409 lines
22 KiB
Plaintext
409 lines
22 KiB
Plaintext
Second Declaration from the Lacandon Jungle
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Eje'rcito Zapatista de Liberacio'n Nacional
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(Zapatista National Liberation Army)
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Mexico
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Today we say: We will not surrender!
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". . . Those who bear swords aren't the only ones who lose blood or
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who shine with the fleeting light of military glory. They aren't
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the only ones who should have a voice in designating the leaders of
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the government of a people who want democracy; this right to choose
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belongs to every citizen who has fought in the press or in the
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courts. It belongs to every citizen who identifies with the ideals
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of the Revolution and who has fought against the despotism that has
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ignored our laws. Tyranny isn't eliminated just by fighting on the
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battlefield; dictatorships and empires are also overthrown by
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launching cries of freedom and terrible threats against those who
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are executing the people. . . Historical events have shown us that
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the destruction of tyranny and the overthrow of all bad government
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are the work of ideas together with the sword. It is therefore an
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absurdity, an aberration, an outrageous despotism to deny the
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people the right to elect their government. The people's
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sovereignty is formed by all those people in society who are
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conscience of their rights and who, be they civilians or armed,
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love freedom and justice and who work for the good of the country."
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- Paulino Marti'nez, Zapatista delegate to the Revolutionary
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Sovereignty Convention, Aguascalientes, Mexico, on behalf of
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Emiliano Zapata. October 27, 1914.
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To the people of Mexico:
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To the peoples and governments of the world:
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Brothers:
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The Eje'rcito Zapatista de Liberacio'n Nacional (EZLN), on a
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war footing against the government since January First, 1994,
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addresses itself to you in order to make known its opinion:
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Brother Mexicans:
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In December, 1993, we said, "Enough!" On January First, 1994,
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we called on the Legislative and Judicial powers to assume their
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constitutional responsibility and to restrain the genocidal
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policies that the Federal Executive imposes upon our people. We
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base our constitutional right in the application of Article 37 of
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the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States:
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"National Sovereignty essentially and originally resides in the
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people. All political power emanates from the people and its
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purpose is to help the people. The people have, at all times, the
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inalienable right to alter or modify their form of government."
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The government responded to this call with a policy of
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extermination and lies. The powers within Mexico ignored our just
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demand and permitted a massacre. However, this massacre only lasted
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twelve days. Another force, a force superior to any political or
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military power imposed its will upon the parties involved in the
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conflict. Civil society assumed the duty of preserving our country.
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It showed its disapproval of the massacre and it obligated us to
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dialogue with the government. We understand that the ascendancy of
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the political party that has been in power for so long cannot be
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allowed to continue. We understand that this party, a party that
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has kept for itself the fruits of every Mexican's labor, cannot be
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allowed to continue. We understand that the corruption of the
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presidential elections that sustains this party impedes our freedom
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and should not be allowed to continue. We understand that the
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culture of fraud is the method with which this party imposes and
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impedes democracy. We understand that justice only exists for the
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corrupt and the powerful. We understand that we must construct a
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society in which those who lead do so with the will of the people.
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There is no other path.
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This is understood by every honest Mexican in civil society.
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Only those who have based their success in the theft of the public
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trust, those who protect criminals and murderers by prostituting
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justice, those who resort to political murder and electoral fraud
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in order to impose their will, are opposed to our demands.
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These antiquated politicians plan to roll back history and
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erase from the national consciousness the cry that was taken up by
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the country after January First, 1994: "Enough already!"
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We will not permit this. Today we don't call upon those weak
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powers within Mexico who refuse to assume their constitutional
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duties and who permit themselves to be controlled by the Federal
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Executive. If the legislature and the judges have no dignity, then
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others who do understand that they must serve the people and not
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the individual will step forward. Our call transcends the question
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of presidential terms or the upcoming election. Our sovereignty
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resides in civil society. Only the people can alter or modify our
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form of government. It is to them that we address this Second
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Declaration from the Lacandon Jungle.
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First: We have respected the international conventions of warfare
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while we have carried out our military actions. These conventions
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have allowed us to be recognized as a belligerent force by national
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and foreign forces. We will continue to respect these conventions.
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Second: We order all of our regular and irregular forces, both in
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national territory and outside the country, to continue to obey the
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unilateral offensive cease-fire. We will continue to respect the
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cease-fire in order to permit civil society to organize, in
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whatever forms they consider pertinent, toward the goal of
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achieving a transition to democracy in our country.
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Third: We condemn the threats against civil society brought about
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by the militarization of the country, both in terms of personal and
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modern repressive equipment, during this time leading up to the
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Federal elections. Without a doubt, the Salinas government is
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trying to impose its will by fraud. We will not permit this.
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Fourth: We propose to all independent political parties that are
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suffering from intimidation and repression of political rights -
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the same intimidation and repression that our people have suffered
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for the last 65 years - that they declare themselves in favor of a
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government of transition toward democracy.
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Fifth: We reject the manipulation and the attempts to separate our
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just demands from the demands of the Mexican people. We are
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Mexicans, and we will not put aside our demands nor our arms until
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we have democracy, freedom and justice for all.
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Sixth: We reiterate our disposition towards finding a political
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solution to the transition to democracy in Mexico. We call upon
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civil society to re-take the protagonist's role that it first took
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up in order to stop the military phase of the war. We call upon
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civil society to organize itself in order to direct the peaceful
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efforts towards democracy, freedom and justice. Democratic change
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is the only alternative to war.
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Seventh: We call on all honest sectors of civil society to attend
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a National Dialogue for Democracy, Freedom and Justice.
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For this reason we say:
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Brothers:
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After the start of the war in January, 1994, the organized cry
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of the Mexican people stopped the fighting and called for a
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dialogue between the contending forces. The Federal government
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responded to the just demands of the EZLN with a series of offers
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that didn't touch on the essential problem: the lack of justice,
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freedom and democracy in Mexican territory.
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The offers with which to the Federal government responded to
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the demands of the EZLN are limited by the system of the political
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party in power. This system has made possible the continuation of
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certain sectors in the Mexican countryside that have superseded the
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power of the constitution and whose roots have maintained the party
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in power. It is this system of complicity that has made possible
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the existence and belligerence of the caciques, the omnipotent
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power of the ranchers and businessmen and the spread of drug-
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trafficking. Just the fact that the government offered us the so-
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called Proposals for a Dignified Peace in Chiapas provoked
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tremendous agitation and an open defiance by these sectors. The
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single-party political system is trying to maneuver within this
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reduced horizon. It can't alienate these sectors without attacking
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itself, yet it can't leave things as they are without having to
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face the anger of the peasants and indigenous peoples. In other
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words, to go through with the proposals would necessarily mean the
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death of the state party system. By suicide or execution, the death
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of the current Mexican political system is a necessary
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precondition, although not sufficient, for the transition to
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democracy in our country. There will be no real solutions in
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Chiapas until the situation in Mexico as a whole is resolved.
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The EZLN understands that the problem of poverty in Mexico
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isn't due just to a lack of resources. Our fundamental
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understanding and position is that whatever efforts that are made
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will only postpone the problem if these efforts aren't made within
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the context of new local, regional and national political
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relationships - relationships marked by democracy, freedom and
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justice. The problem of power is not a question of who rules, but
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of who exercises power. If it is exercised by a majority of the
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people, the political parties will be obligated to put their
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proposals forward to the people instead of merely relating among
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themselves.
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Looking at the problem of power within the context of
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democracy, freedom and justice will create a new political culture
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within the parties. A new type of political leader will be born
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and, without a doubt, new types of political parties will be born
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as well.
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We aren't proposing a new world, but something preceding a new
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world: an antechamber looking into the new Mexico. In this sense,
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this revolution will not end in a new class, a faction of a class
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or group in power. It will end in an free and democratic space for
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political struggle. This free and democratic space will be born on
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the fetid cadaver of the state party system and the tradition of
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fixed presidential succession. A new political relationship will be
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born, a relationship based not in the confrontation of political
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organizations among themselves, but in the confrontation of their
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political proposals with different social classes. Political
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leadership will depend on the support of these social classes, and
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not in the mere exercise of power. In this new political
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relationship, different political proposals (socialism, capitalism,
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social democracy, liberalism, christian democracy etc.) will have
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to convince a majority of the nation that their proposal is the
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best for the country. The groups in power will be watched by the
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people in such a way that they will be obligated to give a regular
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accounting of themselves and the people will be able to decide
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whether they remain in power or not. The plebiscite is a regulated
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form of confrontation between the nation, political parties and
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power and it merits a place in the highest law of the country.
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Current Mexican law is too constricting for these new
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political relationships between the governed and those who govern.
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A National Democratic Convention is needed from which a provisional
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or transitional government can emerge, be it by the resignation of
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the Federal Executive or by an electoral route.
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This National Democratic Convention and transitional
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government should lead to the creation of a new constitution, and
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in the context of this new constitution, new elections should be
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held. The pain that this process will bring to the country will be
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less than the damage that would be caused by a civil war. The
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prophecy of the southeast is valid for the entire country. We can
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learn from what has already occurred so that there is less pain
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during the birth of the new Mexico.
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The EZLN has its idea of what system and proposal are best for
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the country. The political maturity of the EZLN as a representative
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of a sector of the nation is shown by the fact that it doesn't want
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to impose its proposal upon the country. The EZLN demands what is
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shown by their example: the political maturity of Mexico and the
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right for all to decide, freely and democratically, the course that
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Mexico must take. Not only will a better and more just Mexico
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emerge from this historic synthesis, but a new Mexican as well.
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This is why we are gambling our lives: so that the Mexicans of the
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future can inherit a country in which it isn't shameful to live. .
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The EZLN, in a democratic exercise without precedent within an
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armed organization, consulted its component bases about whether or
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not to sign the peace accords presented by the Federal government.
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The indigenous bases of the EZLN, seeing that the central demands
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of democracy, freedom and justice have yet to be resolved, decided
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against signing the government's proposal.
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Under siege and under pressure from different sectors that
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threatened us with extermination if the peace accords weren't
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signed, we Zapatistas reaffirmed our commitment to achieve a peace
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with justice and dignity. In our struggle, the dignified struggle
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of our ancestors has found a home. The cry of dignity of the
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insurgent Vicente Guererro, "Live for the country or die for
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freedom," once again sounds from our throats. We cannot accept an
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undignified peace.
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Our path sprang out of the impossibility of struggling
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peacefully for our elemental rights as human beings. The most
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valuable of these rights is the right to decide, freely and
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democratically, what form the government will take. Now, the
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possibility of a peaceful change to democracy and freedom confronts
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a new test: the electoral process that will take place this August,
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1994. There are those who are betting on the outcome of the
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elections and the post-election period. There are those who are
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predicting apathy and disillusionment. They hope to profit from the
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blood of those who fall in the struggle, both violent and peaceful,
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in the cities and in the countryside. They found their political
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project in the conflict they hope will come after the elections.
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They hope that the political demobilization will once again open
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the door to war. They say that they will save the country.
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Others hope that the armed conflict will restart before the
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elections so that they can take advantage of the chaotic situation
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to perpetuate themselves in power. Just as they did before when
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they usurped popular will with electoral fraud, these people hope
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to take advantage of a pre-electoral civil war in order to prolong
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the agony of a dictatorship that has already lasted decades. There
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are others, sterile nay-sayers, who reason that war is inevitable
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and who are waiting to watch their enemy's cadaver float by. . . or
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their friend's cadaver. The sectarians suppose, erroneously, that
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just the firing of a gun will bring about the dawn that our people
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have waited for since night fell upon Mexican soil with the death
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of Villa and Zapata.
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Every one of these people who steal hope suppose that behind
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our weapons are ambition and an agenda that will guide us to the
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future. They are wrong. Behind our weapons is another weapon:
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reason. Hope gives life to both of our weapons. We won't let them
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steal our hope.
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The hope that came with the trigger came about at the
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beginning of the year. It is precisely now that the hope that comes
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with political mobilizations takes up the protagonist's role that
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belong to it by right and reason. The flag is now in the hands of
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those who have names and faces, good and honest people who have the
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same goal that we yearn for. Our greetings to these men and women.
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You have our greetings and our hope that you can carry the flag to
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where it should be. We will be standing there waiting for you with
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dignity. If the flag should fall, we will be there to pick it up
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again. . .
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Now is the time for hope to organize itself and to walk
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forward in the valleys and in the cities, as it did before in the
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mountains of the southeast. Fight with your weapons; don't worry
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about ours. We know how to resist to the last. We know how to wait.
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. . And we know what to do if the doors through which dignity walk
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close once again.
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This is why we address our brothers in different non-
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governmental organizations, in peasant and indigenous
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organizations, workers in the cities and in the countryside,
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teachers and students, housewives and squatters, artists and
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intellectuals, members of independent political parties, Mexicans.
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We call you all to a national dialogue with the theme of
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democracy, freedom and justice. For this reason, we put forward the
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following invitation to a National Democratic Convention:
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We, the Eje'rcito Zapatista de Liberacio'n Nacional, fighting
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to achieve the democracy, freedom and justice that our country
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deserves and considering that:
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One: The supreme government has usurped the legality that we
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inherited from the heros of the Mexican Revolution.
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Two: The constitution that exists doesn't reflect the popular will
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of the Mexican people.
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Three: The resignation of Federal Executive usurper isn't enough
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and that a new law is necessary for the new country that will be
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born from the struggles of all honest Mexicans.
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Four: Every form of struggle is necessary in order to achieve the
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transition to democracy in Mexico.
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Considering these things, we call for a sovereign and
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revolutionary National Democratic Convention from which will come
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a transition government and a new national law, a new constitution
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that will guarantee the legal fulfillment of the people's will.
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This sovereign revolutionary convention will be national in
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that it all states of the federation will be represented. It will
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be plural in the sense that all patriotic sectors will be
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represented. It will be democratic in the way in which it will make
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decisions by national consultations.
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The convention will be presided over, freely and voluntarily
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by civilians, prestigious public figures, regardless of their
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political affiliation, race, religion, sex or age.
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The convention will be launched by local, state and regional
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committee in every ejido, settlement, school and factory. These
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committees of the convention will be in charge of collecting the
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people's proposals for the new constitution and the demands to be
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completed by the new government that comes out of the convention.
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The convention should demand free and democratic elections and
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should fight for the people's will to be respected.
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The Eje'rcito Zapatista de Liberacio'n Nacional will recognize
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the National Democratic Convention as the authentic representative
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of the interests of the Mexican people in their transition to
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democracy.
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The Eje'rcito Zapatista de Liberacio'n Nacional is now to be
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found throughout national territory and is in a position to offer
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itself to the Mexican people as an army to guarantee that the
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people's will is carried out.
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For the first meeting of the National Democratic Convention,
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the EZLN offers as a meeting-place a Zapatista settlement with all
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of the resources to be found there.
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The date and place of the first session of the National
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Democratic Convention will be announced when it is opportune to do
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so.
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Brother Mexicans:
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Our struggle continues. The Zapatista flag still waves in the
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southeastern mountains of Mexico and today we say: We will not
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surrender!
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Facing the mountains we speak to our dead so that their words
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will guide us along the path that we must walk.
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The drums sound, and in the voices from the land we hear our
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pain and our history.
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"Everthing for everyone," say our dead. "While this is not
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true, there will be nothing for us."
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Find in your hearts the voices of those for whom we fight.
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Invite them to walk the dignified path of those who have no faces.
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Call them to resist. Let no one receive anything from those who
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rule. Ask them to reject the handouts from the powerful. Let all
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the good people in this land organize with dignity. Let them resist
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and not sell-out.
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Don't surrender! Resist! Resist with dignity in the lands of
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the true men and women! Let the mountains shelter the pain of the
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people of this land. Don't surrender! Resist! Don't sell-out!
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Resist!
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Our dead spoke these words from their hearts. We have seen
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that the words of our dead are good, that there is truth in what
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they say and dignity in their counsel. For this reason we call on
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our brother Mexicans to resist with us. We call on the indigenous
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peasants to resist with us. We call on the workers, squatters,
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housewives, students, teachers, intellectuals, writers, on all
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those with dignity to resist with us. The government doesn't want
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democracy in our land. We will accept nothing that comes from the
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rotting heart of the government, not a single coin nor a single
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dose of medication, not a single stone nor a single grain of food.
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We will not accept the handouts that the government offers in
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exchange for our dignity.
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We will not take anything from the supreme government.
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Although they increase our pain and sorrow, although death may
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accompany us, although we may see others selling themselves to the
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hand that oppresses them, although everthing may hurt and sorrow
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may cry out from the rocks, we will not accept anything. We will
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resist. We will not take anything from the government. We will
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resist until those who are power exercise their power while obeying
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the people's will.
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Brothers:
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Don't sell-out. Resist with us. Don't surrender. Resist with
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us. Repeat along with us, "We will not surrender! We will resist!"
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Let these words be heard not only in the mountains of the southeast
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of Mexico, but in the north and on the peninsulas. Let it be heard
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on both coasts. Let it be heard in the center of the country. Let
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it cry out in the valleys and in the mountains. Let it sound in the
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cities and in the countryside. Unite your voices, brothers. Cry out
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with us: "We will not surrender! We will resist!"
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Let dignity break the siege and lift off us the filthy hands
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with which the government is trying to strangle us. We are all
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under siege. They will not let democracy, freedom and justice enter
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Mexican territory. Brothers, we are all under siege. We will not
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surrender! We will resist! We have dignity! We will not sell-out!
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What good are the riches of the powerful if they aren't able
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to buy the most valuable thing in these lands? If the dignity of
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the Mexican people has no price, then what good is the power of the
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powerful?
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Dignity will not surrender!
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Dignity will resist!
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Democracy!
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Freedom!
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Justice!
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>From the mountains of southeastern Mexico
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Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee - General Command of
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the Eje'rcito Zapatista de Liberacio'n Nacional
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Mexico
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June, 1994
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