733 lines
34 KiB
Plaintext
733 lines
34 KiB
Plaintext
|
||
Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit
|
||
|
||
LOVE AND RAGE
|
||
Electronic Edition
|
||
|
||
FEBRUARY/MARCH 1993
|
||
Part 2
|
||
|
||
|
||
THE REAL AGENDA IN SOMALIA
|
||
|
||
by Mitchel Cohen
|
||
|
||
"To give food aid to a country just because they are
|
||
starving is a pretty weak reason." -- Henry Kissinger
|
||
|
||
MONTHS BEFORE THE UNITED STATES sent troops to Somalia to
|
||
supposedly protect food supply lines from the pilferage of evil
|
||
warlords, Italy was completing arrangements to ship that nation's
|
||
toxic wastes to Somalia, with nary a protest from the US. UN
|
||
environmental chief Mostafa Tolba then said that the dumping could
|
||
aggravate the destruction of Somalia's ecosystem and threaten
|
||
further loss of life in the ravaged nation.
|
||
|
||
Africa, writes Silvia Federici, a professor at Hofstra University
|
||
and editor of the Committee for Academic Freedom in Africa's
|
||
newsletter, is being turned into the chemical/nuclear dust-bin of
|
||
the world, the region where expired pharmaceutical products, toxic
|
||
wastes, and materials banned in other countries, from medicines to
|
||
pesticides, are dumped. Combined with other information gleaned
|
||
from first-hand accounts but generally unreported in the corporate
|
||
press, a much more insidious picture of US involvement in Somalia
|
||
is emerging, one closely paralleling the odious, but accurate,
|
||
observation by Henry Kissinger, even as US Government officials
|
||
try to paint a more benign humanistic portrait of its motives for
|
||
public consumption.
|
||
|
||
How badly we long to even need to believe that the US Government
|
||
would, maybe this time, actually feed people because they are
|
||
starving, no strings attached! We want the government to work that
|
||
way; but it doesn't, and it won't. Nor will it reveal its own role
|
||
in creating all the misery to begin with. It's time we took Henry
|
||
Kissinger's maxim at its face as an accurate representation of how
|
||
US policy works, and stop fooling ourselves into believing the
|
||
lies spun for us which enable the ruling class to slip in its
|
||
murder and mayhem by riding the Trojan Horse of our suddenly eager
|
||
morality.
|
||
|
||
Although people have been and continue to be desperate for food in
|
||
particular areas of Somalia, the country as a whole is not racked
|
||
by generalized mass-starvation, chaos and random violence. In
|
||
fact, explains Rutgers professor Said Samatar, who is from
|
||
Somalia, these horrors are occurring only in a limited portion of
|
||
Somalia, notably in the ... southwest between Mogadishu, the
|
||
capital [where all the press are clustered], and the regions
|
||
surrounding Baidoa and Kismayu. The rest of the country is
|
||
relatively peaceful and well-governed by an alliance of
|
||
traditional elders and local leaders that has re-emerged in the
|
||
wake of the collapse of the central authority ... In the entire
|
||
country there is only one [`warlord'] General Aidi is worthy of
|
||
the name. And even he does not exercise supreme authority over a
|
||
horde of followers whom he can deliver either to the field of
|
||
battle or to the negotiating table. We cannot allow the US
|
||
Government the luxury of framing the issues for us (mass
|
||
starvation, warlords, chaos), and thereby orchestrating our
|
||
emotions and controlling the terms of the debate.
|
||
|
||
Here's an example of how such manipulation works: The US claims
|
||
that up to eighty percent of all relief is being stolen which is
|
||
the current justification for sending the troops. But Rakiya
|
||
Omaar, who had been the director of Africa Watch until the middle
|
||
of December (before she was summarily fired by Human Rights Watch
|
||
Aryeh Neier for not mouthing his approved liberal version of the
|
||
government's line), cites relief organizations such as Save the
|
||
Children and the International Committee of the Red Cross as
|
||
enduring a loss rate of only five to ten percent, a fairly
|
||
constant figure in all famine relief. Right now, reports Omaar,
|
||
Mogadishu which was in the most desperate situation of all the
|
||
Somalian cities and is the focus of US media attention is totally
|
||
flooded with food and anybody can buy rice; it's very cheap. The
|
||
mortality rate, she says, had dropped and the overall situation
|
||
had been improving before the troops were sent. Many relief
|
||
workers in Somalia go even further, complaining that their efforts
|
||
are being hindered by the US military intervention: We can't get
|
||
to people we used to, and they are dying, said James Fennell of
|
||
CARE. Before the troops hit the beaches, relief agencies had hired
|
||
guards to ride shotgun on trucks, losing some supplies to looters
|
||
but also reaching many thousands of people who were too weak to
|
||
seek help in feeding centers. [But] the Marines first move in
|
||
Baidoa was to disarm the airport security force, tough exsoldiers
|
||
CARE had hired as escorts. ... Tibebu Haile Selassie, deputy
|
||
director of UNICEF in Mogadishu ... said, `the situation is worse
|
||
than it was before.'
|
||
|
||
Much of Somalia's economic life is organized around the growth and
|
||
export of cattle (traditionally camel meat, although that is
|
||
changing), which utilizes the large pastoral spreads provided by
|
||
nature in that region. Throughout Africa, the vastly different
|
||
natural landscapes, social and economic arrangements, and deposits
|
||
of natural resources make it inappropriate to apply certain
|
||
generalizations about the continent to individual African
|
||
societies. Nevertheless, the policies of the International
|
||
Monetary Fund, World Bank, and international capital such as the
|
||
forced development of export crops, even though that destroys
|
||
local self-sufficiency and dispossess small-plot farming,
|
||
concentrating the ownership of land in a few giant corporations
|
||
are a universalizing force on the continent, and resistance to
|
||
them is widespread despite or, possibly, because of the variety of
|
||
societies. This common imposition enables us to apply to Somalia,
|
||
today, observations Silvia Federici had written several years ago
|
||
about Africa in general:
|
||
|
||
Africans' resistance to capitalist discipline must be emphasized
|
||
given the tendency in the US to see Africans either as helpless
|
||
victims of government corruption and natural disasters or as
|
||
protagonists of backward struggles revolving around tribal
|
||
allegiances (a myth perpetrated by the Western media). In reality,
|
||
from the fields to the factories, the markets and the schools,
|
||
struggles are being carried on that not only are often unmatched
|
||
for their combativeness by what takes place in the `First World,'
|
||
but are most `modern' in content. Their objective is not the
|
||
preservation of a mythical past but the redefinition of what
|
||
development means for the proletariat: access to the wealth
|
||
produced internationally, but not at the price capital puts on it.
|
||
|
||
European colonialism's failure to break the back of the village
|
||
structures in Africa, including much of Somalia, had cut deeply
|
||
into world capitalist profits from that continent. Beginning in
|
||
1977, when Somali dictator Siad Barre was dumped by the Soviet
|
||
Union and became a client of the US, the International Monetary
|
||
Fund has imposed a series of stringent regulations on Somalia. And
|
||
for 15 years, villagers throughout Somalia have resisted the
|
||
hardline US/IMF policies. Only in those areas around the capital
|
||
mentioned above, where IMF measures were able to break down the
|
||
traditional structures and be fully imposed, do we find the kinds
|
||
of hunger, disease and disruption of peaceful village life that so
|
||
powerfully stir our compassion. And even there, the starvation was
|
||
caused by the imposition of a brutal central authority in Somalia,
|
||
not by its collapse (contrary to the current US
|
||
government/media/liberals' line); all the misery we're called on
|
||
to fight today in those areas are a direct result of US/IMF
|
||
measures.
|
||
|
||
Of course Somalis are resisting the foreign attempts to dump toxic
|
||
wastes there and to forcibly proletarianize their communities.
|
||
That resistance, over the past decade and one-half, prompted the
|
||
US government to arm troops loyal to now-deposed Somali dictator
|
||
Said Barre. The situation is reminiscent of the US arming of
|
||
Saddam Hussein in Iraq, and Noriega in Panama. These were US
|
||
clients, owned and paid for by American tax dollars. And, like
|
||
Hussein, Barre often turned those US and Soviet-made weapons
|
||
against dissident Somali movements. As Alexander Cockburn
|
||
reported, Somalis do not forget Siad Barre's massacres in the late
|
||
1980s of some 150,000 northerners in the former British
|
||
Somaliland, or his near total destruction of northern towns like
|
||
Hargeisa with the help of South African bomber pilots and US
|
||
logistical backup and diplomatic protection. More than
|
||
half-a-million Somalis were rendered homeless and forced across
|
||
the desert into Ethiopia.
|
||
|
||
Cockburn goes on to detail some of the resistance to the
|
||
imposition of capital a resistance rooted in the village social
|
||
structures that so frustrates the US and IMF elites: Although
|
||
devastated by Siad Barre in the 1980s and in urgent need of seed
|
||
and agricultural assistance, Somaliland is not in the desperate
|
||
straits of sections of the south, and its chief political
|
||
organization, the Somali National Movement, makes a decent case
|
||
for exercising its right to self-determination.
|
||
|
||
In May of 1991 the S.N.M. convened a congress of some 5,000 people
|
||
and chose an interim government with an interim legislative
|
||
assembly of 140 people. Although the Isaak clan is dominant, the
|
||
S.N.M. has reached out to minority groups. Los Angeles-based Sael
|
||
Samater - his brother Ibrahim is the president of the interim
|
||
legislative assembly - regards US/UN intervention as `John Wayne'
|
||
talk. He outlined for me the suspect motivations of various
|
||
players, including [UN Secretary General Boutros-Boutros] Ghali,
|
||
Islamic fundamentalists backed by Saudi Arabia and the Emirates,
|
||
and even Italy, whose interest in the affairs of its former colony
|
||
is as intense as Germany's toward its former dependencies of the
|
||
Nazi years, Croatia and Slovenia. Among its hidden rationales,
|
||
then, military intervention provides a way of annulling the
|
||
rebirth of Somaliland and, in the same breath, the force needed to
|
||
roll back the enormous gains won by the national liberation front
|
||
of Eritrea, after decades of war there against Italy and Ethiopia,
|
||
and the military hardware of both the Soviet Union and the US.
|
||
|
||
As images of US troops in foreign lands again fill our t.v.
|
||
screens, we in the US are being primed for the latest round of
|
||
imperialist colonization under the pretext of feeding starving
|
||
people at the point of a bayonet. From the start we were inundated
|
||
with breathless propaganda about evil Somalian warlords, soon to
|
||
be exposed, no doubt, as worse than Hitler, just in case Somali
|
||
resistance forces put up a fight against the uninvited machine-gun
|
||
toting guests. Thus, already in place are the quick
|
||
rationalizations required to rally American liberals around US
|
||
policy despite their occasional squeamishness over the bloodier
|
||
aspects of imperialism.
|
||
|
||
Unfortunately, many progressive people living in the US and in
|
||
Europe still cling to notions of progress that entail destroying
|
||
other people's antiquated ways of living in order to make things
|
||
better for them and to save them from themselves. This 20th
|
||
century version of the white man's burden is capitalism's
|
||
ideologically liberal complement; it seeks a cleaner imperialism
|
||
one hopefully without death-squads and it launches its crusades
|
||
against militant resistance by demonizing those who just can't see
|
||
the light. It calls for, as non-violently as possible, removing
|
||
the weapons from the hands of those natives who, not knowing
|
||
what's best for them, resist attempts to modernize their
|
||
communities and pull them into liberalism's version of the 21st
|
||
century, by any means necessary.
|
||
|
||
And so we now find American newspaper coverage of Somalia laced
|
||
with terms like warlords, gangs, violent bands, chaos, random
|
||
violence - a way of framing the situation that is accepted and
|
||
regurgitated by progressives as much as by the government. The
|
||
white supremacy concealed in North Americans' demonization of bad
|
||
Negroes versus those seemingly more docile and compliant with the
|
||
interests and intentions of international capital is used to
|
||
justify armed intervention, all the while remaining well within
|
||
the boundaries of the dominant liberal ideology.
|
||
|
||
Clearly, whatever hunger exists in Somalia is a direct result of
|
||
US/IMF/World Bank policies over the years, policies that have
|
||
spawned a strong resistance movement in Somalia, like everywhere
|
||
else - although we hear nothing of it in the press. None of
|
||
capital's goals can be accomplished without first crushing (or
|
||
co-opting) those movements. Consequently, there's more to the US
|
||
invasion of Somalia than meets the stomach. Progressive people in
|
||
the US cannot allow ourselves to be seduced into endorsing the
|
||
schemes of capital, which has learned to conjure up
|
||
morally-appealing pretexts precisely for that purpose, when:
|
||
|
||
1) Hunger wouldn't exist there in the first place if it was not
|
||
for capital's economic intervention over the last decade;
|
||
|
||
2) Mass-starvation in Somalia is limited to those areas where
|
||
capital was able to fully implement its programs, and not
|
||
throughout the society, contrary to what we're being led to
|
||
believe;
|
||
|
||
3) The food-supply lines are not under particularly heavy attack,
|
||
certainly no greater than anywhere else in the world;
|
||
|
||
4) US troops were not invited by Somalia, or any Somalian regional
|
||
councils or authorities; in fact, Somalis were themselves
|
||
specifically not invited to participate in any talks concerning
|
||
armed intervention;
|
||
|
||
5) Troops are used to disarm all resistance to the imposition of a
|
||
US-mandated central authority; and
|
||
|
||
6) The US, along with the former USSR, is responsible for arming
|
||
Somalia to begin with, arms the US troops may soon be facing in
|
||
battle.
|
||
|
||
What are capital's real goals in Somalia? In a phrase, the
|
||
recolonization of Africa, which includes:
|
||
|
||
1) establishment and strengthening of military bases;
|
||
|
||
2) dumping of toxic wastes;
|
||
|
||
3) rolling back the successful liberation struggle in Eritrea and
|
||
the growing movement in northern Somalia;
|
||
|
||
4) guarding the oil-shipping lanes; and
|
||
|
||
5) deepening the proletarianization of the African working class
|
||
in order to generate cheap, dependable labor and the extraction of
|
||
precious natural resources.
|
||
|
||
Thus far, the meaningful ways in which daily life is organized in
|
||
Somalia's supposedly chaotic, decentralized traditional villages
|
||
have circumvented most prior attempts by international capital and
|
||
colonial powers - unloved, uninvited and making no pretext of
|
||
their need for a non-chaotic central authority - to impose
|
||
capital's wholly unnatural rhythms on African life. The US, under
|
||
the pretext of feeding starving people (a situation it caused,
|
||
along with the IMF and World Bank, to begin with), is attempting
|
||
to use its might to Latin Americanize Africa by busting apart the
|
||
communal village networks once and for all as England had done to
|
||
collective usages of land at home by military enforcement of the
|
||
Enclosure Acts of the 1600s making the continent fit for
|
||
capitalist accumulation. The New World [Bank] Order's hot toxic
|
||
breath is blowing up the hunger in the sands.
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
EUROPEAN NEWSBRIEFS
|
||
|
||
Italy: Jewish Youth Invade Nazi Headquarters
|
||
|
||
[Not published in the printed Feb/Mar issue, but interesting]
|
||
|
||
ROME, ITALY -- On November 6, 1992, group of Jewish youth ransaked
|
||
the headquarters of a neo-nazi group - smashing windows,
|
||
confiscasting nazi paraphernalia, and physically fighting
|
||
fascists. That was the third time in three weeks that Jewish
|
||
Italian youth, mostly in their teens and early twenties, went on
|
||
the offensive against fascists. The leader of the Western
|
||
Political Movement, the neo-nazi group whose office was smashed,
|
||
vowed revenge, but the youth promised to fight back! from Profane
|
||
Existance #18, which cites the NY Times
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
Rallies Mark Anniversary of Franco's Death
|
||
|
||
THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE death of the Spanish state's former fascist
|
||
dictator, Generalissimo Francisco Franco, was marked by rallies
|
||
and memorials around Spain on November 20th.
|
||
|
||
While rallies honoring Franco have been fairly routine since his
|
||
death in 1975, what's disturbing is the number of young people
|
||
participating in these events recently, and the rise in the level
|
||
of racist violence in the last few years. While many of the older
|
||
generation lament the days of law and order under the old regime,
|
||
younger fascists, perhaps taking the lead from their German
|
||
counterparts, are going on the offensive. Attacks on immigrants,
|
||
leftists and anarchists are rising throughout the peninsula.
|
||
|
||
In Zaragosa, on November 20th, 800 people attended a church
|
||
service in memory of Franco and ex-dictator Primo de Rivera. The
|
||
eulogy was crashed by 300 skinheads who shouted slogans throughout
|
||
the service against immigrants, the monarchy, and the police, as
|
||
well as Viva's to Franco and other fascist contemporary heroes.
|
||
The skinheads followed up the church service with a march to the
|
||
Casa Okupada de la Paz, a squat which houses anarchist groups like
|
||
Ateneo Libertario (publishers of El Acratador) and Insumismos
|
||
(draft resisters). The police surrounded the house while fascists
|
||
and squatters threw bottles, bricks and hurled insults at each
|
||
other and the police. There were only about 20 people in the house
|
||
at the time. The fascists were dispersed by police and later
|
||
returned to the house, but 200 anarchists, Insumisos, and leftists
|
||
had gathered in the meantime with a stockpile of bottles, chains
|
||
and sticks. They squared off in the street in the middle of
|
||
traffic until police reinforcements arrived.
|
||
|
||
For more info write (perferrably in Spanish):
|
||
|
||
Ateneo Libertario
|
||
Casa Ocupada De La Paz (Sagasta 52)
|
||
Apdo. 3.141
|
||
50.080 Zaragosa, Spanish State
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
Neo-Nazis Set Up Shop in Poland
|
||
|
||
DZIEWKOWICE, OPOLE VOIVODSHIP, POLAND - A group of neo-nazis from
|
||
Germany, the National Offensive, has set up headquarters in this
|
||
southwestern Polish village. Nazi literature is sold in local
|
||
stores. Throughout the region, memorials with German-language
|
||
plaques have been erected to nazi soldiers killed in combat. The
|
||
National Offensive claims their aim is to restore a "Greater
|
||
Germany," stretching all the way to Lithuania. So far no specific
|
||
acts of violence have been linked to the group, but Poles in the
|
||
area are concerned.
|
||
|
||
-- from the Polish-American Journal, January 1993
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
Anti-Nationalist Serb Shot
|
||
|
||
[NOVI SAD, CROATIA - Petar Babic, a Serb and a member of the Extra-
|
||
Nationalist Commission, was postering the following text when he
|
||
was beaten by a Serbian mob in October 1991. In November 1991 he
|
||
was found dead, killed by a bullet.]
|
||
|
||
The reemergence of nationalism throughout the world is a
|
||
phenomenon of importance too great to be ignored.
|
||
|
||
Nationalism will define us, divide us, and dominate us; it has no
|
||
place in the struggle towards self-realization, free global
|
||
interaction, and liberty. Categorize humans you cannot. Nations
|
||
are false divisions. We are one because we are all human beings.
|
||
We are separate because we all recognize the viability of free
|
||
personality. Where and when we were born is nothing but a cosmic
|
||
accident.
|
||
|
||
Independence movements are the veneer of national hatreds and
|
||
political trickery. Don't buy the lie.
|
||
|
||
Your oppressor isn't just there. It's all around you. It might
|
||
even be yourself.
|
||
|
||
Power to the people, not to their nations.
|
||
|
||
The borders we build are the borders we will have to live behind.
|
||
|
||
--from the Extra-Nationalist Commission
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
Women in Black Against War
|
||
|
||
BELGRADE, SERBIA -- Every Wednesday since October 1992, Women in
|
||
Black Against War, an anti-fascist group, has demonstrated on the
|
||
streets in protest of all nationalist politics. Their prime target
|
||
is the fascist Serbian regime. They call on all women to engage in
|
||
all types of civil disobedience. The following is text excerpted
|
||
from a Women in Black demo flyer:
|
||
|
||
"Fascist leaders of Serbian politics continue to destroy all
|
||
positive inter- ethnical communications. They have segregated
|
||
streets, classrooms, families, and cities. They are drawing lines
|
||
on mountains and corridors through the countryside... They have
|
||
stopped all electricity, water, and telephone systems in
|
||
Bosnia-Hercegovina. People die by the minute. No matter which
|
||
names they have, they die of the cold, illness, and hunger...
|
||
[The Serbian leaders] have been ceaselessly killing, torturing and
|
||
raping for a year and a half already. They have banished more than
|
||
three million lives... We are left without words to express our
|
||
horror and anger. They haven't stopped yet... The misery in which
|
||
we live should not frighten us, but incite us to resistance. It is
|
||
strange that we have not yet started to scream."
|
||
|
||
Women in Black Against War
|
||
c/o Stasa Zaja
|
||
Dragoslavia 9/10
|
||
11000 Belgrade
|
||
Serbia
|
||
|
||
Center for Anti-War Actions
|
||
Prote Moteje 6
|
||
11000 Belgrade
|
||
Serbia
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
Fascism on the Rise in Bulgaria
|
||
|
||
Among the youth here there have recently appeared disturbing
|
||
nationalist, neo-fascist, racist and anti-semitic tendencies. In
|
||
Sofia, as in the west, this has occured mainly with skinheads.
|
||
They support neo-fascist ideas and endorse racism and violence.
|
||
Groups of these youths attack other, innocent youths on the main
|
||
streets of Sofia. They provoked the terror at Club 113 of the
|
||
University of Sofia. There is nothing left for us to tell you
|
||
except:
|
||
|
||
"HIT THE NAZIS IN THE MUG!"
|
||
|
||
Federation of Anarchist Youth
|
||
Antonio Grozdev
|
||
18 Nikola Slavkov St., ET.3, Ap.6
|
||
Sofia 1463
|
||
|
||
Translated from French.
|
||
Originally appeared in Action Newsletter, # 1
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
SPANISH ANARCHIST NEEDS SUPPORT
|
||
|
||
GERARDO, A 27-YEAR-OLD ANARCHIST and CNT (Anarcho-Syndicalist
|
||
union) member from Barcelona) has just been jailed for six years
|
||
two months and one day for burning the Spanish flag way back in
|
||
1983. He had lost his final appeal.
|
||
|
||
On August 7, the CNT held a noisy demo through Barcelona to
|
||
support him, blocking traffic on main roads and throwing fireworks
|
||
at banks and the Ritz. No one from the demo was arrested. Just
|
||
before the demo, Gerardo was moved to a far off penetentiary from
|
||
the Modelo prison to prevent a protest at this notorious jail.
|
||
|
||
The CNT is calling for a pardon especially, since on July 3 a
|
||
court let off twelve Catalan Nationalists for burning flags in
|
||
1988. The difference is that Gerardo burnt the flag because he is
|
||
against all states, not to fight for a new Catalan one.
|
||
|
||
We call on all supporters to act! Call the nearest Spanish
|
||
Consulate or Embassy and raise Gerardo's case.
|
||
|
||
Send Letters and cards of support to:
|
||
|
||
Gerardo C. Ferre
|
||
C.P. Brians, Aptdo de Correos 500.
|
||
08760 Martorell, Barcelona, Catalunya, Spain
|
||
|
||
-- info from International Solidarity Network & London Black Cross
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
ANTI-FASCIST-ACTION FIGHTS THE RIGHT IN BRITAIN
|
||
|
||
by Rachel Rinaldo
|
||
|
||
[Not published in the printed Feb/Mar Issue, but worth reading]
|
||
|
||
SEVERAL YEARS AFTER THE militant poll tax riots and
|
||
demonstrations, it looks like political resistance in Britain is
|
||
at a low point. Few serious squats remain, most of the
|
||
anarcho-punks have been disillusioned or caught up in the New Age
|
||
Traveller's movement, and even Class War could not raise a
|
||
contingent for a demonstration at the European Summit in
|
||
Edinburgh. As in the rest of Europe though, fascism is alive and
|
||
well here in Britain, recruiting on the housing projects of cities
|
||
like London, Glasgow, Manchester, and Edinburgh.
|
||
|
||
Anti-Fascist-Action (AFA) has chapters throughout England and
|
||
Scotland and is probably one of the most active groups around
|
||
these days. They are dedicated to fighting fascists, such as the
|
||
British National Party (BNP) and nazis, through propaganda and, if
|
||
necessary, physical confrontation. AFA started the autumn with a
|
||
successful action in London, where they prevented hundreds of nazi
|
||
skinheads from getting to a Blood and Honour gig where the band
|
||
Skrewdriver was playing.
|
||
|
||
I've been involved with AFA Edinburgh for several months, but they
|
||
formed about a year ago. In that time AFA has: plastered the city
|
||
with stickers and graffiti (and wiped out BNP graffiti); held gigs
|
||
at the Unemployed Workers' Center; had stalls at local clubs;
|
||
picketed a bookstore for selling a book by a nazi revisionist
|
||
historian; and written letters to the local BNP members. AFA
|
||
Edinburgh and Glasgow also attended an annual anti-racist march in
|
||
Glasgow, which twenty-five sieg- heiling BNPers tried to disrupt.
|
||
Most recently, we've put up posters all over town, with a picture
|
||
of local BNP members and their addresses and phone numbers, urging
|
||
people to write nasty letters and harass them by phone. AFA
|
||
members have been known to make annoying phone calls to local
|
||
fascists and nazi skins at odd hours of the morning.
|
||
|
||
AFA is an alternative to mainstream/liberal groups, most of which
|
||
won't even recognize the existence of fascism in Britain. Groups
|
||
like the Anti- Nazi-League are mainly fronts for various left
|
||
parties and do little besides hold placards at big demonstrations.
|
||
AFA especially concentrates on rooting out fascism in working
|
||
class communities, the favorite recruiting place of the BNP. The
|
||
mostly wealthy fascist leadership targets disaffected youth in
|
||
such areas, turning their anger away from the establishment and
|
||
towards neighboring minority communities.
|
||
|
||
Not surprisingly, AFA gets a lot of criticism from the so-called
|
||
left. An editorial in the University of Edinburgh left student
|
||
newspaper called groups like AFA the violent fringe and leftist
|
||
thugs. Other groups within Edinburgh have sharply criticized the
|
||
anti-BNP posters and our confrontational tactics. But it is a pipe
|
||
dream to think that merely by distributing leaflets and holding
|
||
demonstrations, the fascists will go away. This kind of thinking
|
||
on the majority of the left has fed the recent rise in fascism in
|
||
Germany, France, Italy, Spain, and even Sweden, where Jewish
|
||
cemeteries have been desecrated. Mass demonstrations are
|
||
important, but the reality of fascists on the streets must be
|
||
dealt with before they can terrorize the local community and
|
||
recruit vulnerable youth.
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
|
||
MEXICO CITY ANTI-COLUMBUS DAY ACTIONS
|
||
|
||
The majority of anarchist collectives from the Mexican capital
|
||
gathered in two meetings (September 20 and October 6) and decided
|
||
to organize an anarchist contingent in protest of Columbus Day.
|
||
We decided to participate in an all night vigil in front of the
|
||
National Palace in the Z<>cala (public square) on the night of
|
||
October 11. And we decided to hold a protest march from the Palace
|
||
to the Columbus monument, on the Paseo de la Reforma, on the
|
||
morning of the 12th.
|
||
|
||
These actions were part of the coordinated activities of the Love
|
||
and Rage Network. And so on the 11th at 9 pm we began to gather in
|
||
front of the National Palace. The collectives participating were:
|
||
Colectivo Brigada Subversiva, Colectivo Cambio Radical, Grupo de
|
||
Apoyo Amor y Rabia, Colectivo S<>ntoma, Colectivo Ideolog<6F>a,
|
||
Expresi<EFBFBD>n y Acci<63>n, Colectivo Acci<63>n Libertaria, Colectivo
|
||
Destrucci<EFBFBD>n de Ideolog<6F>as, and KUT. At midnight we pitched a tent
|
||
that gave us shelter throughout the night. The palace was
|
||
surrounded by two reactionary groups, the Escuela Filos<6F>fica de la
|
||
Nueva Mexicanidad (The Philosophy School of the New Mexican) and a
|
||
group of concheros (dancers) contracted by the PRI (Institutional
|
||
Revolutionary Party, the party/dictatorship in power).
|
||
|
||
Despite a heavy rain we remained there until 9 am, when we began
|
||
the march to the monument of the Genovese murderer. The flyer we
|
||
produced calling for a Black Block was more effective than we had
|
||
anticipated, with many showing up at the last minute. More than 70
|
||
people participated, including some foreigners a woman from Spain,
|
||
another woman from Germany, and a man from Food Not Bombs! in San
|
||
Francisco.
|
||
|
||
The crowd seemed ready for anything, and we were surprised to see
|
||
our desires materialize. On leaving the Z<>calo we took the
|
||
streets.
|
||
|
||
The police (and the grenadiers) didn't know what to do. They
|
||
talked among themselves and then asked us unexpectedly: Where are
|
||
you going? What party are you from? What march are you part
|
||
of?
|
||
|
||
Our responses were chants: Salinas and Columbus to the firing
|
||
squad! We're gonna resist, not celebrate! Death to the State,
|
||
Long Live Anarchy! We're Indians and Anarchists and we don't
|
||
celebrate the quincentennary! Death to the church, down with the
|
||
celebration! I'll shit on the celebration! Only fascists celebrate
|
||
genocide!
|
||
|
||
We took the Paseo de La Reforma after blocking traffic
|
||
leading onto it. We jumped on the monument to the imperialist
|
||
bully, painting the sculpture in red and throwing whatever we
|
||
could at it to try and destroy it. We put up banners and
|
||
surrounded the monument, repeating our chants.
|
||
|
||
The Mexico City, national, and foreign press mobilized to cover
|
||
what was the first demonstration against the celebration, while
|
||
the police (and the invariable grenadiers) decided to keep watch
|
||
around us. After giving homage to the great admiral, we headed
|
||
back to the Z<>calo, handing out flyers to all the passersby and
|
||
decorating all the luxury cars in our path with
|
||
counter-quincentennary stickers. Once back in the square we
|
||
interrupted with shouts the celebrations and rituals of the
|
||
Escuela de la Nueva Mexicanidad
|
||
|
||
The yellow and bourgeois press, while they accused us of being
|
||
vandals, marginalized elements, and gang members, were obligated
|
||
to report on a black block that marched to shouts of A, A,
|
||
Anarchy!"
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
AFTER COLUMBUS DAY, ACTIONS CONTINUE IN MEXICO
|
||
|
||
AFTER THE MARCH of the anarchist Black Block on October 12th
|
||
against the Quincentenial, various anarchist collectives from the
|
||
region agreed to organize two demonstrations in coordination with
|
||
the Love and Rage Network.
|
||
|
||
The first to occur was on the 23rd of October at 3 pm in front of
|
||
the yankee embassy, calling for the release of American political
|
||
prisoner, Kenny Tolia, and for the repeal of Mumia Abu-Jamal's
|
||
death sentence and his release. About 30 people participated. For
|
||
over 4 hours, protesters yelled anti-state and anti-imperialist
|
||
slogans and called for the release of the imprisoned comrades.
|
||
They waved banners and placards at motorists and passersby on the
|
||
Paseo de la Reforma, during rush hour on Friday, while others
|
||
passed out leaflets and gathered signatures.
|
||
|
||
Then on October 30, we demonstrated for the release on Peruvian
|
||
anarchist prisoner Andres Villaverde. The collectives Cambio
|
||
Radical, Fuerza Positiva, Brigada Subversiva, Ideolog<6F>a, Expresi<73>n
|
||
y Acci<63>n, Zyntoma, and the Love and Rage/Mexico Supporting Group
|
||
organized a picket outside the Peruvian embassy, calling for an
|
||
immediate review of the case of Andr<64>s Villaverde and his release
|
||
based on the lack of evidence against him.
|
||
|
||
With banners and placards, demonstrators blocked the street, by sitting
|
||
on the pavement, while others passed out flyers and collected signatures.
|
||
After three hours of civil disobedience, we abandoned our position to
|
||
deliver petitions to the embassy.
|
||
|
||
To close out the month of solidarity and action, on November 1st
|
||
some anarchists carried out a direct action against McMurders
|
||
(McDonald's) in the Arag<61>n Central Commercial Plaza in the wee hours
|
||
of the night. Bricks and other objects were used to break the windows of
|
||
the imperialist restaurant, and anarchist, anti-imperialist, and animal
|
||
liberation graffiti was left all over the commercial center.
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
EMMA GOLDMAN ANARCHIST WIMMON'S COLLECTIVE FORMED
|
||
|
||
ON SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 7, a meeting of wimmin with common anarchist
|
||
politics took place in Mexico City. As a result, we young wimmin
|
||
formed the Emma Goldman Anarchist Wimmins' Collective.
|
||
|
||
At the meeting we created a declaration of principles.
|
||
Anti-authoritarian, anti-state, anti-capitalist, anti-racist,
|
||
revolutionary, and anti-sexist positions were stated. On this last
|
||
point we made clear our rejection of patriarchy, that is the
|
||
sexist society in which we live, the sexual violence and the
|
||
everyday abuse that wimmin are subjected to.
|
||
|
||
We outlined our belief that our struggle is for liberation,
|
||
emancipation, self-determination, and self-management for wimmin.
|
||
We explicitly stated our unquestionable right to reproductive
|
||
choice, the inalienable right to abortion, and the right of access
|
||
to health care for all wimmin without exception. We manifested our
|
||
rejection of the imposition of the authoritarian heterosexuality
|
||
of the patriarchal family and the traditional adoption of sex
|
||
roles. We supported attempts to move towards a plurality of
|
||
human-sexual relations, including the recognition and support for
|
||
the struggles of lesbians, bisexuals, and gay men.
|
||
|
||
We plan to produce a bulletin containing the decisions made at the
|
||
first meeting, including the Declaration of Principles. The goals
|
||
and purpose of the bulletin are to spread anarcha-feminist ideas
|
||
and to win over more wimmin, so that our movement can strongly
|
||
develop here in Mexico.
|
||
|
||
Another important focus of the collective, given the problems
|
||
confronting wimmin due to the prohibition of abortion, is the
|
||
wimmin's health question. Because of a lack of sexual education,
|
||
and reproductive rights, we plan to helpspread, practice and
|
||
educate about alternative methods of abortion, like menstrual
|
||
extraction.
|
||
|
||
Information on this page from Grupo de Apoyo Amor y
|
||
Rabia, Mexico
|
||
|
||
|
||
For more information write the collective:
|
||
|
||
Amor y Rabia
|
||
Apartado Postal 11-351
|
||
C.P. 06101
|
||
Mexico D.F. MEXICO
|
||
|
||
-30-
|
||
|
||
@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@
|
||
@ _Love & Rage_ is a Revolutionary Anarchist newspaper produced
|
||
@ by the Love and Rage Network. The Love and Rage Network is a
|
||
@ continental network of groups and individuals in Canada, Mexico,
|
||
@ and the United States. Subscriptions to the newspaper cost:
|
||
@ $13 for first class (fast, envelope), $9 third class (slow, no
|
||
@ envelope), $13 international (outside of United States), free for
|
||
@ prisoners, GI's, published bimonthly.
|
||
@ Please write to us at POB 3, NY, NY 10012
|
||
@ email: lnr%nyxfer@igc.apc.org
|
||
@ or: loveandrage@igc.apc.org
|
||
@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@
|
||
|
||
|
||
|