494 lines
27 KiB
Plaintext
494 lines
27 KiB
Plaintext
THE PEYOTE RELIGION AMONG THE AMERICAN INDIANS
|
||
|
||
By Patty Yuen
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
The use of Peyote has long been referred to as a cult "...which we
|
||
found springing into existence when old ways of life (of the American
|
||
Indian) are being destroyed by a powerful and technologically more
|
||
advanced culture ..." thus also classifying it as a revitalization
|
||
movement.
|
||
|
||
Today, peyote use has become the most popular, and one of the most
|
||
durable of all the religious movements created by American Indians as a
|
||
result of the suffering as the effects of domination by American
|
||
society. Peyote use (in the United States) has thus evolved into what
|
||
is more accurately described as a religion: a system of symbols which
|
||
produces powerful, pervasive and long-lasting moods and motivations by
|
||
formulating conceptions of a general order of existence.
|
||
|
||
The rite as it came to the United States was aboriginal in character,
|
||
and had no hint of influence of any other religion. Today, the Peyote
|
||
religion can be characterized as the combination of beliefs tinged with
|
||
Christianity and rituals which are distinctly Indian. The peyote cactus
|
||
is central to the religion for its effects after ingestion and for its
|
||
symbolism. For them, the cactus is the basis for their communication
|
||
with God, and their cure for all bodily and spiritual ailments--a
|
||
palladium, power and panacea.
|
||
|
||
In spite of opposition from traditional and Christian Indians, who
|
||
oppose the cult fear and hate Peyote, and from the Indian Service,
|
||
doctors, missionaries, and traders, the religion has been passed from
|
||
the land of the ancient Aztec empire to the Mexican Indians, and
|
||
beginning in 1870's, spread to the United States, especially in the
|
||
Plains, where nearly all groups use it. It is today one of the major
|
||
religions of most Indians of the United States between the rocky
|
||
Mountains and the Mississippi, from the territories spanning from
|
||
Nevada to Wisconson, and even up to Southern Canada and parts of the
|
||
Great Basin. The appeal of peyote is based upon the visions it induces,
|
||
and its "medicine power," and its availability in doctoring is
|
||
culturally based upon the aboriginal vision quest of the American
|
||
Indians and the ideological premises of this quest.
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
PEYOTE
|
||
|
||
The Plant
|
||
|
||
Peyote, or Lophophora williamsii is a small, low-growing spineless
|
||
cactus, and ranges in shape from a turnip to carrot-shape. It does not
|
||
have branches or leaves, but has tufts of hair or fuzz which are said
|
||
to cause sore eyes or blindness. The flesh and roots are eaten by
|
||
peyotists. The rounded top surface, which alone appears above the soil
|
||
(and which cut off and dried, popular method of preparation, becomes
|
||
the peyote-button) makes it difficult to find. It grows mainly in areas
|
||
of Texas and Mexico, and was first discovered in 1560. It contains nine
|
||
narcotic alkaloids, the most important of which is mescaline, which
|
||
produces profound sensory and psychic derangements, or hallucinations
|
||
lasting about twenty-four hours. It is this property of the peyote
|
||
which led the native American Indian to value and use it religiously.
|
||
|
||
It is interesting to note that throughout the world, people use many
|
||
substances to create special psychological states such as the opiates,
|
||
marijuana, coca, alcohol, etc. These are often used in magical
|
||
contexts, for instance, for divination, to create a trance, visions, or
|
||
dreams. But peyote is the only substance known which is used to create
|
||
a special psychological state in service of religious ends. Cult
|
||
members face persecution and imprisonment in order to use peyote for
|
||
religious purposes. Another interesting point is that given the wide
|
||
range of the plant genera in Eastern and Western worlds, why is it that
|
||
in America, the American Indians knew of some forty local species of
|
||
hallucinogens, while the rest of the world had scarcely half a dozen.
|
||
|
||
Physiology of Peyote Intoxication
|
||
|
||
Physiologically, the most noted characteristics of peyote is its
|
||
production of visual hallucinations or color visions, as well as the
|
||
derangements of olfactory, auditory, and touch senses. Typically, the
|
||
first stage in the reaction to the ingestion of peyote is exhilaration
|
||
(which may result in the allaying of hunger and thirst on the long
|
||
pilgrimage to peyote land n order to obtain the drug, to give courage
|
||
in war, and strength in dancing, and racing, etc.) which is produced by
|
||
the strychnine-like alkaloids, followed by the second stage,
|
||
characterized by profound depression, nausea and wakefulness, mild
|
||
analgesia, and a sensation of fullness in the stomach or loss of
|
||
appetite. If dosage continues, there may be active nauseam and a
|
||
feeling of tightness in the chest, some muscular tetany (particularly
|
||
evident in the jaw muscles), and finally, under the influence of the
|
||
morphine-like alkaloids,heightened sensitivity to nuances of sound,
|
||
color form and texture. If dosage continues, b rilliant color visions
|
||
are produced with eyes open or closed. There are no ill after-effects,
|
||
and peyote is not known to be habit-forming. It is in the latter stage
|
||
where "running amok," witchcraft-suspicion, psychic fear-states,
|
||
euphoria and feeling of brotherhood, partial anesthesia, the "suffering
|
||
to learn something" (characteristic of the Plains vision quest),
|
||
hallucinations which teaches the worshiper sacred songs of peyote, and
|
||
"learning" of painting and bead designs, symbolical birds and feathers,
|
||
etc.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Reasons for the Use of Peyote in Ritual Practice
|
||
|
||
"For American Indians from the most ancient times, this experience
|
||
(induced by peyote) of `medicine power' -- sought ...everywhere at
|
||
least by shamans or medicine men..." -- motivated American Indians to
|
||
explore a plant that resulted in such impressive experiences by the
|
||
worshippers. The question arises, why are these characteristics of
|
||
peyote so important to a religion? The visions are not critical to the
|
||
peyotist, as one may have been led to believe; in fact they are rare or
|
||
absent in a large percentage of cases, and even disvalued by many
|
||
peyotists, although welcomed by many others.
|
||
|
||
What I found to believe that makes peyote so religiously important is
|
||
the feeling of personal significance of external and internal stimuli
|
||
that hallucinogenics, in particular peyote, creates because the
|
||
physiological reactions occur in the person, subjectively. Each person
|
||
is experiencing his own similar, but distinct reaction, and examining
|
||
his own thoughts, which cannot be exactly the same as the next
|
||
person's. "Personal significance heightens the religious experience in
|
||
the peyote meeting because it supplies evident proof that something is
|
||
being done to and for the human organism and it is felt as a power."
|
||
|
||
This feeling of personal significance asks, "What does this mean for
|
||
me?" For example, if the worshipper is ill, he will be able to ask his
|
||
own bodily sensations and the events of the meeting for an
|
||
understanding of why he is ill and whether he is likely to get better.
|
||
Or if he is anxious or depressed, or guilt-ridden, he can examine these
|
||
feelings and the reasons for them and seek in his experience a clue as
|
||
to whether he is forgiven, needs to worry, or can ever be happy. These
|
||
are generally referred to as revelations. "Users may find personal
|
||
significance in the events of the peyote meeting, the physical
|
||
surroundings, their fellow participants and in their behavior and
|
||
expressions, visions, nausea, indigestion, headache or simply in their
|
||
own ruminations."
|
||
|
||
Peyote is a religious adjunct-and aid to a special and personal
|
||
experience. Many other religions also have, for the same purposes, such
|
||
adjuncts such as fasting, repetitive prayer, trance, self-torture, etc.
|
||
These, like the peyote experience are other-than-usual experiences
|
||
which, in the context of religious ritual, is usually identified as
|
||
having to do with the supernatural. The mind-moving effect of the plant
|
||
was proof enough to them that it has supernatural mana or "power."
|
||
|
||
|
||
THE RITUAL USE OF PEYOTE
|
||
|
||
Symbolism of the Ritual
|
||
|
||
To the users of peyote, the peyote is in itself, is a power that works
|
||
from the outside. It is a teacher who can show a man the right way to
|
||
live and answer his questions by giving him an experience to live
|
||
through.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Through the use of peyote in the ritual, one is able to communicate
|
||
with the Creator, or in more syncretized tribes, God. The ritual is
|
||
also regarded as a communion with one's fellow worshippers. Prayer,
|
||
song, drumming and the eating of peyote are all regarded as forms of
|
||
communication with God, and the reactions brought on by the drug is
|
||
regarded as communication from Him--through reflection, illumination,
|
||
or visual or auditory hallucinations. The communion with fellow
|
||
peyotists is felt through the joint eating of peyote, the singing,
|
||
confessions, in the drinking of water together at midnight and dawn and
|
||
in the ceremonial breakfast which closes the meeting.
|
||
|
||
Purpose
|
||
|
||
A peyote meeting is generally held for a purpose, one of the most
|
||
common reasons is for curing. Some other reasons for a meeting to be
|
||
called can range from averting evil, promoting future good, or thanking
|
||
God for past blessings to celebrating a child's birth, a death,
|
||
obtaining rain, to divine and combat sorcery, to locate an enemy at
|
||
war, finding lost objects, foretell the future, and to "see the face of
|
||
Jesus" or the faces of dead relatives. Some tribes even hold meetings
|
||
on New Years Eve, Christmas, and Easter. Doctoring the sick is, however
|
||
the commonest reason for calling a meeting, but a quote from an old
|
||
Indian states that, however, when a man wishes to have a meeting, he
|
||
ordinarily finds little difficulty in discovering a reason for it, "In
|
||
the early days they just had a good time for one night. It was not used
|
||
as a curing ceremony then... at first they wanted to have good visions,
|
||
that's what they were after. But then, recently, they began to use it
|
||
as medicine for sick people."
|
||
|
||
The Peyote Rite
|
||
|
||
The ceremonial use of peyote varies greatly from tribe to tribe, but a
|
||
general, or "universal" outline of a peyote ritual will be sufficient.
|
||
|
||
For those tribes who live beyond the habitat of peyote, they may have
|
||
to make pilgrimages in order to obtain peyote. For many Mexican
|
||
journeys, it is very ritualized, for example, they must walk, some
|
||
tribes require fasting even if the journey may last for a month. But
|
||
for the majority, this journey is not ritualized, although there is a
|
||
modest ceremony at the site. For example, on finding the first plant, a
|
||
Kiowa pilgrim sits west of it, rolls a cornshuck cigarette and prays,
|
||
"I have found you, now open up, show me where the rest of you are; I
|
||
want to use you to pray for the health of my people." He sings and eats
|
||
green plants while harvesting them; only the tops are taken, so that
|
||
the roots may regenerate buds for the next pilgrimage. In Mexican
|
||
tribes, the first button they find is saved as a "father peyote" for
|
||
meetings later, in the plains, it is the largest one.
|
||
|
||
In preparation, many tribes commonly take a sweatbath, while some
|
||
require a washing of the hair in yucca suds. Fasting, perfuming of the
|
||
body with mint, sage, or other scented plants are also common
|
||
preparations in order to cleanse the body for the meeting. An universal
|
||
peyotist restriction is that salt may not be eaten on the day that
|
||
peyote is eaten. It is also considered hygenically if not ethically
|
||
unwise to use peyote in alcoholic drinks; indeed, many become peyotists
|
||
in order to cure their alcoholic addictions.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The sponsor selects the leader, or himself acts as one. If a tipi is
|
||
used, the sponsor's womenfolk erect the tipi, or enclosure, prepare and
|
||
bring the food and water the next morning. The sponsor stands the cost
|
||
of the meeting, or others may help in funding the peyote if it has to
|
||
be purchased. Communicants may bring their own supply of buttons.
|
||
|
||
The leader also supplies the paraphernalia: typical requirements are a
|
||
staff, gourd rattle or rasp, eagle-bone whistle, and his personal
|
||
"feathers" for doctoring. Each item has specific symbolic meaning in
|
||
representing the idealogy of their creation.
|
||
|
||
The road chief is the most important individual in a meeting. "The
|
||
leader of each ceremony is the sole director of it. He may base his
|
||
ceremony partly on visions during previous ceremonies. In other cases,
|
||
he follows ceremonies that he has participated in, changing or adding
|
||
details to suit his personal ideas. No two ceremonies conducted by
|
||
different individuals are therefore exactly alike; but the general
|
||
course of all is similar." -- This variation in leadership is also seen
|
||
as a function of leadership -- he has full authority to change the
|
||
ceremony in any way he wishes, and his permission must be asked and
|
||
secured even in such little matters as leaving the meeting temporarily;
|
||
even the fireman, his chief assistant must obtain his permission, and
|
||
constantly consults with him throughout the ceremony for directions. --
|
||
In fact, peyote leadership is a matter of prestige in a tribe, and a
|
||
major means of advancement among the fellow tribe, since each tribe has
|
||
a limited number of rec ognized peyote leaders. For example, the Pawnee
|
||
tribe has only eight recognized leaders in a population of eight
|
||
hundred.
|
||
|
||
Participants gather at sundown and enter the enclosure anytime after
|
||
nightfall, in a clockwise manner. Entrance is generally informal. The
|
||
road chief, who conducts the meeting may say a brief prayer: "I am
|
||
going into my place of worship. Be with us tonight."-- The road chief
|
||
sits west of the fire, which has been started by the fire chief who
|
||
sits north of the door. Two other officials are required: a drummer
|
||
chief, who does most of the drumming; he sits south of the road chief,
|
||
and the cedar chief, who sprinkles dried cedar incense on the fire at
|
||
several points of the ceremony is seated to his right. Almost any one
|
||
can learn these roles after a little observation. A road chief is
|
||
trained more elaborately by another road chief. In front of them is a
|
||
raised crescent moon of earth, and the altar, where the father peyote
|
||
is placed. Father peyote should be the focus of concentration in
|
||
praying, singing, drumming, and smoking ritual cigarettes as it serves
|
||
as a center for communication with God.
|
||
|
||
Some individuals cherish and prize their father peyotes. Some even
|
||
become heirlooms. If one gives his away, or loses it, he may be subject
|
||
to misfortunes.
|
||
|
||
|
||
A prayer, and smoking together is the first ceremony which announces
|
||
the purpose of the meeting. The papers to roll the tobacco is usually
|
||
made of corn husks. All pray privately, and then the incense ceremony
|
||
follows. The cedar man will sprinkle cedar on the fire. The scent will
|
||
protect them from feeling weak or dizzy. Peyote is then passed around
|
||
and eaten. Peyote is generally eaten in the raw dried state as
|
||
"buttons" but, when obtainable, in the green form also, which is said
|
||
to e more potent. Peyote "tea," a dark-brown infusion of soaked and
|
||
boiled buttons may also be provided. This method is commonly used to
|
||
administer peyote to the old and sick, who may be unable to chew the
|
||
buttons, and are unable to pick the fuzz off, which is believed to
|
||
cause blindness.
|
||
|
||
Singing and drumming begin, continuing until midnight. There are four
|
||
"peyote songs" which must be sung throughout the course of the night,
|
||
usually by the road chief: Hayatinayo (Opening Song), Yahiyano
|
||
(Midnight Song), Wakaho (Daylight Song), and Gayatina (Closing Song).
|
||
During this time, the paraphernalia, staff, drum, tobacco, peyote,
|
||
etc., are passed around to the left, in a clockwise circuit, for all
|
||
participants to handle.
|
||
|
||
At about midnight, when the midnight song is sung, a bucket of water is
|
||
brought in by a female, usually the wife of the road chief, who is
|
||
usually referred to as Peyote Woman, who, according to some tribe's
|
||
legends discovered peyote. In the early days, women were prohibited to
|
||
attend in meetings, and only old men used peyote, but forty or fifty
|
||
years ago, women started coming in to be doctored and gradually came in
|
||
for other reasons, though they could not use the ritual paraphernalia;
|
||
under no circumstances may a menstruant woman enter.-- The restriction
|
||
against women appears to apply only to groups who early had peyote,
|
||
when it still had a flavor of a warriors' society about it. It is in
|
||
the mexican practices where women are able to fully participate, and in
|
||
a few cases where a woman acts as road chief.
|
||
|
||
The water is passed around after prayers by various officiants. After
|
||
midnight water, singing and drumming recommence, and peyote is again
|
||
passed around. Public confessions are common, lengthy prayers for the
|
||
purpose the meeting is held begin and continue until dawn, where a
|
||
morning water ceremony, like the midnight ceremony, is held, after the
|
||
four songs are completed. Again, it is brought in by a woman, whether
|
||
she has participated in the meeting or not, and is followed by more
|
||
singing and drumming, and prayers for the purpose and for the
|
||
worshippers themselves. This ceremony is the morning "baptism" or
|
||
"curing" rite. Singing and drumming again, and then the meeting closes
|
||
with a ceremonial breakfast of parched corn, boneless meat, fruit, and
|
||
water. A lot of joking, and discussion of the night's events and
|
||
experiences occur. And at sometime between ten in the morning and one
|
||
in the afternoon, a large meal is served.
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
Beliefs and Values of the Power of Peyote
|
||
|
||
Peyotists believe in the existence of power, spirits, and incarnations
|
||
of power. "...[Power] is an immaterial and invisible supernatural
|
||
force..." which man needs in order to be successful and healthy;
|
||
without it he becomes unsuccessful and ill...God, who is equated with
|
||
the Great Spirit, or the Creator, is the ultimate source of power. This
|
||
power is personified as the Peyote spirit. Peyote "was given to the
|
||
Indians by God because he took pity on them for being a subject
|
||
people--poor, weak, helpless and ignorant...God made the Peyote
|
||
cactus..., and put some of his power into it," in order to help the
|
||
Indians. Therefore when one eats peyote, he absorbs the power inherent
|
||
in it, which he can then utilize to cure and to understand the world
|
||
and one's place in it.
|
||
|
||
The amount of peyote eaten usually is minimally, four buttons. Some
|
||
have eaten 75 to 100 or more, but the average is a third or a fourth of
|
||
this. The reason for such large quantities being that there is a
|
||
certain prestige in eating and retaining large amounts of peyote.-- But
|
||
peyote is not as predictable as one may think. An overdose may cause
|
||
one to vomit, and this is regarded as a punishment of one's sins, but
|
||
it cleanses the body of its impurities in the process and purifies the
|
||
blood. The belief in peyote as a protection against witchcraft is
|
||
widespread. Vomiting of the peyote is attributed to witchcraft forced
|
||
upon by a powerful shaman, for in Mexico and the Southwest, war and
|
||
witching are often done while under the influence of peyote. "A
|
||
favorite device of witches to weaken the leader was to make his
|
||
assistants vomit the peyote."
|
||
|
||
Non-Ritual Uses of Peyote
|
||
|
||
In many instances, peyote is used to prophecize and to divine. Peyote
|
||
is also carried in pouches as amulets as charms against all injuries
|
||
and illnesses, and is also a powerful protection against witchcraft in
|
||
foot races, which are common in Mexican tribes, held usually at night
|
||
before a meeting. Rivals are liable to throw bones and obstructions on
|
||
the track and cause the Tarahumari runner to be bewitched and lose the
|
||
race.
|
||
|
||
Peyote is also used to topically cure wounds. A salve is made out of
|
||
peyote and fat, and is put on to snakebites, arrow wounds, bruises,
|
||
etc. Therapeutic uses of peyote also vary from relieving cramps,
|
||
fainting spells, painful joints, rheumatism, head-aches, fever, and
|
||
colds. In the Plains, a Wichita case of blindness of 15 years was cured
|
||
by the sole application of peyote infusion. One of the most remarkable
|
||
instances is the curing of a Cheyenne woman of liver cancer, which had
|
||
been declared hopeless at a white hospital, although a meeting was
|
||
called for this purpose.
|
||
|
||
Peyote is also used in war for courage, in order to not feel fatigue in
|
||
long journeys, etc. Peyote in fact gave power to perform shamanistic
|
||
tricks in the old days.
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
PEYOTISM AS A NATIVISTIC MOVEMENT
|
||
|
||
Revitalization movement: "a deliberate, organized, conscious effort by
|
||
members of society to construct a more satisfying culture" as a result
|
||
of real or imagined conditions that create a demand for change. A
|
||
nativistic movement, such as peyotism, is a form of a revitalization
|
||
movement that is defined by Linton as, "Any conscious, organized
|
||
attempt on the part of a society's members to revive or perpetuate
|
||
selected aspects of its culture."
|
||
|
||
Further evidence that the peyote religion is revitalistic is that
|
||
several types of deprivation that are prevalent in the Indians'
|
||
situation is noted to be the causal link in which leads individuals to
|
||
join such a religion, the cause of the rapid spread of Peyotism. These
|
||
are:
|
||
|
||
(1) - economic deprivation. In the American Indian's case, the lost of
|
||
their possessions, such as livestock and land.
|
||
|
||
(2) - organismic deprivation. This applies to the feeling of the
|
||
reduction of one's worth among his fellows. If "...one's membership
|
||
category is seen as distinctly below standard, (The American Indian is
|
||
stills regarded with prejudice) this represents behavioral (organismic)
|
||
deprivation" (Aberle).
|
||
|
||
(3) - ethical deprivation is the result of the loss of hierarchy which
|
||
used to be regarded with reverence amongst the tribes. With the
|
||
introduction of reservations and with Indians, involvement in white
|
||
man's world, these traditions become less adhered to.
|
||
|
||
(4) - psychic deprivation, which results in the search for new meaning
|
||
and values, and
|
||
|
||
(5) - social deprivation, which refers to the loss of power felt as an
|
||
American Indian. For instance, he is unable to control events on/ of
|
||
the reservations as a result of white man's laws, and the Bureau of
|
||
Indian Affairs.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CONCLUSION
|
||
|
||
Peyotism seeks a more satisfying way of life for Indian individuals in
|
||
this world, in spite of the difficulties that confront Indians.
|
||
Peyotism's only organized efforts at institutional change are those
|
||
aimed at altering the legal status of the practice itself. Peyotism
|
||
does not believe in changes of individual habit alone, but sees changes
|
||
in belief, custom, behavior, and style of life as proceeding from a
|
||
change of inner state. This is the stated goal of the Native American
|
||
Church. In a sense, peyotism turns its face from the white world, but
|
||
it has an ethic that is adaptive for the American Indian in his
|
||
situation in America. Its stress on abstinence from alcohol, on hard
|
||
work, self-support, sexual morality and responsibility for one's family
|
||
is adaptive for those groups partially integrated in our industrialized
|
||
society.
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
December 4, 1989
|
||
|
||
WORKS CITED
|
||
|
||
|
||
Aberle, David F. The Peyote Religion. Chicago and London: The
|
||
University of Chicago Press, 1982.
|
||
|
||
Artaud, Antonin. The Peyote Dance. New York: Farrar, Strauss and
|
||
Giroux, Inc., 1976.
|
||
|
||
Benitez, Fernando. In The Magic Land of Peyote. Austin and London:
|
||
University of Texas Press, 1911.
|
||
|
||
LaBarre, Weston. The Peyote Cult. Connecticut: The Shoe String Press,
|
||
1975.
|
||
|
||
Lehmann, Arthur C. and Meyers, James E. Magic, Witchcraft, and
|
||
Religion. California: Mayfield Publishing Company,1989.
|
||
|
||
Siskin, Edgar E. Washo Shamans and Peyotists. Utah: University of Utah
|
||
Press, 1983.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES
|
||
|
||
1 Lehman, Arthur C, and Meyers, James E. Magic, Witchcraft, and
|
||
Religion (California: Mayfield Publishing Company, 1989) p.126.
|
||
2 Aberle, David F. The Peyote Religion.(Chicago and London: The
|
||
University of Chicago Press, 1982).
|
||
3 Aberle, p.34.
|
||
4 Aberle.
|
||
5 LaBarre, Weston. The Peyote Cult.(Connecticut: The Shoestring Press,
|
||
1975) p.xv.
|
||
6 LaBarre, p.xv.
|
||
7 LaBarre, p.xv.
|
||
8 Aberle, p.8.
|
||
9 Aberle
|
||
10 Aberle, p.10.
|
||
11 LaBarre, p.xv.
|
||
12 Lehmann, p.126.
|
||
13 Aberle, p.59.
|
||
14 LaBarre, p.58.
|
||
15 LaBarre, p.8.
|
||
16 Siskin, Edgar E. Washo Shamans and Peyotists.(Utah: University of
|
||
Utah Press, 1983).
|
||
17 LaBarre, p.43.
|
||
18 Benitez, Fernando. In The Magic Land of Peyote. (Austin and London:
|
||
University of Texas Press, 1911).
|
||
19 LaBarre, p.63.
|
||
20 Artaud, Antonin. The Peyote Dance. (New York: Farrar, Strauss and
|
||
Giroux, Inc., 1976).
|
||
21 Artaud.
|
||
|
||
22 Benitez.
|
||
23 LaBarre, p.60.
|
||
24 LaBarre, p.26.
|
||
25 LaBarre, p.65.
|
||
26 LaBarre, p.42.
|
||
27 Artaud.
|
||
28 LaBarre, p.87.
|
||
29 LaBarre, p.29.
|
||
30 Aberle, p.338.
|
||
31 Aberle, p.338.
|
||
32 Aberle, p.334.
|
||
33 Aberle, p.335.
|
||
|