817 lines
45 KiB
Plaintext
817 lines
45 KiB
Plaintext
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Welcome to the fourth installment of the Frog Farm. This installment features:
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1) Obscenity and the Law
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2) The War on Drugs is Perfectly NORML
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3) Interesting Excerpts from, and Notes On, _The Spirit of the Common Law_
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4) A Personal Note
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**
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[Here's a piece from the net that I find relevant. Remember, "first they came
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for the perverts"... Anyone recall the Supreme Court ruling, two years back I
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believe it was, when a 5-4 decision ruled that government cannot launch
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"sting" operations (also known as "fishing expeditions") without first having
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reasonable suspicion that the target has committed "or is likely to commit" a
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crime? Keith Jacobson, a Kansas farmer and Vietnam vet, was convicted in 1987
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of receiving child pornography through the mails.. after a two and a half year
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government setup to entrap him into doing so. The S.Ct. just barely recognized
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the entrapment, and still left the door open for further abuses.
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Note that the piece has been slightly edited from the original.]
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>From: an14768@anon.penet.fi
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Newsgroups: alt.sex.movies,alt.sex.bestiality
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Subject: Dirty Pictures (REPOST)
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Date: Tue, 6 Jul 1993 17:33:17 GMT
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There's been chat on a.s.m and a.s.b. about the Feds' power to go after people
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for selling, trading, mailing, and/or even possessing dirty movies and
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pictures in the U.S. of A. One a.s.b. poster noted that *mailing* the stuff
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is what gets most people in trouble.
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Some helpful guy even re-posted a list of nasty old beast vids, which, like it
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or not, are "unmailable" in the U.S. But are they legally obscene as far as
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private possession is concerned, or is the Feds' interest due to a separate
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offense involving the U.S. Mail?
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Good questions. What's *not* good is not knowing what the Feds and the courts
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are able to do, if they feel like doing it. So here's a few cases and
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decisions in U.S. obscenity law.
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The full text of U.S. Obscenity Law is published in the United States Statutes
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at Large. Don't get a hernia looking through these volumes. Since the laws
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are of general interest to the public you'll also find them in (West's) United
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States Code Annotated (USCA). Title 18 of that series is called "Crimes and
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Criminal Procedures". Chapter 71 deals with Obscenity. It's in the volume
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that holds Sections 1361 to 1950 and the "Obscenity" part begins at Section
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1460.
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USCA contains notes of decisions. These notes cross-ref to the books that
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contain the full texts of those decisions. So if you're curious and wonder
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what the Supremes have done/are doing, or what the District and Appeals courts
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on *your* patch have done/are doing, just put on a clean shirt and trot down
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to your local library ...
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Now here's six obscenity cases, listed in chronological order, with cites so
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you can find 'em. They seem relevant to a.s.m and a.s.b discussions but
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there's many others. Three were decided by the Supremes; two were decided by
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the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2d Circuit (NY); and the last was decided by
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C of A for the 4th:
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1. Roth v. U.S. 354 U.S. 476 (1957)
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2. Stanly v. Georgia 394 U.S. 557 (1969)
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3. U.S. v. Dellapia 433 F.2d 1252 (1970) (2d Cir. 11/70)
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4. U.S. v. Reidel 402 U.S. 351 (1971)
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5. U.S. v. Gantzer 810 F.2d 349 (1987) (2d Cir. 1/87)
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6. U.S. v. Guglielmi 819 F.2d 451 (1987) (4th Cir. 5/87)
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ROTH was decided in 1957. It's the Big Kahuna. The court in ROTH stated
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flatly that "Obscenity is not within the area of Constitutionally protected
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speech."
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Roth had been charged with using the mails to distribute obscenity. Get it?
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The Supremes upheld his conviction for mailing "obscene" circulars and
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advertising. It held that the prohibition in USCA 1461 prohibiting the
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mailing of obscene or crime-inciting matter "does NOT offend constitutional
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safeguards ... or fail to give men in acting adequate notice of what is
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prohibited."
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(What's obscene? Well, Anthony Comstock knew it when he saw it back in the
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early 1900's, but that's a whole 'nother story.)
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Twelve years after ROTH, STANLEY was decided. The court in STANLEY held that
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"[M]ere private possession of obscene matter ... cannot constitutionally be
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made a crime."
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Justice Thurgood Marshall wrote for the majority, holding that Georgia's
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statute punishing mere possession unjustly infringed upon Stanley's First
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Amendment rights "to receive information and ideas" regardless of their worth
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and to be free, except in very limited circumstances, "from unwarranted
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governmental intrusions" into his privacy.
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"If the First Amendment means anything," Justice Marshall wrote, "it means
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that a state has no business telling a man, sitting alone in his own house,
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what books he may read or what films he may watch. Our whole constitutional
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heritage rebels at the thought of giving government the power to control men's
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minds."
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STANLEY didn't overturn ROTH. But did it signal the beginning of the end of
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ROTH? Where would the Supreme Court draw a line between government's
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(claimed) right to forbid what it calls obscene, and the right of individuals
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to be left alone?
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The 2d Circuit thought they knew.
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STANLEY was decided in 1969 and held that the First Amendment protects
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Americans' rights to *receive*, possess and enjoy information and ideas
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regardless of their worth, including supposedly obscene books and movies, in
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the privacy of their own homes.
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Even now, except in a number of states that have enacted child-porn
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exceptions following the Supreme Court's OSBORNE decision (1990), mere private
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possession of all types of books, movies and pictures that some or many would
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consider to be obscene *is* still protected by STANLEY.
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But STANLEY was decided during a tough time for the Court. President
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Johnson's attempt to appoint Abe Fortas to be Chief Justice was met with
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tremendous resistance from segregationists and law 'n order types in the U.S.
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House and Senate. They despised Justice Fortas and the extensions of civil
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liberty he'd fought for throughout his career, both on the bench and in
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private practice.
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But they attacked him publicly for his libertarian approach to obscenity
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cases that were heard by the Warren Court. To mobilize public opinion and
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smear his reputation, Strom Thurmond of South Carolina and others brought out
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the heavy artillery: God's own warriors, Charles Keating's Citizens for Decent
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Literature, Inc. (CDL).
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Remember Charles Keating, the guy who swindled all those billions from the
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S&L's during the 1980's? All those billions that our grandchildren are gonna
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be helping us pay back? Yup, CDL was Charlie's baby. The Fortas hearings
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showcased Senator Thurmond; one James J. Clancy, an attorney who appeared on
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behalf of CDL; and a whole *bunch* of dirty movies that had become part of
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CDL's traveling roadshow in its attempt to defeat the nomination. The
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smut-busters had a field day on the Hill!
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So Justice Fortas was vilified in public for many months and finally asked
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the President to withdraw his nomination. In May of 1969 Fortas resigned from
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the Supreme Court. President Nixon appointed Warren Burger to be Chief
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Justice, Burger begat Rehnquist ... but I digress.
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Ahem. STANLEY protected private possession. One could now receive, possess
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and enjoy. But how can you receive something unless someone delivers it to
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you? How can you possess something in the privacy of your own home without
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first somehow acquiring it and bringing in there, or causing it to be brought
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to you? How can you acquire, without breaking the law, that which you may now
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legally possess?
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Well, STANLEY didn't say.
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Can you go and buy it somewhere, put it in a sack, and then drive home with
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it? Can you "receive" it from a friend who hands it to you on your doorstep?
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Can you ask somebody to sell or give it to you, so that you can have it for
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your own private enjoyment at home? Can you give it away or loan it or sell
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it so someone else can "receive" it?
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Can a courier or parcel service bring it to your door? Or could you now,
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finally, receive it in the mail as a logical extension of STANLEY, for your
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own private enjoyment, even though neither ROTH nor STANLEY had invalidated
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the Comstock Act?
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Again, STANLEY didn't say. The lower courts were left to wonder what the
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Court might be *ready* to say ...
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So one year later, in October of 1970, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the
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Second Circuit felt it was time to review and perhaps re-interpret the
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government's power to enforce the postal obscenity laws.
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The case was U.S. v. DELLAPIA. Defendant had been convicted in District
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court of using the mails to transport obscene material. At the close of the
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government's case he moved for acquittal on the ground that his mailings were
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private correspondence between himself and the recipient, and as such were
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protected by the First Amendment.
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The motion was denied and Dellapia appealed.
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On appeal, the Second Circuit did not doubt that the films were "obscene" in
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the constitutional sense. And but for STANLEY the court would have held that
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ROTH's view on obscenity was sufficient to uphold a conviction. But *because*
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of STANLEY the court was prepared to ask whether Dellapia's privacy was less
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worth protecting than Stanley's, and the state's interest more compelling,
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simply because the "crime" involved the U.S. Mail.
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The court held that it was not, in both instances, and reversed the
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conviction. In doing so it found that defendant DID NOT publicly distribute
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obscene films; he DID NOT "pander or otherwise intrude himself upon public
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sensibility"; and his mailing of obscene films was AT THE REQUEST of the
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recipient.
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"Solitude or isolation," the court noted, "has never been a precondition to
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the Constitution's protection of other phases of the right to privacy."
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The decision made sense but it was a bold extension of STANLEY. The court
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held that it could not believe [all involved] became "less entitled to privacy
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from public intrusion or public sanctions when they willingly shared similar
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protected private experiences among themselves only. Each [person] merely
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responded to the others' 'right to read or observe' whatever they pleased in
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the privacy of their own homes."
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OK so far. But there's still the postal obscenity laws, and that's what the
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guy was tried on. For authority, the Second Circuit reached back for quotes
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from two earlier Supreme Court cases:
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[T] use of the mails is almost as much a part of free speech as
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the right to use our tongues ...
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Letters ... in the mail are as fully guarded ... as if they were
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retained by the parties forwarding them in their own domiciles.
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Pretty arrogant, but the Second Circuit is an influential court. It had
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logically and coherently interpreted STANLEY as being a restraint upon
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government's power to violate Americans' privacy rights when no valid
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governmental interest is shown to be at stake.
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But Richard Nixon was now President and the fundamentalists were feeling
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their oats. Congress had most definitely *not* repealed the Comstock Act and
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ROTH was still the law of the land. Abe Fortas had resigned from the Supreme
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Court - he'd been forced out, really - and Warren Burger was the new Chief
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Justice.
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Barely six months after DELLAPIA, in U.S. v. REIDEL, the Court spoke again on
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obscenity - and it was not amused.
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Reidel had been indicted in California for using the mails to sell, to
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persons over 21 years of age, a nifty little booklet called The True Facts
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About Pornography. Reidel moved to dismiss, contending that the statute was
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unconstitutional.
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The trial judge granted his motion on the ground that defendant had made a
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constitutionally protected delivery.
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But the Nixon Administration wasn't having any. The government appealed to
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the Supreme Court. The Court wasn't having any either, and held that the
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postal obscenity laws are NOT unconstitutional "as applied to the distribution
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of obscene materials to willing recipients who state that they are adults."
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And just in case the lower courts from Maine to California hadn't got the
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message the first time around, the Court reminded them that "The decision in
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STANLEY ... holding that a State's power to regulate obscenity does not extend
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to mere possession by an individual in the privacy of his own home, did not
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disturb ROTH."
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Justice White wrote the opinion, and even Justice Marshall concurred. Only
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Justices Black and Douglas dissented.
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"The District Court," White wrote, "gave STANLEY too wide a sweep." The Court
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was not prepared to abandon ROTH by extending STANLEY beyond its simple facts.
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STANLEY's focus, White wrote, "was on freedom of mind and thought and on the
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privacy of one's home. It does not require that we fashion or recognize a
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constitutional right ... to distribute or sell obscene materials."
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White concluded by saying, in effect, that if the law is to be changed, it
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should be Congress that changes it. "[T]he task of restructuring the
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obscenity laws lies with those who pass, repeal, and amend statutes and
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ordinances. ROTH and like cases pose no obstacle to such developments."
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So there it is, circa 1970. You can posses it, but you can't receive it.
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Actually, strictly speaking, you can receive it (STANLEY) but you just can't
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*acquire* it (REIDEL). Get it?
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Now somebody's gonna split hairs here and say "Sure I can get dirty movies,
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it's just obscenity ya can't handle, so what's the big deal?"
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So stay tuned for Part 2, sports fans, and we'll talk about some *really*
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clever decisions that came out during the Rehnquist era. And also about
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entrapment, and predisposition, and other neat stuff like that.
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[I'm anxiously awaiting this next post, and will send it out to the list
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when/if it arrives.]
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**
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[Here's a piece which, although not consistent (or even much news for most of
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us), I found interesting -- I even learned a few things I wasn't previously
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aware of. It was originally printed in a Loompanics catalog. Remember, the
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author is apparently like most people in that he believes that Rights can be
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"eliminated" or "removed". Rights are not subject to a vote, they are not
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dependent on the whims of the majority and they cannot under any circumstances
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be "eliminated". Even convicted criminals still have Rights; through due
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process of law, we RESTRICT THE EXERCISE of those Rights (NOT "eliminate"
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them). These distinctions are crucial in the courtroom.]
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The War on Drugs is Perfectly NORML
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(C) 1993 by Jim Hogshire
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When they came for the Fourth Amendment I didn't say anything because I had
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nothing to hide.
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When they came for the Second Amendment I didn't say anything because I wasn't
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a gun owner.
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When they came for the Fifth and Sixth Amendments I didn't say anything
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because I had committed no crimes.
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Then they came for the First Amendment -- and now, I can't say anything at all.
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* * * * * * * *
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When we bemoan the horrors of the War on Drugs we always speak of how the
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Constitution "is being ripped to shreds." But even as we say these words we
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don't seem to comprehend just what this means. We just say it, and then,
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having said it (among friends of course) we go back to demanding that our
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cable TV rates be lowered.
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The truth is, our rights are not being "eroded." Most have already been
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eliminated. And just like the above epigram suggests, your right to say so
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will be the last thing to go. When they start telling you what to say and how
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to think, you'll know it's all over. Sadly, that is what's happening now. The
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police state has modified its laws to the point where it is downright
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profitable to go hunting citizen/suspects -- someone who is growing even one
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marijuana plant, "loitering" too long in a single area, selling
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"paraphenalia," or saying the wrong things. The general acceptance of the
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police state has paved the way for the "War on Drugs" to expand -- to porno
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dealers, religious groups, gun owners, foreigners, and "troublemakers" of
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every stripe.
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This could never have happened without a stunning lack of resistance by the
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people -- especially those who consider themselves at the forefront of the
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Drug War Resistance. We "resisters" have allowed ourselves to be stratified
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and fragmented to the point where nearly everyone -- no matter how supposedly
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radical -- agrees with at least some of the government's oppression. Pro-hemp
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people are among the worst offenders with their explicit pleas to allow the
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government to "regulate and tax" hemp. Faux pro-drug luminaries like Terrence
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McKenna (_Food of the Gods_, etc.) go a little further in advocating more use
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of psychedelic drugs, but would still outlaw opiates and cocaine -- since
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these are "hard drugs." It might also be that these folks don't happen to
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like coke or smack too much and are thus willing to send their fellow man to
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jail in the hope that _their_ particular drug will get the government's nod.
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But the government only reluctantly gives the slightest of nods to MDs and
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others with the proper credentials.
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So far we have managed to believe that the various outrages (warrantless
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searches, asset forfeiture, preventive detention, military troops enforcing
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civilian laws, etc. ad nauseum) are temporary aberrations. Somehow we make
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ourselves believe reason will overcome this madness before it goes too far. Or
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maybe we each think it would never get around to us -- after all, _I'm not
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doing any harm_. How could the police possibly be interested in me? Well,
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they are interested in you -- and have demonstrated this time and again by
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compiling huge databases made up of information on nearly every citizen who
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owns a telephone.
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The War on Drugs was never meant to alter anyone's drug use -- it was a money
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and power scam from the start. "Fighting drugs" has given our government just
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the excuse they need to send troops to foreign countries and to police our
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borders and even our cities. The litany of atrocities is long and runs the
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gamut from wholesale human sacrifices overseas, to the theft of a few hundred
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dollars from a guy in an airport who can't immediately prove it wasn't earned
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illegally.
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And now they have come for the First Amendment.
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A gardening supply shop just handed over $100,000 to the government rather
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than prove it was not involved in a conspiracy to grow marijuana because it
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had placed ads for grow lights in two magazines. A famous author is forced to
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use a pen name on his latest books because his real name is too associated
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with drugs and book dealers often refuse to carry any book that can bee
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construed as promoting drug use. Even the word "marijuana" has caused a
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gardening book to be taken off the shelves in fear of cops raiding, then
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seizing the whole store.
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When cops in Indiana ran out of names gleaned from confiscated garden supply
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store customer lists and busted every hydroponic gardener they could, they set
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up their own hydroponics equipment stores, charged low prices, then calmly
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talked with customers while copying down names and license plate numbers. The
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monetary gains from this operation were measly, but the number of people going
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to prison and the fear injected into the community as a whole must have been
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worth it.
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The War on Drugs has been highly successful in cowing the population, and
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increases its control every day. Once again, what is most disturbing is the
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complicity of the people. From turn-in-your-parents campaigns to NORML's
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obsequious "legalize, then tax and regulate!" proposals, to the idea that even
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marijuana should be illegal if it exceeds a certain arbitrary quantity, even
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some so-called "libertarian" types are tripping over themselves to help the
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cops. When we are not busy validating portions of the government's propaganda
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in the vain hope that we will be spared a pitiful ounce of weed, the rest of
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us are silent.
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Today we live in a culture of fear and distrust, a culture that has taken
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fewer than ten years to create. The use of asset forfeiture laws was not very
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commonplace until after 1985. And the assault on speech only began in the
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last four years or so.
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First, there is operation Green Merchant (it still continues, after collecting
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billions of dollars and destroying countless lives). In 1987, Ed Rosenthal
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first wrote with awe of some of America's pioneer indoor pot farms. Yet, he
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may not have realized that even though he and his fellow pot smokers had moved
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indoors, they were still in harm's way. After all, at that time the courts
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still recognized some modicum of privacy rights (helicopters were not allowed
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to hover just above a person's house taking infra-red pictures without a
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warrant, for instance). But by the end of 1988, nearly every state had
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mimicked federal statutes that not only relaxed the standards for probably
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cause but also increased the powers of search and seizure.
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These last laws have come to be known under the heading of "asset forfeiture"
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and although they have been used vigorously in every state for at least the
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last five years many people still express shock that such a thing is legal.
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What is asset forfeiture? Basically it's this: The state seizes property
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under what they term "probable cause" and then keeps it, claiming it now
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belongs to the state because of a legal doctrine known as "relation back."
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Relation back says that once any thing, be it cash, car, or bass boat is used
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in an illegal way, it belongs to the state from that moment on. Thus if you
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lend your car to someone who uses it to bring drugs to a friend, the car is no
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longer yours. This is true even if the crime goes undetected for some time
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afterward. That car belongs to the state and if it ever alleges that a crime
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took place in it, it can take possession of it.
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This legal doctrine is not new; it harkens back to the Inquisition when those
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accused of heresy by the Church lost their property -- half to the Church,
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half to the local secular official.
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Normally, especially if the case is weak, the authorities will tell you to
|
|
kiss your property goodbye or face prosecution. With the maximum penalties we
|
|
have all voted for (or at least kept silent about) who wants to go to court?
|
|
Most people just grind their teeth and let the government keep everything. One
|
|
wonders what sort of marijuana tax could possibly compete with this as a
|
|
source of revenue?
|
|
|
|
You _can_ get your property back. You merely have to prove to a civil court
|
|
by "a preponderance of evidence" that the state is wrong in its suspicion that
|
|
the property was used in a crime. Now the burden of proof is shifted to the
|
|
defendant, and it is a difficult burden to boot. Preponderance of evidence
|
|
constitutes 51% or more (in the judge's opinion) of the evidence. Probable
|
|
cause requires only suspicion. Thus, the state takes by probable cause, then
|
|
requires a higher standard of proof from you, the ex-owner, to get it back.
|
|
|
|
Yes, this is the exact reverse of the doctrine of "innocent until proven
|
|
guilty." But they get away with it because no human is charged with any
|
|
crime. The case is against the confiscated property. That's why you see such
|
|
cases as The State of California vs. $5,000 cash. You see, property doesn't
|
|
have as many rights as people. Even if you are acquitted of any crime, your
|
|
car, cash or bass boat will still have to prove its innocence.
|
|
|
|
By the way, this is nothing new either. This legal fiction harkens back to at
|
|
least the 12th century when a kettle was once tried for murder after it fell
|
|
off a shelf on someone's head and killed him.
|
|
|
|
Obviously, this has made for some easy pickin's for state cops who often get
|
|
into humorous court battles with each other over which jurisdiction gets how
|
|
much seized property and bank accounts. It also invites the government to
|
|
play even faster and looser with any "rights" Joe Citizen might have left.
|
|
Thus, we have "paraphenalia laws" that are sporadically enforced to scare off
|
|
certain people or to drum up some quick money. Paraphenalia laws spawned
|
|
still others that make it illegal to even talk about drugs in such a way as
|
|
could be construed as "promoting their use and/or manufacture." The Analog
|
|
Substance Act has even made certain compounds illegal that haven't yet been
|
|
made or used by anyone. Indeed, these drugs exist only in theory. This last
|
|
bit is truly a new twist on legal reality. Even the harshest medieval minds
|
|
concerned themselves only with things generally recognized as real and did not
|
|
make that which did not exist illegal.
|
|
|
|
Now, search warrants issued on phoned-in "anonymous tips," "pre-trial
|
|
detention" based on a prosecuteor's allegation, probable cause based on
|
|
"profiles" that include several million people, are all commonplace. In some
|
|
states, it is a crime to have prescription drugs stored in anything but their
|
|
original container. At least one dissenting judge noted this made a pill
|
|
illegal for the time it took to remove it from the bottle and swallow it.
|
|
|
|
The War on Drugs brought us our first true thought crime when it introduced
|
|
the idea of a CONSPIRACY OF JUST ONE PERSON. Unlike any other federal
|
|
conspiracy charge, the War on Drugs does not require you to do a single thing
|
|
in furtherance of your conspiracy. In other words, if you CONSIDER selling
|
|
drugs -- that is itself a crime. For any other crime you have to DO
|
|
SOMETHING. Today we are seeing the first cases where speech -- the transfer
|
|
of information -- has become illegal. If someone asks you how to grow
|
|
marijuana, you will be guilty of a crime if you tell him.
|
|
|
|
Good thing for me I don't smoke pot, huh? Hope nobody asks me how to forge a
|
|
prescription. Or decides that ephedrine is an analogue of speed. Or decides
|
|
that a novel I write inspires thoughts contrary to the State's interests. This
|
|
is the application of "thought crime" and nothing less. To police our
|
|
thoughts, the cops keep extensive files on anybody, and everybody.
|
|
|
|
In some states, each and every prescription filled is noted by a computer and
|
|
kept in an enormous database. When, in the computer's estimation, something
|
|
appears "suspicious," the cops are dispatched to investigate -- if not make an
|
|
arrest. In Ohio, cops don't leave such crucial decisions up to a computer.
|
|
There, the police have free access to any pharmacy's records and are allowed
|
|
to even store this information at various police stations. And urine testing
|
|
has subjected the majority of Americans to lifestyle investigations by almost
|
|
anyone. Scrutinizing pee yields all kinds of information about a person
|
|
besides "drug use."
|
|
|
|
Each and every person traveling on an airplane is now noted by law enforcement
|
|
agencies, and even small bank transactions are reported to the government.
|
|
Police databases now make available extensize information on any citizen.
|
|
|
|
So far, our attempts at solutions to this problem have been utter failures. I
|
|
think that's because they rest on asking the system to change itself in a way
|
|
that is clearly not in the interest of the system at all. All this is due to
|
|
our silence and bleating for mercy. And Big Brother loves bleating sheep. He
|
|
loves the sheep who agree there is such a thing as a "hate crime," the sheep
|
|
who believe there are such things as "hard drugs" or drugs that "really should
|
|
be controlled" or that certain religious outlooks aren't "real churches." And
|
|
of course he loves the majority of sheep who are willing to part with "some of
|
|
their rights" and convince themselves they won't regret it.
|
|
|
|
The pro-hemp sheep are perhaps the worst of all. They have even been suckered
|
|
into arguing for marijuana legalization on the basis of its value as an
|
|
agricultural crop! About the only use for marijuana _not_ mentioned by
|
|
pro-hempists these days is that you can get high from it! Pro-hemp sheep love
|
|
to tell stories about how the Founding Fathers wrote our Declaration of
|
|
Independence on hemp paper. Some even go so far as to say that hemp can _save
|
|
the world_. Please master, if you let us have our hemp, we'll back up the
|
|
rest of your oppression. Here, you can even tax it, if you want.
|
|
|
|
But could the government ever expect to make as much money off taxation as it
|
|
already does with asset forfeiture? In a world where a police dog "alerting"
|
|
on a stack of cash results in a jackpot, or possession of any amount of drugs
|
|
costs you your house, is this supposed to lure them into legalizing pot -- the
|
|
chance to regulate at a lower profit than which they already regulate?
|
|
|
|
I know this is counter-culture heresy, but the fact is, no group has been more
|
|
complacent about the War on Drugs than the pro-marijuana smokers. For all
|
|
their self-righteous jabbering about freedom, they do little to secure it.
|
|
They buy 90% of the government's anti-drug line and heartily condemn users of
|
|
any other drugs. _High Times_ now "hates heroin, alcohol, speed and cocaine"
|
|
according to a _USA Today_ interview with _High Times_ editor Steve Hager.
|
|
"Now the only articles about heroin or cocaine you'll find in _High Times_
|
|
will tell you where to get treatment," he says. Once a million circulation
|
|
magazine devoted to all types of drug exploration, the magazine now
|
|
essentially agrees with the Drug Warriors that coke and "crack" are scourges.
|
|
|
|
In return for this dramatic about-face, _High Times_ has suffered a concerted
|
|
and sustained program of harassment by the DEA, which systematically drives
|
|
away its advertisers and subjects it to threats of prosecution. But its
|
|
hypocrisy remains transparent -- some of their largest advertisers are
|
|
companies that sell ephedrine and caffeine pills as fake speed. Both of these
|
|
drugs, especially ephedrine, can be fatal in relatively small doses.
|
|
|
|
Some articles suggest _High Times_ has come completely under DEA control when
|
|
they run articles that teach growers to do their best to grow as little as
|
|
possible so, if busted, they won't be charged with dealing and face stiffer
|
|
penalties. "If you grow, make sure you know the rules of the game," one
|
|
article ends, "and play the games accordingly." Is this the magazine that
|
|
published _The Encyclopedia of Recreational Drugs_? Advice on how to "play
|
|
the game?"
|
|
|
|
Al Capone would be ashamed.
|
|
|
|
At least the coke dealers resist. They shoot back at governments that shoot
|
|
at them. They put prices on judges' heads, they blow away cops and spring
|
|
their pals from prison. In our country, no one fears a sheep with a grow
|
|
light and a marijuana seedling. What is feared is physical abuse and death.
|
|
This has been the punishment for people with nothing to confiscate for years.
|
|
As a result, in areas where the punishment is not asset forfeiture, but
|
|
incarceration, the Drug War really is fought with guns. Mostly this is in the
|
|
inner city and on a few rural pot plantations. The propaganda has so far been
|
|
able to hornswoggle us with the lies of "instantly addicting crack," PCP
|
|
giving someone the strength of ten men, and the general fear of black people
|
|
at home and abroad.
|
|
|
|
The fear of the "Other" has led us to seriously limit firearms (semi-
|
|
automatic weapons are supposedly favored by drug dealers when, in fact, they
|
|
are most favored by police departments) and endorse pre-trial detention and
|
|
the U.S. Army enforcing civilian laws (when will we have forced billeting of
|
|
soldiers?). Oh, save us from those dark-skinned foreign druglords! We have
|
|
now allowed our governemt to adopt truly fantastic "crime packages" that
|
|
include the death penalty for destruction of government property, mandatory
|
|
life sentences for small amounts of this or that substance and general
|
|
mistreatment for anyone deemed a "kingpin" -- an elastic definition which
|
|
seems to mean "anyone accused of having drugs".
|
|
|
|
Before it's completely illegal, I would like to remind everyone that tyrants
|
|
don't get disposed of by rational arguments or deal-making. In the end, it
|
|
must become unprofitable and uncomfortable for The Establishment to continue
|
|
to wage their Drug War. To this end it is obvious that mere talk is not
|
|
enough (but, by all means SPEAK OUT -- without that all is lost) but action is
|
|
required. The simplest means of action is to turn the monster on its creators.
|
|
As the drug warriors become increasingly rapacious, as their SWAT teams blow
|
|
away more and more innocent people, the public's perception of them is going
|
|
to sour. So one of the best ways to fight the oppression is to bring the war
|
|
home to those who love it so much. Why not report your kindly local doctor
|
|
for drug dealing?
|
|
|
|
Without much prodding, you can get the police to tear his place apart, and
|
|
perhaps ruin his practice. The doctor will see he has more to fear from his
|
|
government than anyone else, and so will all his friends.
|
|
|
|
Why not go ahead and help the cops with their turn-in-your-neighbor programs?
|
|
Just make sure the neighbors you turn in are those with the smuggest attitudes
|
|
and the juiciest assets. If those guys believe so heartily in the fairness of
|
|
our criminal justice system, why not plant a little coke in their cars, then
|
|
call the cops? Throw pot seeds on a politician's lawn. As the richer and
|
|
more powerful discover the joys of dealing with the man in blue, they may come
|
|
to listen to your logical arguments. But as long as they think they can
|
|
escape the consequences of their own police state, they will continue to back
|
|
it.
|
|
|
|
Take a tip from the IRS -- terrorize just a few percent of the insulated
|
|
middle class and the rest will readily do what it takes to escape the same
|
|
treatment. After a slew of millionaires lose their houses, and some regular
|
|
folks lose their bass boats and enough regular white folks see their children
|
|
off to ten-year stretches in prison for non-crimes, the Drug War will cease.
|
|
But not before.
|
|
|
|
Otherwise, never miss a chance to expose the Drug War for what it is. If you
|
|
have children, encourage them to challenge their teachers whenever anti-drug
|
|
messages come up. Teach them to teach their classmates that the teachers are
|
|
lying. You don't have to promote drug use to promote your Constitution. All
|
|
you have to do is promote freedom.
|
|
|
|
**
|
|
|
|
Notes on and Interesting Excerpts from
|
|
Roscoe Pound's _The Spirit of the Common Law_, 1949
|
|
|
|
[I originally picked this up because of the title, hoping for something
|
|
decent. I should know better. Out of all the books ever published on common
|
|
law, ten percent, at most, actually know what they're talking about. This guy
|
|
knows all the words, but his philosphical dyslexia results in the concepts
|
|
becoming hopelessly tangled. I offer some of the more interesting quotes here.
|
|
Some are patently false opinions or interpretations of common law or natural
|
|
law; others are merely statements of fact, which may or may not accord with
|
|
available historical data.]
|
|
|
|
p 34: "...the political interpretation...assumes that a movement from
|
|
subjection to freedom, from status to contract, is the key to legal as well as
|
|
to social development."
|
|
|
|
HUH? What drugs are you on, Roscoe? STATUS is FREEDOM; CONTRACT is SUBJECTION,
|
|
and you have them COMPLETELY REVERSED! Bouvier's law dictionary tells us that
|
|
STATUS is a man's position in relation to the rest of the world, and CONTRACT
|
|
is the DEGREE OF SUBJUGATION INTO WHICH HE HAS PLACED HIMSELF. In other words,
|
|
you may have the status of a freeman when you're born, but every time you
|
|
enter a contract, your freedom diminishes by that much more. Of course, if you
|
|
should enter into a contract which derogates your STATUS without your
|
|
knowledge, you can object and claim your rights once you are aware of the
|
|
fraud and can coherently explain your defense.
|
|
|
|
p 45-6: "For many years a favorite topic of presidential addresses before the
|
|
American Bar Association was the plethora of legislature-made laws. A late
|
|
leader of the American bar died in the harness writing an elaborate argument
|
|
against legislation..."
|
|
|
|
Hmm! Sounds like lawyers weren't ALWAYS ignorant fools...
|
|
|
|
p 53: "The Puritan has always been a consistent and thoroughgoing opponent of
|
|
equity. It runs counter to all his ideas. For one thing, it helps fools who
|
|
have made bad bargains, whereas he believes that fools should be allowed and
|
|
required to act freely and then be held for the consequences of their folly.
|
|
For another thing, IT ACTS DIRECTLY UPON THE PERSON. IT COERCES THE INDIVIDUAL
|
|
FREE WILL. It acts preventively, instead of permitting free action..."
|
|
|
|
And from this, it seems that not all religious folks are fools. Although
|
|
Puritans' "pleasure bad" routine gets tiresome rather quickly..
|
|
|
|
p 61-2: "In 1787 the legislature of Rhode Island, having put forth paper money
|
|
of the nominal value of $100,000 made it penal to refuse to accept the bills
|
|
in payment of articles offered for sale, or to make any distinction between
|
|
them and gold or silver coin, and provided further that if any one were
|
|
arrested of that heinous offense, he should be tried forthwith in an inferior
|
|
court by judges without a jury, on a summary complaint, without any
|
|
continuance and with no appeal. One Weeden being charged with violating the
|
|
statute objected that trial before such a special court, uncontrolled by the
|
|
supreme judiciary and without a jury, was repugnant to the charter which stood
|
|
as the constitution of the state, and hence that the statute was void. The
|
|
judges sustained this objection. Thereupon, on the last Monday of September,
|
|
1787, the judges were summoned to appear before the legislature much as Coke
|
|
and his colleagues had appeared before James I. The judges appeared, and two
|
|
of them made learned and convincing arguments that they could not be compelled
|
|
by statute to send a citizen to jail without trial by jury, when trial by jury
|
|
was guaranteed by the constitution, the supreme law of the state, under which
|
|
the legislature itself was constituted. The legislature, however, voted that
|
|
it was not satisfied with the reasons of the judges, and a motion to dismiss
|
|
the judges from their offices followed and would doubtless have prevailed had
|
|
it not appeared that the constitution unhappily required the deliberate
|
|
process of impeachment. Like cases occurred at the time in many states."
|
|
|
|
Shades of Thomas More! That darn due process of law just makes things so
|
|
INCONVENIENT when you want to punish people, doesn't it?
|
|
|
|
p 102: "When houses are scarce and landlords are grasping, Blackstone's
|
|
proposition that the public good is in nothing more essentially interested
|
|
than in the protection of every individual's private rights is not the popular
|
|
view. A crowded, urban, industrial community looks to society for protection
|
|
against predatory individuals, natural or artificial, and resents doctrines
|
|
that protect these individuals against society..."
|
|
|
|
So a starving mob doesn't care about anyone's rights. This may be true -- does
|
|
that necessarily make it good or right?
|
|
|
|
p 109: "Men are not asking merely to be allowed to achieve welfare; they are
|
|
asking to have welfare achieved for them through organized society. Much that
|
|
advertises itself as social is in truth individualist; it is individualism to
|
|
be attained through society rather than through individual self-help."
|
|
|
|
The first sentence is merely another thing which may or may not be true, but
|
|
is certainly not moral, even if it is true. I can make no sense out of the
|
|
second -- the collective is an individual? A is not A?
|
|
|
|
p 110-1: "...even if we grant that ultimately all interests, individual and
|
|
public, are secured and maintained because of a social interest in so doing,
|
|
this does not mean that individual interests, the details of which the last
|
|
two centuries worked out so thoroughly, are to be ignored. On the contrary the
|
|
chiefest of social interests is the moral and social life of the individual;
|
|
and thus individual interests become largely identical with a social interest.
|
|
Just as in the 17th century an undue insistence on public interests, thought
|
|
of as the interests of the sovereign, defeated the moral and social life of
|
|
the individual and required the assertion of individual interests in bills of
|
|
rights and declarations of rights, there is like danger now that certain
|
|
social interests will be unduly emphasized and that governmental maternalism
|
|
will become an end rather than a means and defeat the real purposes of the
|
|
legal order. Although we think socially, we must still think of individual
|
|
interests, and of that greatest of all claims which a human being may make,
|
|
the claim to assert his individuality, to exercise freely the will and the
|
|
reason which God has given him. We must emphasize the social interest in the
|
|
moral and social life of the individual. But we must remember that it is the
|
|
life of a free-willing being."
|
|
|
|
Huh? Again, A=!A, it would seem. Quite a fine line he expects the omniscient,
|
|
omnipotent State to walk. No wonder most people are so confused, if this is
|
|
the most intelligent, reasoned material that so-called legal scholars can come
|
|
up with. (I won't bother commenting on his belief that Rights come from some
|
|
higher power, unless the list at large feels it would be a good topic.)
|
|
|
|
p 113: "...with a few conspicuous exceptions, the courts before and for some
|
|
time after the Revolution were made up largely of untrained magistrates who
|
|
administered justice according to their common sense and the light of nature
|
|
with some guidance from legislation. Until the Revolution in most of the
|
|
colonies, it was not considered necessary, or even expedient, to have judges
|
|
learned in the law."
|
|
|
|
As long as the contesting parties agreed to submit themselves to the court,
|
|
there's no controversy. And especially in this day and age, I'd much rather
|
|
have a judge who didn't start out as a lawyer. Remember "What License?" which
|
|
was posted to this list a short time back? (I'll mail it out again to anyone
|
|
who missed it who doesn't have anonymous FTP access.)
|
|
|
|
|
|
**
|
|
|
|
A Personal Note to the Subscribers of the Frog Farm
|
|
|
|
|
|
I'm quite short on things to send out this time around, and have exhausted
|
|
most of my newer material; I have yet to receive any submissions to the list,
|
|
but I realize I've been a bit lax in my duties as list host.
|
|
|
|
All of you (all four subscribers! ;) should already have read the FAQ, and
|
|
know that it doesn't really have any "questions" per se that get answered.
|
|
With the next version, that'll change; one question that just about everyone
|
|
has asked (usually after they get a sample of what sort of things are
|
|
discussed) is, "So why the heck is it called the Frog Farm?"
|
|
|
|
I'm relatively sure all of you are already familiar with the apocryphal
|
|
American folk tale about the frog and the boiling water. To be concise, the
|
|
moral of the story is that if you put a frog into water that's boiling, he'll
|
|
jump right hack out, but if you put him in a pot of cold water and raise the
|
|
temperature as slowly as possible, he won't recognize the danger until it's
|
|
too late.
|
|
|
|
This little fable has endeared itself to me mostly for its lasting relevance.
|
|
Although an atheist and [O|o]bjectivist, one book of the Bible in particular,
|
|
as portrayed by Roger Zelazny in _A Rose for Ecclesiastes_, has never been far
|
|
from my mind since I read it -- to wit, the more things change, the more they
|
|
stay the same. "There is nothing new under the sun", for as long as human
|
|
beings are what we are, and natural law governs our relationships, our
|
|
essential nature remains unchanged. Only our (still all too) weak knowledge
|
|
regarding it grows, at a pace probably frustratingly slow to the people who
|
|
actually consciously are aware of their need for philosophy. "The mass of
|
|
men", as Thoreau noted, still "lead lives of quiet desperation", and life,
|
|
instead of the joyful potential it should be, is a constant burden, cheaply
|
|
bought and sold.
|
|
|
|
(Incidentally, I don't agree with E.'s conclusions regarding life itself; not
|
|
surprisingly for that day and age, the alleged prophet(s) and author(s) came
|
|
to much this same conclusion; namely, that life in this reality was something
|
|
best exchanged for whatever else they imagined might lie beyond it. The very
|
|
fact that religion still holds the majority of the world's population in its
|
|
grasp in one form or another, whether in an organized group or by personal,
|
|
unspoken belief, shows us as conclusively as anything else that most people
|
|
are so afraid of living that their minds are compelled to imagine something
|
|
better, however nebulous and unprovable it might be. The mental contortions
|
|
gone through by those who try to reconcile rational and irrational beliefs can
|
|
be as painful for those witnessing them as they can be for those experiencing
|
|
them first-hand.)
|
|
|
|
The more most of my friends in my age group (the 13th generation to inhabit
|
|
this nation since the Founding Fathers) learn about history, law, philosophy,
|
|
and reality in general, the more pessimistic they seem to become. Amazingly
|
|
enough, my once-suicidal teenage angst has, through knowledge acquired
|
|
regarding these topics, virtually disappeared. I know I can't control other
|
|
people -- but I have no desire to. And I'm confident in my ability to control
|
|
my own life -- a thing I formerly believed impossible, or at least
|
|
unrealistic.
|
|
|
|
Here at the Frog Farm, we recognize that people aren't perfect. We don't
|
|
demand impossible performance. All we ask is the right to be left alone, to
|
|
live peacefully and interact only with those of our own choosing.
|
|
|
|
|
|
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-----END PGP PUBLIC KEY BLOCK-----
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