987 lines
45 KiB
Plaintext
987 lines
45 KiB
Plaintext
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Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit
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LOVE AND RAGE
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Electronic Edition
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APRIL/MAY 1993
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Part 2
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ABORTION ACCESS ERODES IN EAST BLOC
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by Elizabeth Batiuk
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ACROSS CENTRAL AND EASTern Europe, women's access to abortion is
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being attacked by the Catholic Church and right-wing nationalists.
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The capitalist market system in former Communist regimes has
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unleashed new forms of oppression on women. Women are being pushed
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back into the domestic realm, into the role of mother and wife.
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Women are being systematically excluded from the political
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processes of their countries and communities. Women are
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experiencing rising rates of sexist violence. The State needs to
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control social relations and women's bodies in order to organize
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the economy and the government for maximum profits. Displacing
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women from the work force and curtailing access to abortion
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reinforces the ideal of the nuclear family.
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Reports on the current situations in Poland, Hungary, the Czech and
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Slovak republics, Albania, Kosovo, Bulgaria and Germany were given
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at a recent meeting of the Network of East-West Women (N.E.W.W.) in
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New York. (See the end of this article for a summary of these
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reports.)
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Attacks on reproductive freedom in Eastern Europe are being shaped
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by three major reactionary political forces: nationalism,
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capitalism and social morality.
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Reproductive freedom varies according to the area a woman lives in
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and her ethnic identity, according to the reports given on Croatia,
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Albania and Kosovo. For example, though once part of Serbia, Kosovo
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has a large Albanian population. Albanian women in Albania had
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access to abortion. But Albanian women in Kosovo were under heavy
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social and religious pressure not to abort any pregnancy, in order
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to bolster the Albanian population in the region. Indeed, there
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were popular rumors that doctors induced Albanian women to miscarry
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against their wills when they went for routine physical or prenatal
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exams. Nationalist ideaogies are more concerned with increasing
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their ethnic populations and with enforcing moral and cultural
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homogeneity, than they are concerned with the economic strategy of
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the nuclear family.
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Under Communism, women enjoyed legal equality and participation in
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the labor force. Some attempts were made to socialize housework.
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But all of Central and Eastern Europe still depends on the
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compulsory domestic labor of women. Women carry a double burden,
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typified by the phrase "working mother," in both capitalist and
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Communist industrialized societies.
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Abortion was freely available in Eastern and Central Europe under
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the Communists. In many places it was used regularly as birth
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control, due to the lack of decent contraceptives. These policies
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were regulated demographically by the State.
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Now, reproductive freedom is at the mercy of the market rather than
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the State. In places such as Hungary and the Czech republic, price
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increases have severely limited abortion access. An abortion costs
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up to 80 percent of an average monthly wage. Because health care is
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no longer free and abortion is now considered "non-essential,"
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choosing to have children is no longer considered a real choice in
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Eastern Europe.
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There is an understanding that abortion is "something you take care
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of yourself," according to one woman's report on Albania. This is
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the experience of women's lives. Our rights are treated as less
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inalienable; our autonomy is subordinated to the interests of the
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State. For example, in the G.D.R. women had easy access to
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abortion, childcare facilities and domestic services. Yet women
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still suffered horrendously from the double burden of wage-work and
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house-work. The nuclear model was the only model of family.
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Uncritical acceptance of what is included in the private or
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unofficial realms perpetuates inequality.
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Culture and social traditions are not likely to change by
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legislation alone. It is ineffective to simply politicize social
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relations: They are products of traditions, deeply ingrained ways
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of understanding ourselves. We must seize political and social
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power in order to have a material effect. It is clear that the
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nation-state is not a political structure which faithfully serves
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the interests of women. While women should continue to fight for
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increased participation within the current structure, we must keep
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the long-term goals of women's liberation in sight.
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The Network of East-West Women represents a type of new political
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activism which is taking off from the social movements of the 1970s
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and '80s. This activism organizes across culture, economic status
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and political ideology. N.E.W.W. tries to change society through
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collective action, try to define our identity as women in
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progressive ways. The Network includes women from various political
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orientations. They pay attention to the process of change on both
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theoretical and material levels. They discuss things in the
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academic realm. But they also provide the practical supplies, such
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as phone numbers and stickers to the S.O.S. crisis-line in Zagreb.
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Feminism is revolutionary if it truly seeks to liberate all women.
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Because women's sexual oppression is carried out through
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government, gaining participation in government will not be enough
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to win liberation. Reproductive freedom is hindered by economic and
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social institutions and by a singular view of morality. Therefore
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our interests lie also with those people fighting capitalism and
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struggling for self-determination. Limiting our struggle to the
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goal of participation in existing structures will lead us back to
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where we are now. We will be left cleaning up after the false
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promises.
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THE FOLLOWING IS A BRIEF overview of reports on abortion access in
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Central and Eastern Europe, as delivered at the Feb 3, 1993,
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meeting of the Network of East-West Women:
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ALBANIA & KOSOVO
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PRESENTED BY: SHIQIPE MALUSHI
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BEFORE THE COMMUNIST REGIME, abortion was self-performed. The
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Communists legalized "choice" by providing abortion in cases of
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rape, threat to a woman's life, or health problems for mother or
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child, including a woman's inability to feed and care for the
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child. Incest was considered "not an issue." There was no birth
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control or sex education under the Communist regime.
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BULGARIA
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PRESENTED BY: CHRISTINA KOTCHEMIDOVA
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UNDER THE COMMUNIST REGIME, abortion in Bulgaria was available to
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unmarried women and married women with more than two children.
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Bureaucratic corruption, as in many areas of life in the
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Soviet-style societies, gave women access to abortion. In 1990,
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abortion in the first trimester became available when performed in
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a hospital under a doctor's surveillance. It is most comon for
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abortion to be performed with only local or no anesthesia. There is
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no sex education, and a lack of decent contraceptives. There is
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strong resistance to condom-use. Sterilization for women is
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illegal. Opposition to abortion is not focused on the fetus.
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Kotchemidova attributed this attitude to the more-tolerant
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Christian Orthodox religion in Bulgaria.
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CROATIA
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PRESENTED BY: VINKA LJUBIMIR
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THE CHURCH ATTEMPTED TO INitiate a campaign to limit abortion, but
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the Minister of Health refused to bow to the pressure. He pointed
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to the lack of economic resources, to the State's inability to
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provide necessary social services if abortion were restricted.
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Abortion is free, if a woman is pregnant by 10 weeks. A woman must
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get approval for abortion from a medical commission if she is
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between 10 and 24 weeks pregnant. Minors need the signature of one
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parent to obtain an abortion. Abortion is not available for
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non-citizens.
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CZECH AND SLOVAK REPUBLICS
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PRESENTED BY: BELINDA BLUM
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THE CZECH REPUBLIC RAISED THE price of an abortion to 3000 crowns,
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approximately 79 percent of the average monthly wage. This is the
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first time in 40 years that people are paying for health care and,
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since abortion is not considered an "essential" service, it is not
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covered by insurance. There is a fee-waver if a woman's health is
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in danger or in instances of rape.
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In Slovakia, permission for an abortion must be granted by a
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committee whose duty it is to "make known to the women the negative
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consequences of abortion." Abortion is illegal except in cases of
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rape, incest, medical complications and "social problems that are
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impossible to solve." Conservative forces within the Slovak
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republic are threatening to enact the "Law on the Protection of
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Human Life," which would further limit access to abortion.
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GERMANY
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PRESENTED BY: NANETTE FUNK
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UNIFICATION OF EAST AND WEST Germany sparked an extensive debate on
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abortion because the two countries had irreconcilable laws on
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abortion, the West having the more restrictive of the two
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legislations. To date, these laws have not been reconcilled. Debate
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has been postponed again until April, with no plan for new laws to
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go into effect until the end of 1993.
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HUNGARY
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PREPARED BY: DOROTTYA ORL<52>SI
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PRESENTED BY: AGNES
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THE NEW LAW, AS OF DEC 17, 1992, allows abortion under these
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conditions: if the woman or fetus is in danger of life-threatening
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health problems, if the pregnancy is the result of a rape, or if
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the woman claims that the pregnancy causes her "serious crisis."
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This law requires women to undergo counseling on alternatives to
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abortion. The cost of an abortion has increased to two-thirds of a
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monthly income. The Feminist Network has been started collecting
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signatures in support of liberal abortion guidelines.
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LITHUANIA
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PRESENTED BY: LAIME SERKSNYTE
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ABORTION HAS BEEN LEGAL HERE since 1956, and there appears to be no
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threat of impending restrictions.
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POLAND
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PRESENTED BY: KRYSTYNA ZAMORSKA
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SENATE VOTED IN JANUARY TO criminalize abortion in all cases except
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for pregnancy resulting from rape or incest, or in cases of a
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threat to the life of the mother. The new law mandates a two-year
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jail term for doctors who violate guidelines. A million and a
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quarter signatures were gathered in opposition to this law. (Since
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this report was given President Walesa has signed the restrictive
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legislation into law.)
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SLOVENIA
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PRESENTED BY: RENATA SALECL
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UNTIL TWO YEARS AGO THERE was no public debate on abortion. Women
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successfully defeated the conservative Christian Democrats' attack
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on abortion rights.
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-30-
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FIERY VIRUSES COMMUNIQUE
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On the night of Aug 10, 1992, a field of genetically manipulated
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corn was destroyed in Rilland, Holland. At the same time, at the
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Floriade, an agricultural exhibition on bio-engineering was
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"dismantled." These actions were claimed by the Vurige Virussen,
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the "Fiery Viruses." The following is their communique, edited by
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our Production Group.
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HOLLAND -- A HANDFUL OF multi-national corporations, with the help of
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bio-engineering, want to capture a monopoly on life, increase
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their profits, and further oppress people, both here and in the
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Three Continents.
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The biotechnology industries promise that in time there will
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finally be enough food, produced in an environmentally friendly way
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with the help of bio-technology. Science is saying that
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bio-engineering is no more than just the newest plant-improving
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techniques. The government promises keep this science under control
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through a commission of "experts." This is propaganda. There is a
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serious problem: the surplus of population and food-shortages of
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the world. The exhibition [at the Floriade] can't be visited
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anymore. The World Wonder Garden has lost a myth.
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"What's the problem? The large number of poor people, or the 23
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percent of the world which uses 80 percent of the natural
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resources?" asked Vandana Shiva, during the opposition's shadow
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conference to the United Nations Conference on the Environment and
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Development (U.N.C.E.D.).
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The bio-technology industries claim that bio-engineering will
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banish world hunger. This is a myth. The industries claim that by
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creating disease-resistant grains, more people will be fed. The
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world food problem is thus reduced to a technical problem. But to
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claim that bio-technology is the solution to world hunger is to
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deny that social structures and historical relations produce
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hunger. Moreover, the industries also claim that bio-technology is
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neutral and value-free and that technology is developed out of
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charitable motives and the best intentions. This vision of
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"Bio-technology as The Good" is a lie.
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Developing a technology requires an extensive program, a program
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that carries specific interests with specific values. Technological
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industries carry the power to (re)define the nature of the problems
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in question. They reproduce the power-relationships and values in
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which they were developed. A capital-intensive technology, for
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example, forces a dependency upon banks and financiers. This
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dependency is "built in" to the technology.
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Bio-engineering is not free of values, nor is it a solution to
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hunger. It increases the exploitation which already characterizes
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the relationship between the North and South. It is within this
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relationship that bio-technology will do its work.
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HUNGER
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In 1887, Italian priests brought a ship with Italian cows and bulls
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to Eastern Africa. They also brought a form of hoof-and-mouth
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disease which eradicated 90 percent of the East African cattle
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stocks. Because of this, all of Eastern Africa was threatened by
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starvation, yet those in power called this a natural disaster.
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After centuries of intensive Western interference with the
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countries of the Third World, millions are now facing starvation.
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Images of swollen bellies, dry fields and dried-up acres fill our
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TV screens regularly, but there is no critique of why these
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millions are starving. The structures of exploitation are hidden.
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Poverty and hunger are apparently uprooted, their causes reduced to
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too little rain, too many children and stupid farmers. "The African
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agriculture is backward," stated Aart de Zeeuw, the Dutch chairman
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of the agricultural commission of the General Agreements on Tariffs
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and Trade (G.A.T.T.) as quoted in Onze Wereld, Dec 1987. It is
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exactly this racist notion of superiority that paved the way for
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centuries of exploitation and oppression.
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THE GREEN COUNTER-REVOLUTION
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In the 1960s many countries set up large agricultural programs.
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Institutional giants, like the Rockefeller Foundation, the Ford
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Foundation, the International Monetary Fund (I.M.F.) and the World
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Bank, invested in these programs. This "Green Revolution" meant
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large-scale intervention in the agricultural structures of the
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Third World. Local farming methods gave way to "modern" technology.
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The use of plant varieties with high yields and mono-cultures, and
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the large-scale and intensive use of fertilizers extended crop
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yields. But after a period of time, it became known who the real
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winners and the losers are. These high-tech farming methods carry
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many hidden costs and are squeezing small farmers out of the
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industry. Mono-cultures are more disease-prone and require more
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weed-killer. Acres with artificial fertilizer need more water,
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demanding irrigation projects. But because no drainage systems
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exist, large areas are permanently flooded or have changed into
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deserts. A few years later, farmers are left with the results: a
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destroyed agriculture, spoiled soil and water, genetic erosion,
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high debts, crops with an over-sensitivity to all kinds of
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diseases, and an increasing use of expensive Western products like
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artificial fertilizers and weed killers. For the losers, technology
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has created a vicious circle of misery and hunger, has created a
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new class of poor, landless slum-inhabitants. The winners, of
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course, are the big industries.
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In agriculture, two-thirds of the work is done by women. Statistics
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and official reports usually conceal this by qualifying this work
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as domestic work, or unpaid work. Bio-engineers followed this
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patriarchally beaten-path and denied the importance of women's
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knowledge and women's work. The large-scale intervention in the
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social structure, under the pretext of "modernizing," has been
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exclusively directed to male farmers. The consequences of this
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modernization has mostly affected women. Men have left and gone to
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the cities or to the large plantations as agricultural laborers.
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Women, who do most of the work already, have even more work to do.
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Women have lost their land to big companies and have gained the
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burden of providing their own food.
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AGRICULTURAL POLICY
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Swimming in a milk lake, sitting on top of a butter mountain and
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speaking about food shortages is Orwellian. Hunger is not a problem
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of too little food, rather it is a problem of how the food is
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produced and distributed. Traditional self-supporting agriculture
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in the Third World countries has been and continues to be
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systematically ruined in favor of Western agriculture.
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Enormous agricultural yields from the South are produced and
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exported for Western markets, often as raw materials for cattle
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food. The southern countries are often forced into this
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relationship by the I.M.F. and the World Bank. Production has to
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bring in foreign currency, which is needed to pay off debts to
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Western banks. The World Bank is currently sitting on profits of
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1.7 billion U.S. dollars. These are the real results of
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bio-technologies.
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U.N.C.E.D.
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The so-called Bio-diversity Treaty, which was signed during the
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U.N.C.E.D., clearly reflects how bio-technology is a tool for
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exploiting the Third World. The treaty, which was designed to
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protect the world's bio-diversity, forces many Third World
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countries to give their genetic reserves to bio-industries. And
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moreover, Third World countries are deprived of the products of
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their materials and labor.
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...The world is more and more dictated by economic values.
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Everything revolves around the market instead of around life. The
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poor don't count because they are not consumers. We neglect
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Africans with A.I.D.S. because this does not bring enough,
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economically speaking, and the blood of the poor doesn't give ink.
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"De Volkskrant, July 11, 1992
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THE NEW WORLD ORDER
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It is not really new, Bush's New World Order, at least not to the
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poor countries who merely notice that they are being squeezed just
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a little tighter. Five hundred years after Columbus, the Western
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world has its hands free to cheerfully exploit the last bits of the
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world and of life. "Until now, genetic modification was a science
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which promised uses without any bad sides," states Prof.
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Schilperoort in Transferneiuws, June 1992. Nonsense! This statement
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reflects how those in power are allowed to not only define the
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problem, but also to patent the solution. The trade in hunger is a
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very lucrative business kept hidden by the "experts."
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Discussions around bio-technology are silenced, or dominated by the
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terms of the oppressors. We want to place matters in a political
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context. Thus we unmask bio-technology, showing it to be the
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political weapon which secures profits through the misery of
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millions of people. When asked how bio-engineering should be
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controlled, the C.D.A. (the Dutch Christian Democratic Party
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"trans.) spokesman Reitsma answered: "Drawing boundaries is not in
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the first place a matter of politics, but rather a matter of
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society," as quoted in Biotekst, March, 1992. These words have
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affected us deeply, and we have done our best to draw one small
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boundary.
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Greetings, Fiery Viruses
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-From Arm The Spirit, No. 14
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For a complete version of this communique, which includes more
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extensive analyses of the topics covered here, contact autonome
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forum via e-mail: aforum@moose.uvm.edu
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-30-
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ANTI-FASCIST-ACTION EDINBURGH
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by Rachel Rinaldo
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SEVERAL YEARS AFTER THE MILItant poll tax riots and demonstrations,
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it looks like political resistance in Britain is at a low point.
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Few serious squats remain, most of the anarcho-punks have been
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disillusioned or caught up in the New Age Travellers' movement, and
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even Class War could not raise a contingent for a demonstration at
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the European Summit in Edinburgh. As in the rest of Europe, though,
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fascism is alive and well here in Britain, recruiting on the
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housing projects of cities like London, Glasgow, Manchester, and
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Edinburgh.
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Anti-Fascist-Action has chapters throughout England and Scotland
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and is probably one of the most active groups around these days.
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They are dedicated to fighting fascists, such as the British
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National Party (B.N.P.), and nazis, through propaganda and if
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necessary, physical confrontation. A.F.A. started the autumn with
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a successful action in London, where they prevented hundreds of
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nazi skinheads from getting to a Blood and Honour gig where the
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band Skrewdriver was playing.
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I've been involved with A.F.A. Edinburgh for several months, but
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they formed about a year ago. In that time, they've plastered the
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city with stickers and graffiti (and wiped out B.N.P. graffiti), as
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well as held gigs at the Unemployed Worker's Center, had stalls at
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local clubs, picketed a bookstore for selling a book by a nazi
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revisionist historian, and written letters to the local B.N.P.
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members. A.F.A. Edinburgh and Glasgow were also at an annual
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anti-racist march in Glasgow , which 25 seig-heiling B.N.P.ers
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tried to disrupt. Most recently, we've put up posters all over
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town, with a picture of local B.N.P. members and their addresses
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and phone numbers, urging people to write nasty letters and harass
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them by phone. A.F.A. members have been known to make annoying
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phone calls to local fascists and nazi skins at odd hours of the
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morning.
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A.F.A. is an alternative to mainstream/liberal groups, most of
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which won't even recognize the existence of fascism in Britain.
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Groups like the Anti-Nazi-League are mainly fronts for various left
|
||
parties and do little besides carry placards at big demonstrations.
|
||
A.F.A. especially concentrates on rooting out fascism in working
|
||
class communities, the favorite recruiting place of the B.N.P.. The
|
||
mostly wealthy fascist leadership targets disaffected youth in such
|
||
areas, turning their anger away from the establishment and towards
|
||
neighboring minority communities.
|
||
|
||
Not surprisingly, A.F.A. gets a lot of criticism from to so-called
|
||
"left." An editorial in the left University of Edinburgh student
|
||
newspaper called groups like A.F.A. "the violent fringe" and
|
||
"leftist thugs." Other groups within Edinburgh have sharply
|
||
criticized the anti-B.N.P. posters and our confrontational tactics.
|
||
But it is a pipe dream to think that merely by distributing
|
||
leaflets and holding demonstrations, the fascists will go away.
|
||
This kind of thinking on the majority of the left has fed the
|
||
recent rise in fascism and nazism in Germany, France, Italy, Spain,
|
||
and even Sweden, where Jewish cemeteries have been desecrated. Mass
|
||
demonstrations are important, but the reality of fascists on the
|
||
streets must be dealt with before they can terrorize the local
|
||
community and recruit vulnerable youth.
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
ASIAN STUDENT MOVEMENTS OF THE '90s
|
||
|
||
IN THE '70s, STUDENTS DREAMT OF socialism as an alternative to the
|
||
capitalist and imperialist systems. In Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia,
|
||
millions of people died under the hands of Uncle Sam's troops. This
|
||
genocide forced the Vietnamese people to accept U.S. imperialism.
|
||
The U.S. failed, and students in Asia celebrated.
|
||
|
||
However, at the turn of the '80s, confusion over socialism set in.
|
||
People witnessed the ruthlessness of the Khmer Rouge on
|
||
televisions, and condemned it as communist terror. The victory of
|
||
Vietnam over an imperialist power was followed by its own invasion
|
||
of Cambodia. A war began, fought between two Asian socialist
|
||
countries: China and Vietnam.
|
||
|
||
Capitalist forces adopted more subtle forms of oppression.
|
||
Imperialist forces relied more on indirect control: economic
|
||
imperialism. This tactic included the economic blockade of
|
||
socialist states and supporting client states in the Third World --
|
||
often military regimes and collaboration with local elites to
|
||
implement pro-Western policies, protecting and enhancing the powers
|
||
of multinational corporations.
|
||
|
||
In response to these changes, many leftists and progressive student
|
||
activists in Asia shifted the focus of their struggle, which had
|
||
been internationalist, to one more national-centered.
|
||
|
||
Despite the problems of existing socialist states, student
|
||
activists generally concluded that these problems came from
|
||
misguided practice rather than from socialist theory itself.
|
||
|
||
Therefore, they tended not to go into deeper discussions about the
|
||
causes of these problems, but retreated to fighting at the local
|
||
front, against the ruling class. The priority was thus the removal
|
||
of the local repressive regimes rather than the destruction of the
|
||
global capitalist system.
|
||
|
||
There were vigorous student campaigns against military regimes and
|
||
dictatorships in the '80s. This includes Korean students and
|
||
workers bringing down Chun Du-hwan in 1987 and Filipino students
|
||
and masses toppling Marcos in 1986. Burmese students fought against
|
||
23 years of Ne Win's military rule in 1988; Chinese students
|
||
attacked corruption and the lack of democracy in 1989 in Tiananmen;
|
||
Nepali students dismantled the "panchayat system" and King
|
||
Birendra's absolute rule in 1990; and in Bangladesh, General Ershad
|
||
was deposed after leftist student fronts united to fight his
|
||
dictatorship.
|
||
|
||
Student movements in these countries tend to fight for more
|
||
democratic space in a "liberal democracy." However, the focus on
|
||
"liberal democracy," as the major, or only, goal of students'
|
||
struggles is not without problems. The first problems are the
|
||
limits of "elections" and "political freedom" in really empowering
|
||
the people in Third World countries. What is common about electoral
|
||
politics is money politics: the rich and the powerful can easily
|
||
mobilize support by threats and rewards.
|
||
|
||
There were more austerity policies imposed after "democratic
|
||
elections" than before. After dictators were deposed in the
|
||
Philippines and Korea many students returned to "normal studies"
|
||
and forgot about the sufferings of the marginalized.
|
||
|
||
The focus on "liberal democracy" also tended to play down
|
||
internationalism, liberation at the global level. In the '80s,
|
||
international solidarity was defined, sadly, as nothing more than
|
||
giving support to one's own liberation movement, rather than
|
||
struggling together. Moreover, this electoral fever has had an
|
||
alienating impact at the campus level. Student activists today can
|
||
only make political speeches " they no longer like to dance, to
|
||
laugh, or to be humorous. Given that politics is only a facet of
|
||
our cultures, the student movement is also condemned to become
|
||
"one-dimensional" rather than multi-faceted.
|
||
|
||
Apart from "liberal democracy," the other trends of student
|
||
movements in the '80s was anti-imperialist. These campaigns have
|
||
been defined in negative terms, removing an external threat or
|
||
occupation, rather than in a clearer positive form, such as new
|
||
relations of production, culture, economics and politics.
|
||
|
||
There has been a shift in the imperialist tactics, from that of a
|
||
colonial control to one of economic imperialism and "information
|
||
imperialism." In the era of colonial rule, the character of Third
|
||
World struggle was national liberation and armed struggle. However,
|
||
economic and "information imperialism" are more subtle than this.
|
||
|
||
To tackle economic imperialism, we need to redefine the economy.
|
||
The strategy is two pronged: weakening the dominant economy and
|
||
building up an alternative. Students should spread the message that
|
||
the "growth economy model" of the First World not only deprived the
|
||
Third World people, but also assaulted ecology to such an extent
|
||
that we have to stop such insane economics now.
|
||
|
||
The information age is also being used to enhance imperialism.
|
||
Progressive movements in the Third World need to think about ways
|
||
of utilizing this information technology on our own side.
|
||
|
||
The resistance to this military, economic and information
|
||
imperialism is the vision of a peoples' alliance: that students
|
||
should integrate with marginalized classes for a common struggle
|
||
and also develop a vision of an international network of
|
||
resistance. It is important for student activists to reach out to
|
||
the peasants, workers and other marginalized groups in our society,
|
||
but ultimately who can organize the students if not the students
|
||
themselves?
|
||
|
||
Excerpted from The Asian Students Association Bulletin, Sept 1992
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
REPRESSION OF MOLDAVIAN ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS
|
||
|
||
MOLDAVIA -- Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalist members Tamara
|
||
Burdenko and husband Igor Hergenreorder are suffering under the
|
||
ex-USSR Moldavian regime. Both have published articles denouncing
|
||
the government's authoritarianism and nationalism and the growth of
|
||
fascist ideology.
|
||
|
||
Tamara was fired from her job April 29, 1992. Igor was questioned
|
||
and physically threatened by the KGB July 22. On July 24 an unknown
|
||
person rang their bell and gave Igor a sock that contained a
|
||
severed dog's head. On July 25 Moldavian TV news warned of those
|
||
"creating anarcho-syndicalist groups". Shortly after this Tamara
|
||
and Igor's lawyer refused them further service. They have also had
|
||
break-ins, their phone line has been cut, and their neighbors have
|
||
been warned about them.
|
||
|
||
The Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists in the Commonwealth of
|
||
Independent States have organized a support campaign for these two.
|
||
Please send letters of protest to the following:
|
||
|
||
The People's Court for Buyukan Sector
|
||
Moldavia, Kishniev-1
|
||
ul M.Vistyazul, d.2
|
||
Persident of the Court
|
||
|
||
Parliament
|
||
Moldavia, Kishniev-1
|
||
ul Stefan cheu Mare, d.105
|
||
Secretariat of the Moldavian Parliament
|
||
Human Rights Commission
|
||
|
||
President
|
||
Moldavia, Kishniev-1
|
||
pl Velikogo Natsionalnogo Sobraniya, d.1
|
||
Mircha Ion Snegur
|
||
|
||
Info from the US Workers Solidarity Alliance and the Moscow
|
||
Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
Sendero Verde can't go home!
|
||
|
||
Orlando Polo and Mercedes Paez are activists and members of Cuba's
|
||
only green/anti-authoritarian opposition group, the Eco-Pacifist
|
||
Movement "Sendero Verde" (Green Path). After touring the U.S., the
|
||
Cuban government refused them permission to return. Neither East
|
||
Nor West-New York City launched a letter-writing campaign on their
|
||
behalf, and because of that Cuban officials met with the Green
|
||
Panthers. But permission to return is still denied, so another
|
||
round of letters is being called for. Please write letters
|
||
demanding that Orlando and Mercedes be allowed to return home, and
|
||
address them to the Cuban Interest Section in Washington D.C. Mail
|
||
them to N.E.N.W.-N.Y.C. who'll get them to Cuban officials:
|
||
|
||
528 5th Street, Brooklyn, NY, 11215
|
||
Tel. (718) 499-7720
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
IRISH BORDER PROTESTS: BRITS OUT OF IRELAND
|
||
|
||
IRELAND -- On Jan 1, 1993, there were protests all along the British
|
||
state-imposed border between the north-eastern six counties of
|
||
Ireland and the remaining 26 counties. Thousands of people took
|
||
part in actions which included reopening roads and bridges,
|
||
demonstrating at British barracks and posts, and marching through
|
||
military checkpoints.
|
||
|
||
Since the early 1970s, British forces have been closing roads (with
|
||
craters and barriers) and destroying bridges along the border. As
|
||
a consequence, the daily life of border communities has been
|
||
massively disrupted, with people having to make a detour of several
|
||
miles to visit their neighbours just across the border.
|
||
|
||
In the last few years border communities have been taking direct
|
||
action to secure unrestricted access back and forth across the
|
||
border, reopening roads and rebuilding bridges, often in the face
|
||
of severe harassment from the crown forces. The Border Roads
|
||
Campaign has now been established with the support of the Combined
|
||
Community Associations, and they organised the day of action on
|
||
January 1.
|
||
|
||
Lackey Bridge near Clones (on the Monaghan/Tyrone border) has
|
||
become the symbol of the border resistance campaign. It has been
|
||
reopened by local people and closed by the army, on numerous
|
||
occasions since the start of the present campaign. On January 1,
|
||
400 people turned out to reopen the Lackey Bridge crossing. With
|
||
supporters from the U.S., Wales, Germany and Brittany, local people
|
||
maintained a 72-hour vigil to keep the crossing open.
|
||
|
||
From ECN-UK
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
GERMANY: PARCEL BOMB KILLS ACTIVIST
|
||
|
||
Freiburg, Germany -- On friday, Jan 22, 1993 Kerstin Winter was
|
||
killed by a parcel bomb in Freiburg. The 24-year-old Kerstin was a
|
||
politically active lesbian in Freiburg. She was the first chair of
|
||
the "Support Association for Subculture", which is active in
|
||
support for an autonomist leftist youth center in Freiburg. She was
|
||
also active in antifascist groups.
|
||
|
||
By the same evening a spontaneous demonstration was taking place in
|
||
the inner city of Freiburg, in which 600 - 700 people participated,
|
||
expressing their sorrow and anger. Afterwards, the demonstration
|
||
marched to the house in which Kerstin had been killed, where a
|
||
vigil was started. Another solidarity demonstration took place in
|
||
Heidelberg. On Monday, Jan 25, a state-wide demonstration took
|
||
place with over 8,000 participating.
|
||
|
||
The background of the attack remains unclear but the nature of
|
||
Kerstin's political work and the nature of the murder suggest that
|
||
it may have been the work of fascists.
|
||
|
||
From comrades in Germany
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
REPRESSION IN GREECE CONTINUES: MILITANTS ARRESTED
|
||
|
||
ATHENS, Greece -- On Wednesday, Dec 2, Jiorgos Balafas, Wasiliki
|
||
Michu and Andreas Kiriakopulos were arrested in Athens and charged
|
||
with crimes, including founding a terrorist organization,
|
||
assassinations and bombings. They are charged with participating in
|
||
"Anti-State Action," (now called the "1st of May Commando"),
|
||
"November 17," and "Revolutionary Resistance." Prior to the arrest,
|
||
November 17 became active again, bombing Athens' financial district
|
||
in response to tax increases.
|
||
|
||
When the three militants were arrested, police claimed to have
|
||
seized a cache of weapons, hand grenades, false documents and
|
||
drugs, as well a car with a fake license plate. Shortly after the
|
||
arrests, however, Greek TV uncovered a scandal when the head of the
|
||
police and a high-ranking general gave conflicting accounts of what
|
||
had been seized. In the end, the Greek interior minister resigned
|
||
and publicly apologized for some of the false information.
|
||
|
||
Balafas has been sought by the cops for several years now, and the
|
||
Greek press has been portraying him as a "leading terrorist."
|
||
Balafas responded in a press release: "I have not killed or wounded
|
||
anyone. I demand that these lies be publicly set right. I have not
|
||
made a statement to police because I do not want to become a victim
|
||
of their so-called 'anti-terror campaign.' Cops lie today, just as
|
||
they always have, just because my ideas and my way of life are
|
||
radically opposed to the existing system and its values " and many
|
||
people think this way! " that makes us dangerous to them. But it
|
||
has nothing to do with these charges."
|
||
|
||
From Interim #220
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
PARTIAL VICTORY FOR NIGERIAN ANARCHISTS
|
||
CAMPAIGN CONTINUES
|
||
|
||
by Bob McGlynn
|
||
|
||
ANARCHISTS POLITICAL PRISoners from Nigeria's Awareness League
|
||
(A.L.) -- Udemba Chuks, Garba Adu, Kingsley Etioni, and James
|
||
Ndubuisi -- won some reprieve Jan 29, when they were conditionally
|
||
released on bail. (They must report to the State Security Service
|
||
each week.) Arrested seven months ago during a wave of
|
||
worker/student unrest protesting I.M.F./World Bank-imposed
|
||
austerity plans, the anarchists were detained under the notorious
|
||
"Decree No. 2" - a catch-all "preventative detention" law.
|
||
|
||
At a Calabar court hearing Jan 25, their lawyer, Ifeanyi Nnajiofor,
|
||
demanded a grant of bail. On hand were 100 A.L. members plus
|
||
(according to a Feb 1 A.L. communique) "scores of journalists,
|
||
activists, members of the Nigerian Bar Association, and interested
|
||
members of the public." Then on Jan 29, "we won our greatest legal
|
||
battle yet ... [when for] the first time we set our eyes on them in
|
||
seven months. They looked badly emaciated, weak and sick." Setting
|
||
a legal precedent, poking a hole in Decree No. 2, the judge granted
|
||
bail, and set the next court appearance for Feb 18. Then as the
|
||
four left court "there was an attempt to have our colleagues
|
||
re-arrested outside the premises, but this was stoutly resisted by
|
||
the crowd." They were then promptly hospitalized for two weeks.
|
||
|
||
The A.L. has info that the military may try to have the men
|
||
re-arrested once again. This would not be uncommon in Nigeria where
|
||
the judiciary and the military are constantly at odds.
|
||
|
||
The U.S. Workers Solidarity Alliance (W.S.A) and Neither East Nor
|
||
West-New York City (N.E.N.W.-N.Y.C.) have successfully spearheaded
|
||
a worldwide campaign for the A.L. A week of protests at Nigerian
|
||
embassies was called for Feb 22-26, with actions by anarchists in
|
||
Moscow, Dublin, New York, San Francisco, London and Hamburg.
|
||
Petitions and protest letters have been received from Turkey, South
|
||
Korea, Russia, Italy, Brazil, Canada, Poland, the U.S., South
|
||
Africa, Bulgaria, Germany and the U.K. Anarchist publications
|
||
worldwide have covered the story. Special thanks to Love and Rage
|
||
newspaper, who mailed an international appeal for A.L., and the
|
||
International Workers Association and Spain's National
|
||
Confederation of Labor (C.N.T.) for sending $500 each to A.L. for
|
||
legal fees.
|
||
|
||
The question of money is of special priority. Ifeanyi, the A.L.'s
|
||
lawyer must travel 1000 kilometers from Lagos to Calabar, Nigeria.
|
||
As of last December, the A.L. had a $12,000 debt to him. Ifeanyi is
|
||
being extremely thoughtful and generous according to the A.L., but
|
||
his expenses must be paid. Over $1000 has been received by A.L.
|
||
from anarchists abroad. The international campaign played a part in
|
||
A.L.'s bail victory, possibly saving the lives of these men.
|
||
(Prisoners don't get fed in Nigeria.).
|
||
|
||
International Money Orders or U.K. Bank Checks can be mailed
|
||
directly to:
|
||
|
||
Awareness League, c/o Samuel Mbah, P.O. Box 28, Agbani, Enugu
|
||
State, Nigeria.
|
||
|
||
Foreign currency goes a long way now in Nigeria with $1 equaling a
|
||
third of a months wage. Communiques will be made available for a
|
||
contribution sent to:
|
||
|
||
N.E.N.W.-N.Y.C., 528 5th St., Brooklyn, NY 11215, U.S. (A.L.'s
|
||
letters are available for a dollar's worth of postage and a
|
||
xeroxing fee, but please try to send more to help the defense.)
|
||
|
||
For more info: W.S.A, 339 Lafayette Street, Room 202, New York, NY
|
||
10012, Tel (212) 979-8353
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
INFOSHOPS: THE MEDIUM IS THE MESSAGE
|
||
|
||
INFOSHOPS ARE PREVALENT IN Europe, especially in Germany where
|
||
there are over sixty. The infoshop structure, comprised of regular
|
||
national and international meetings and cooperative projects, forms
|
||
an integral part of the autonomist movement there.
|
||
|
||
An infoshop is across between a bookstore and a library. Activists
|
||
can go there to read or buy movement papers and books; buy
|
||
paraphernalia such as stickers, masks and spray paint; attend
|
||
meetings, lectures or films, or just plain hang out. Most infoshops
|
||
rent a space, but many are in squats. Others use part of a cafe or
|
||
center. Some are run by one collective, while others have a
|
||
different group in charge each day. None of them have paid
|
||
positions. Most infoshops have a women-only day either weekly or
|
||
monthly.
|
||
|
||
Besides the groups running the infoshop, other groups use it as a
|
||
meeting place and as a mailing address. The latter is especially
|
||
useful for security reasons. Members of many groups, not just those
|
||
involved in "illegal" activities, don't want to be personally
|
||
identified with their group. Instead of using a private address,
|
||
which can be dangerous because of fascists and police repression,
|
||
or apost office box which can be traced to a responsible
|
||
individual, groups can have a mailbox at the infoshop. If the group
|
||
has problems with their mail being opened or stolen, they can use
|
||
a double envelope: inner addressed to the group and outer to the
|
||
infoshop. (This is standard practice for criminalized papers in
|
||
Germany.) If necessary, the infoshop needn't even know who is in
|
||
the group. In case of a grand jury investigation, members of the
|
||
group in question cannot then be identified by the infoshop
|
||
collective. They in turn do not risk being in contempt of court by
|
||
refusing to speak.
|
||
|
||
Infoshops could play a useful role here as well. With all the
|
||
anarchist and autonomist papers around, no person can subscribe to
|
||
all of them. Infoshops, receiving numerous movement papers, would
|
||
help keep the movement better informed. Infoshops can be equipped
|
||
with a telephone, fax or a computer, making communications that
|
||
much easier between groups. And infoshops are useful in maintaining
|
||
movement security.
|
||
|
||
For more on infoshops try contacting:
|
||
|
||
Papiertiger
|
||
Cuvrystr. 25
|
||
D-1000 Berlin, Germany
|
||
Tel (49) (30) 618-3051
|
||
|
||
1-2-1
|
||
121 Railton Rd
|
||
London SE24, England
|
||
Tel (44) (71) 274-6655
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
VERY SMALL INTERNATIONAL NOTES:
|
||
|
||
BERLIN, Germany -- On Feb 8, the French philosopher and spokesman for
|
||
the French neo-nazi group, "New Right," Alain de Benoist, was
|
||
scheduled to speak at an intellectual gathering debating "A New
|
||
Society For Literature." But as he arrived, about 15-30 young
|
||
autonomists dragged Benoist down the street and beat him up. The
|
||
nazi philosopher managed to get back to the venue, but his glasses
|
||
were smashed so the event was called off.
|
||
From Interim #227
|
||
|
||
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa -- Comrades in Johannesburg have set in
|
||
motion the beginnings of what they believe to be the first openly
|
||
operating revolutionary anarchist movement in South Africa. They
|
||
have sent out a call for assistance, specifically in the form of
|
||
advice, literature, and funds (when possible). Contact Renato &
|
||
Elli at:
|
||
P.O. Box 51465
|
||
Raedene, 2124
|
||
Johannesburg, South Africa
|
||
|
||
KURDISTAN, Turkey -- On Jan 22, 1993, Stephan Waldberg, a freelance
|
||
journalist with Radio Dreyeckland in Freiburg, Germany, was
|
||
sentenced to three years and nine months in prison. Waldberg,
|
||
arrested in October, is charged with being a courier for the
|
||
Kurdish Workers Party (P.K.K.).
|
||
Send copies of your letters to Turkish authorities and letters to
|
||
German embassies to:
|
||
Radio Drekeyckland, Alderstr. 12, 7800 Freiburg, Germany
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
IMPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENT:
|
||
|
||
We are pleased to announce:
|
||
AMOR Y RABIA ... MEXICO
|
||
|
||
THE END OF THE SPANISH SECTION?
|
||
|
||
A Production Group (P.G.) has been formed in Mexico City and they
|
||
have produced a pilot issue of Amor y Rabia completely in Spanish.
|
||
The P.G. Mexico is made up of members of Love and Rage supporting
|
||
groups as well as members of other anarchist groups in Mexico City.
|
||
|
||
They plan to publish a monthly paper and offer it for international
|
||
distribution. The Coordinating Group of the Network supports this
|
||
project.
|
||
|
||
The P.G. Mexico has also asked that we discontinue the production
|
||
of the Spanish Section in New York and that we distribute Amor y
|
||
Rabia Mexico in its place. A decision has yet to be made and we
|
||
would like to know what you, the readers of the paper, think. So
|
||
please write to us.
|
||
|
||
_ Yes! I support discontinuing the Spanish Section from NY, as long
|
||
as the Mexican edition continues.
|
||
|
||
_ No! Even if the Mexican edition continues, I want the NY paper to
|
||
remain bilingual with a section in Spanish.
|
||
|
||
_ I don't give a damn what you do with the fucking section, but...
|
||
|
||
_ I would like a copy of the last issue of the Mexican edition with
|
||
information about subscription (please send U.S.$1 plus postage of
|
||
$0.50 U.S., $2 international)
|
||
|
||
Return this form with your comments to:
|
||
|
||
Love and Rage, P.O. Box 3, Prince St. Station, NY, NY 10012
|
||
|
||
If you are interested in more information about the new Mexican
|
||
project or if you want to send a monetary contribution contact the
|
||
PG/Mexico at:
|
||
|
||
Amor y Rabia/Mexico, Apdo. 11-351, C.P. 06101, Mexico, D.F. Mexico
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
@ _Love & Rage_ is a Revolutionary Anarchist newspaper produced
|
||
@ by the Love and Rage Network. The Love and Rage Network is a
|
||
@ continental network of groups and individuals in Canada, Mexico,
|
||
@ and the United States. Subscriptions to the newspaper cost:
|
||
@ $13 for first class (fast, envelope), $9 third class (slow, no
|
||
@ envelope), $13 international (outside of United States), free for
|
||
@ prisoners, GI's, published bimonthly.
|
||
@
|
||
@ Please write to us at POB 3, NY, NY 10012
|
||
@ email: lnr%nyxfer@igc.apc.org
|
||
@ or: loveandrage@igc.apc.org
|
||
@
|
||
@ Electronic Edition subscriptions are available for e-mail
|
||
@ delivery to your mailbox. e-mail subscriptions are free, but
|
||
@ we would appreciate a donation to help us and the NY Transfer
|
||
@ News Collective to continue this service.
|
||
@
|
||
@ Send your e-mail address along with a $10 suggested donation
|
||
@ in US dollars payable to: Blythe Systems
|
||
@ Attn: Kathleen Kelly
|
||
@ NY Transfer News Collective
|
||
@ 235 East 87th Street
|
||
@ New York, NY 10128
|
||
@ e-mail: lnr%nyxfer@igc.apc.org
|
||
@
|
||
-end part of 5-
|
||
|
||
|
||
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|
||
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|
||
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|
||
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