some flowers grow Perhaps some fading flower then Would
|
|
come to life and bloom again This is my last and final will
|
|
Good luck to all of you
|
|
Joe Hill.**
|
|
|
|
After a funeral service in Salt Lake City, Hill's body was brought
|
|
to Chicago. The funeral fell on Thanksgiving day. Thousands had
|
|
to be turned away from the West Side Auditorium. The streets were
|
|
crowded for many blocks by those following the coffin, shocking
|
|
others by singing Joe Hill's songs. In accordance with his Will,
|
|
his body was cremated and his ashes distributed the following May
|
|
1 by rebels in many lands.
|
|
|
|
***note: An urn of Hill's ashes turned up in a Postal office in
|
|
the 1980's. See append.***
|
|
|
|
Joe Hill has become known as *the man who never died*, the title
|
|
Barrie Stavis gave to his 1951 play about Hill. His songs are
|
|
still sung, and he is not forgotten. The 100th anniversary of his
|
|
birthday is being honored by labor movements in many places,
|
|
taking as the theme his wire: *Don't mourn -- organize.* There
|
|
is a demand for his exoneration as Sacco and Vanzetti have been
|
|
exonerated because they and the injustice to them have not been
|
|
forgotten either.
|
|
|
|
Hill's union has regularly memorialized his execution in November,
|
|
along with others who gave up their lives in labor struggles in
|
|
other Novembers: the 8-hour advocates who were hanged in Chicago
|
|
November 11, 1887; the free speech fighters shot down on the
|
|
_Verona_ at Everett, Washington November 5, 1916; Wesley Everest
|
|
lynched for defending the Lumber Workers hall in Centralia,
|
|
Washington November 11, 1919; the miners shot down at the
|
|
Columbine Mine in Colorado November 21, 1927; and others. Ralph
|
|
Chaplin wrote a verse for all of these:
|
|
|
|
** Red November, black November Bleak November, black and red
|
|
Hallowed month of labor's martyrs Labor's heroes, labor's
|
|
dead.
|
|
|
|
Labor's wrath and hope and sorrow Red the promise, black the
|
|
threat Who are we not to remember? Who are we to dare
|
|
forget?
|
|
|
|
Black and red the colors blended Black and red the pledge we
|
|
made Red until the fight is ended Black until the debt is
|
|
paid.**
|
|
|
|
Hill soon became a legendary figure. References to him came up in
|
|
more publications than one would want to count. A man is most
|
|
likely to turn into myth and legend when his life becomes a symbol
|
|
of some widely felt wish. There was an inkling of this in the
|
|
unexpected thousands who filled Chicago streets for his funeral,
|
|
for most of them were outside the groups that had been demanding a
|
|
new trial. Some were there because they loved his songs.
|
|
|
|
Some admired his determined stand that a man need not prove
|
|
himself innocent, for they knew how hard it often is for migratory
|
|
workers to prove the most simple facts about their lives. Some
|
|
admired the man who could write that final will. All who marched
|
|
felt he was a man on their side, against those who were cheating
|
|
them out of the life they wanted -- a man worth imitating.
|
|
|
|
In 1925 Alfred Hayes wrote a poem, *I Dreamed I Saw Joe Hill Last
|
|
Night*, that became widely known through the labor movement after
|
|
Earl Robinson set it to music in the 30's. A line in that ballad,
|
|
* I never died, said he* suggested the title to Barrie Stavis's
|
|
play, a play prefaced with one of the first serious attempts to
|
|
assemble the facts of Hill's life. In Sweden in 1951, Ture Nerman
|
|
published the information of Hill's boyhood as Joel Haggland
|
|
-- information quite new to Hill's friends.
|
|
|
|
In 1964, the Canadian Broadcasting Company (CBC) brought out a
|
|
documentary on Hill in their Other Voices series, in which Don
|
|
Francks sang many of Hill's songs against a background depicting
|
|
his life here. Two years later Phil Ochs wrote words and music
|
|
for a lengthy ballad. In 1970 the University of Utah Press
|
|
brought out Gibbs Smith's _Joe Hill_, the most complete study of
|
|
the man yet written, and republished later as a Grosset & Dunlap
|
|
paperback under the title _Labor's Martyr, Joe Hill_.
|
|
|
|
In Sweden and California, Bo Widerberg produced a rather
|
|
imaginative film on Hill. The Swedish union SAC has honored Hill
|
|
by making his birthplace into a labor museum. When King Gustav of
|
|
Sweden visited America in 1976, he brought to the Walter Reuther
|
|
Labor History Archives at Wayne State University, where old IWW
|
|
records are preserved, copies of the extensive correspondence
|
|
between the Swedish government and the American authorities on
|
|
behalf of Hill. A visitor to Geneva, Switzerland, reports seeing
|
|
Hill, bigger than life, decorating the walls of more than one
|
|
office of the trade union internationals centered there.
|
|
|
|
There is that about Joe Hill that has endeared him to union people
|
|
around the world, including many who know they might have quite an
|
|
argument with Joe if they could meet. These many expressions of
|
|
regard and plans to celebrate his 100th birthday October 7, 1979,
|
|
have developed largely outside of Hill's union. Hill's
|
|
persistence as an enduring symbol is thus not some artifice
|
|
maintained by a handful, but part of the process, like his funeral
|
|
procession, through which the working class shapes its hopes and
|
|
values. Hill has become an industrial William Tell. William Tell
|
|
was assumed to be a real person in history until it was found that
|
|
his story, or one like it, is to be found wherever there is a
|
|
class society and the oppression that accompanies it.
|
|
|
|
Joe Hill, however, was a real man as well as a legend. He did
|
|
live. He did organize for the IWW. He plainly had it in mind in
|
|
his final wire: *Don't mourn -- organize*. The IWW, a bit
|
|
legendary too, is still here trying to achieve Hill's hopes for a
|
|
world run by workers, able to run it for their own good when they
|
|
reach an understanding not to scab on each other, or shoot each
|
|
other, or let themselves be used against each other in any way.
|
|
The world has changed since 1915. Then Hill's vision of world
|
|
labor solidarity was a decorative sentiment in a world torn by a
|
|
war fought with weapons now obsolete. Today that vision of world
|
|
labor solidarity has become indispensable to human survival. Is
|
|
it too optimistic to feel that the warmth shown Joe Hill in 1979
|
|
is a recognition of this fact?
|
|
|
|
* * *
|
|
|
|
On May 29, 1979, Harriet L. Marcus, Vice-Chairman of the Utah
|
|
Board of Pardons replied to Folke G. Anderson, a Swedish-American
|
|
musician who has sought exoneration for Hill. She wrote: *Dear
|
|
Mr. Anderson: The Board feels that it would be inappropriate to
|
|
grant a retroactive pardon in an ambiguous case.*
|
|
|
|
If the case was ambiguous, why did they shoot Joe Hill?
|
|
|
|
>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>DON'T MOURN -- ORGANIZE<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
|
|
|
|
|