textfiles/politics/SPUNK/sp000031.txt

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TRANSPORT REVIEW FOR H&N 12
"Freedom To Go: After The Motor Age" by Colin Ward (Freedom Press, #3.50)
"Releve Provisiore de Nos Griefs Contre le Despotisme de la Vitesse"
(Alliance Pour L'Opposition A Toutes les Nuisances, BP 188, 75665 Paris Cedex
14, France, 15FF)
Transportation policy lies at the vanishing point of command-based politics.
The political class's pretense to represent a "general interest" implodes
under pressure from each particular interest (e.g. for or against road and
rail development schemes). The cartels and corporations pay scant regard to
the planning pretensions of the politicians, and rational behaviour seldom
results from the sum of all individuals' behaviour, bringing unforeseen
results (new motorway; my car trip; their traffic jam).
The delusions of administrative politics are therefore evident, and can be
opposed with no wider programme than that of a pressure group defending a
particular community's interests. But can the issues be developed in a way
which opposes administrative-technical fixes without positing another set?
The two present pamphlets, both stand outside command politics, and can be
viewed from this perspective.
The French pamphlet appears, at least, to intervene in a particular struggle:
opposing the construction of a south-east arterial route for the TGV
high-speed train through further communities. However, the pamphlet consists
largely of denunciation of the cult of speed and suppression of distance by
those whose use of the TGV allows them to enlarge the commuter dormitory belt
around the metropolis.
Much of radical theory followed Marx in favouring the city over the country.
The metropolis was the focal point: its growth had cast everything into flux,
initiating new behaviour patterns which were understood to define the public
and the private. Some proclaimed a new urbanism which would breach these
divisions, but the substance of these proposals should they spread beyond
small vanguards (themselves a metropolitan conceit) remained unclear. The
current pamphlet plays a familiar tune: quality replaced by quantity, true
need by false, a monotonous standardisation of life. Well and good, unless it
merely fulfills an obligation to map preconceived ideas onto reality in a way
which triggers recognition in a tiny number of people.
Another danger lies in producing well-meaning and sensible proposals outwith
any movement towards their application - the sort of administrative politics
without power which can be associated with the Green Party.
Ward's pamphlet skirts that danger. It provides a handbook synthesising
histories of the public and private, the social and personal aspects of
various forms of transport. The theme is caught up in State structure and
funding, as prestige projects (like the TGV) are pursued to enhance the image
of the State, and in the interplay with corporations' activities. As Ward
describes, the "realm of freedom" based around the private automobile
resulted from State reluctance to impede the corporations' dismantling of US
city transport systems as well as from the underwriting of motorised freedom
by funding road programmes. Like his other writings, however, such
conspiratorial origins of the Motor Age are balanced with recognition of the
specific activity which people make in their lives.
For example, Ward remarks on the intensive interest in tinkering with cars
(reflected in many Custom Car type magazines at the newsagent), despite such
activity being far from his or our interest. Such recognition of the
creativity involved in hobbies is more open to, for example, the impulse
towards "hotting" stolen cars than would be an attention to the banality of
the totality which could ignore such activity, act as a parody civil
liberties lobby by decrying heavy-handed policing, or celebrate hotting as a
crack in the capitalist monolith.
There is certainly an awkwardness in Freedom To Go, one which appears in any
attempt to propose positive goals while withholding consent from those in
power. Ward highlights the extent to which contemporary palliatives, such as
pedestrianisation and traffic calming devices, offended against town planning
orthodoxy but have since become a new "good practise". Not that the adoption
of such programmes represents a victory of the convivial over the planners -
control is not relinquished, merely remoulded. The highest profile traffic
calming programmes are those around army checkpoints in Northern Ireland.
Pedestrianisation is predominantly introduced in town shopping streets and
the effect, rather than restoring the multiple use of space which preceded
the domination of motor traffic, is often to dedicate the area to consumption
by day and leave it unsafe to walk alone at night.
Ward recalls the campaigns against higher public transport fares in London
(and Glasgow) with free transport a worthwhile goal, both in the local
transport infrastructure and in potential wider benefits. As well it might
be, but the past decade has seen different or even contrary impulses at work.
In particular, deregulation of bus services had the ostensible purpose of
allowing market mechanisms to provide a better provider-purchaser service.
Beyond asserting that the true goal was different, any revived campaign for
free mass transport would need to define "public" control on a level other
than that of the municipal.
To step back from the security and guarantee against reformism apparently
provided by the idea of a banal totality requires recognition of the forces
at work, the interests of the administrative strata and their propensity to
co-opt, and also of the difficulty of finding a rooted position, outwith the
circling rhetorics of anti-social and social oppositions. The developments of
mass and individual transportations both formed and weakened our communities,
such as they are.
From Here & Now 12 1992 - Nocopyright