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808 lines
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*** EFF News #1.00 (December 10, 1990) ***
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*** The Electronic Frontier Foundation, Inc. ***
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*** Welcome ***
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Editors: Mitch Kapor (mkapor@eff.org)
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Mike Godwin (mnemonic@eff.org)
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REPRINT PERMISSION GRANTED: Material in EFF News may be reprinted if you
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cite the source. Where an individual author has asserted copyright in
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an article, please contact her directly for permission to reproduce.
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E-mail subscription requests: effnews-request@eff.org
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Editorial submissions: effnews@eff.org
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We can also be reached at:
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Electronic Frontier Foundation
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155 Second St.
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Cambridge, MA 02141
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(617) 864-0665
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(617) 864-0866 (fax)
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USENET readers are encouraged to read this publication in the moderated
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newsgroup comp.org.eff.news. Unmoderated discussion of topics discussed
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here is found in comp.org.eff.talk.
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This publication is also distributed to members of the mailing list
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eff@well.sf.ca.us.
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The EFF has been established to help civilize the electronic frontier;
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to make it truly useful and beneficial to everyone, not just an elite;
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and to do this in a way that is in keeping with our society's highest
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traditions of the free and open flow of information and communication.
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EFF News will present news, information, and discussion about the world
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of computer-based communications media that constitute the electronic
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frontier. It will cover issues such as freedom of speech in digital
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media, privacy rights, censorship, standards of responsibility for users
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and operators of computer systems, policy issues such as the development
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of national information infrastructure, and intellectual property.
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Views of individual authors represent their own opinions, not
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necessarily those of the EFF.
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*** EFF News #1.00: Table of Contents ***
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Article 1: Who's Doing What at the EFF
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Article 2: EFF Current Activities - Fall 1990
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Article 3: Contributing to the EFF
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Article 4: CPSR Computing and Civil Liberties Project
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(Marc Rotenberg, Computer Professionals for Social
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Responsibility)
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Article 5: Why Defend Hackers? (Mitch Kapor)
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Article 6: The Lessons of the Prodigy Controversy
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Article 7: How Prosecutors Misrepresented the Atlanta Hackers
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*** EFF News #1.00: Article 1 of 7: ***
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*** Who's Doing What at the EFF ***
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The EFF has hired its first full-time staff member, Mike Godwin.
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Mike is serving as the EFF's staff counsel and will be coordinating the
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ongoing legal work of the EFF as well. Mike is a recent graduate of
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the University of Texas Law School. Previously he served as editor-in-
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chief of The Daily Texan student newspaper. He has been a frequent
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contributor to the discussions of computing and civil liberties on the
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net. Welcome, Mike.
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As the scope of EFF activities increase, we anticipate hiring
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another full-time professional staff person at EFF. The new position is
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in the process of being defined, but the responsibilities are likely to
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include involvement with our print and online publications as well as
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the administrative tasks associated with raising contributions and
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responding to our constituents.
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We have gotten settled in our remodelled quarters. Leila
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Gallagher has joined us as an office volunteer helping with duplicating,
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mailing, and other administrative matters.
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There are currently additional volunteer opportunities at the
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EFF's Cambridge office. Anyone with experience with PageMaker and
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FileMaker who is interested in helping us with our print newsletter and
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creating a inquiries database is encouraged to contact Mike Godwin.
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Gerard van der Leun (boswell@well.sf.ca.us) has volunteered to
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organize and edit the first issue of the EFF's print newsletter, the
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EFFector. He is getting lots of help from Dan Sokol and Rick Doherty.
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Look for a first issue this winter.
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Mitch Kapor is working full-time on public interest computing
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issues, including the EFF, where he is currently serving as Acting
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Executive Director. John Barlow (barlow@well.sf.ca.us) is actively
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engaged in writing and speaking about issues on the electronic frontier.
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Harvey Silverglate and Sharon Beckman (slvrgood@well.sf.ca.us) of
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the law firm of Silverglate and Good and Terry Gross
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(tgross@well.sf.ca.us) of the Rabinowitz, Boudin, Standard, Krinsky, and
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Lieberman are the EFF's litigation counsel.
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*** EFF News #1.00: Article 2 of 7: ***
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*** EFF Current Activities - Fall 1990 ***
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>>>LEGAL EFFORTS<<<
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The EFF is continuing to investigate legal opportunities for
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helping to establish the First and Fourth Amendment rights of computer
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users and sysops. We are closely tracking the known cases of BBS-related
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seizures and arrests that have arisen as the result of Operation Sun
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Devil and the computer-crime operation based in the Chicago U.S.
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Attorney's office. These cases may provide us with critical
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opportunities to defend the rights of computer users and BBS operators.
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We are continuing to track other cases of alleged computer-related
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crimes, many of which arose prior to the two federal operations
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mentioned above, but in which the EFF may be able to play some formal or
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informal role.
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The EFF has also been following the Prodigy case and has been
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investigating the cases in which universities may have been ordered by
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NSF officials to remove graphics files from their systems. We have been
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increasing our media presence through our cooperation with trade-
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publication and mainstream journalists, who now know to call the EFF
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offices for feedback on computer-related news items.
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We are increasing our contacts with attorneys around the country
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who are involved in computer-related cases. It is hoped that these
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attorneys may ultimately become part of a network of attorneys who
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associate with EFF for the purpose of taking on pro bono cases in which
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EFF has an interest.
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The EFF been working to provide the American Bar Association with
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input concerning judicial guidelines for the issuance of search warrants
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in computer- and BBS-related cases.
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>>> MASSACHUSETTS COMPUTER CRIME BILL<<<
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The EFF has drafted and is working for the passage of a computer crime
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bill, which has the backing of the Governor and Attorney General of
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Massachusetts. If passed, the bill will serve as model legislation in
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balancing property and free speech interests.
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Previously, a completely different version of the bill had passed both
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houses of the Massachusetts legislature and was sent to the Governor for
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his signature. Thanks to the efforts of the Governor's Office and the
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Massachusetts Software Council, the bill came to our attention and we
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were able to persuade the Governor that, as originally written, it had a
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number of fundamental flaws, not the least of which was the unproven
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assumption that a bill that broadly criminalized whole ranges of
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computer-related activities was even called for.
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In fact, the original bill appeared to operate from the same set of
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assumptions that we have seen too often in other EFF activities: an
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untested belief that more regulation is necessarily better and a
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disregard for the consequences of such an approach in stifling free
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speech and ordinary commerce. The result was a bill which was both
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unwise as well as unconstitutional.
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The preamble of the new bill explicitly recognizes that the integrity
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of computer systems must be protected in a way that does not infringe on
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the rights of users of computer technology, including freedoms of
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speech, association, and privacy.
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In its first provision, the bill makes it a crime to knowingly and
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without authorization access a controlled computer system with the
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intention of causing damage and actually cause damage in excess of
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$10,000. The second provision of the bill is identical to the one above
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except that it covers activities undertaken with reckless disregard of
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the consequences as opposed to intent to cause damage, and it carries a
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lesser penalty.
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The bill breaks new ground in the area of enforcement. Prosecutions may
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be brought only by the Attorney General and only after guidelines are
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established to assure that searches of electronic media do not
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unnecessarily infringe on speech and privacy rights. These guidelines
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must be consistent with the concerns stated in the preamble.
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The bill also establishes a 17-person commission charged with
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recommending future legislation in this area.
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Now that the Governor has sent the revised bill back to the Legislature,
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it is up to them. We have met with the House and Senate sponsors of the
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bill and are cautiously optimistic that the bill can be passed in the
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waning days of the current legislative session.
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>>>MEETINGS<<<
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On September 18 Mitch Kapor made a presentation about the EFF to
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the Computer Science and Telecommunications Board of the National
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Academy of Science and Engineering, of which he is a new member. The
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Board is constituted to advise the government on technological issues
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with great social impact and generally consists of department chairs of
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well-known computer science departments and vice-presidents of research
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at major corporations.
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The CSTB viewed the issues raised as extremely important and
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wanted to contribute to the advancement of the positions advocated by
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the EFF. Mitch is working on follow-up proposal ideas, including the
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CSTB conducting a national "strategic forum" on computing and civil
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liberties. This venue is potentially very important because
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recommendation of the CSTB carry a great deal of weight in the Congress.
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On September 26, Steve Jackson (Austin game publisher whose BBS
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and computer equipment was seized in a Secret Service raid), Terry Gross
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(EFF attorney), and Sheldon Zenner (the lawyer who represented Craig
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Neidorf) appeared on a panel at a general meeting of the Boston Computer
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Society to discuss computing and civil liberties. They were very well
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received by an enthusiastic audience.
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On September 27, Mitch Kapor and Sheldon Zenner made a
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presentation to the I4 group. This is a select organization of 50 large
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corporations who support a program in computer security research at SRI,
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which is run by Donn Parker. This was an important bridge-building
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session with the corporate world. Dorothy Denning participated in the
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panel discussion which followed the presentations.
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On October 3-4, Dorothy Denning and Craig Neidorf attended the
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National Conference on Computer Security, Washington D.C.
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On October 20th John Barlow gave a major address at the annual
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meeting of Computer Professionals for Social Responsibility in San
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Fransisco on "Civilizing Cyberspace: Computers, Civil Liberties, and
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Freedom".
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On October 29, Harvey Silverglate and Mitch Kapor participated in
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a panel sponsored by Harvard's Office of Information Technology on
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"Electronic Communication and Political Freedom". Gene Spafford of
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USENET fame was also present. There was an audience of approximately
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100 people.
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On October 30th Mitch appeared on a well-attended panel at MIT on
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intellectual-property reform.
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On November 7 Mitch spoke before the American Society for
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Information Science annual meeting in Montreal on EFF issues.
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John, Mitch, Steve Jackson, John Gilmore and Rick Doherty all
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attended Hackers 6.0, held this year at Lake Tahoe, on November 16-18.
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There was a very active session devoted to the EFF on Sunday, which
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generated much interest and converted a few skeptics.
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-end-
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*** EFF News #1.00: Article 3 of 7: ***
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*** Contributing to the EFF ***
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We have filed a 501c3 application with the Internal Revenue
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Service to qualify for eligibility to receive tax-deductible
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contributions. We expect to hear from the service within a few months.
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In the meantime, we can accept contributions now which will qualify for
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deductibility once our exemption is granted.
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-end-
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*** EFF News #1.00: Article 4 of 7: ***
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*** CPSR COMPUTING AND CIVIL LIBERTIES PROJECT ***
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*** by Marc Rotenberg ***
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*** (marcindc@well.sf.ca.us) ***
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>>> UPCOMING CPSR POLICY ROUNDTABLE <<<
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CPSR will host the first Computing and Civil Liberties policy
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roundtable on February 21 and 22, 1991 at the American Association for
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the Advancement of Science in Washington, DC. The purpose of the
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roundtable will be to bring together leading experts to explore two
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issues: free speech and computer networks, and searches of computer
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bulletin boards. What speech restrictions currently exist? Should
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federal agencies or private companies be allowed to restrict the content
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of a computer message and, if so, in what circumstances?
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The second issue is the investigation of computer bulletin boards
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by law enforcement agents. Are there any restrictions on the ways that
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police may monitor computer communications and computer bulletin boards?
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If not, should such restrictions be developed?
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The conference is the first in a series of policy roundtables
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that will be held in Washington, DC and that are made possible with
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funding from the Electronic Frontier Foundation
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-end-
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*** EFF News #1.00: Article 5 of 7: ***
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*** Why Defend Hackers? ***
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*** by Mitch Kapor ***
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An all-too-common perception of the EFF that prevails in the
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computer industry and those who report on it--from John Sculley to the
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Wall St. Journal--is that the EFF is an organization that has "something
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to do with hackers." (They use "hackers" as a term not of approbation
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but of rebuke). Most of these sometime colleagues and associates of
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mine are puzzled as to why I would be doing such a thing. (A few think
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I've just become a loony.) Anyway, they've heard about the terrible
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problems caused by hackers who break into computer systems, they worry
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that I'm out to defend such practices, and they disapprove.
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But their disapproval is based on the pure misconception that the
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EFF's purpose is to defend people's right to break into computer
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systems. Let me clear up that misconception now.
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I regard unauthorized entry into computer systems as wrong and
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deserving of punishment. People who break into computer systems and
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cause harm should be held accountable for their actions. We need to
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make appropriate distinctions in the legal code among various forms of
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computer crime based on such factors as intent and the degree of actual
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damage. In fact, the EFF has drafted a bill that has the backing of the
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Governor and Attorney General of Massachusetts and that embodies these
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principles.
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But if the EFF isn't trying to advance the cause of computer
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hackers, you may ask, what is it doing and why? What is it that was
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sufficiently powerful to motivate me to help start a whole organization?
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As I began to find out the real story behind government raids and
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indictments last summer, I became incensed at the fact that innocent
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individuals were getting caught up in the blundering machinations of
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certain law enforcement agencies and large corporations. These were
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kids really, young people with whom I identified, who faced the prospect
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of having their lives ruined.
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Take Craig Neidorf, for example. Neidorf, a 20-year-old college
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student and the publisher of an electronic newsletter, was indicted on
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felony charges of wire fraud and interstate transportation of stolen
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property. Neidorf had published a document about administrative
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procedures used in the 911 emergency response telephone system that
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someone else had removed from a BellSouth computer. On the fourth day
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of the trial, the prosecution dropped the case after it became clear
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that the information in the "highly confidential" BellSouth document at
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issue was publicly available for less than $20.
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Justice was served by the government's decision to drop the case,
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but it was expensive justice. Neidorf and his family face $100,000 in
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legal bills, to say nothing of the disruption and suffering caused by
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the trial for an action that should never have been brought against him
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to begin with. And the prosecution has had a chilling effect on
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Neidorf, who has stopped publishing PHRACK.
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In a second case, the EFF continues to assist Steve Jackson, a
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game manufacturer in Austin, Texas, who has suffered substantial
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business losses after a Secret Service raid in early March resulted in
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the seizure of his BBS and of his forthcoming fantasy gamebook GURPS
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Cyberpunk. The seizure of Jackson's computer equipment caused him to
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lay off nearly half of his staff and threatened the survival of the
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business. As subsequent revelations have showed, there was no good
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reason for this raid. It never should have been permitted to occur in
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the first place.
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While helping defend the innocent is one role for the EFF to play,
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there is more at stake than trying to prevent individuals from being
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wronged. It is also a matter of rights for all of us.
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The actions taken against Craig Neidorf and Steve Jackson -- the
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prosecution of an electronic publisher and the seizure of a BBS and an
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electronically stored book-in-progress -- demonstrate governmental
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disregard of the fundamental constitutional right of freedom of speech
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I believe it is terribly important to extend to these new digital media
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the same strong First Amendment protections of freedom of speech and
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freedom of expression which we enjoy in our own lives and in the print
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media. The government should not be able to seize a bulletin board any
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more easily than they can seize a printing press. We must find ways for
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law enforcement to do its job in protecting the property interests of
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some of us without violating the freedom of speech of the rest of us.
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This is clearly a matter of protecting civil liberties and thus familiar
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to those who take an interest in upholding the Bill of Rights, but it
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is also more than that.
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These embryonic media of electronic mail, computer bulletin boards
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and conferencing systems, provide open forums of communication. They
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are a healthy antidote to the corrosive effects of the power of large,
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centralized institutions, private and public, and to the numbness
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induced by one-way, least-common-denominator mass media.
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In the physical world, our sense of community withers. Urban
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centers as places to live are being abandoned by all who can afford to
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leave. In the global suburbs in which more and more of us live, one's
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horizon is limited to the immediate family. Even close neighbors are
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often anonymous.
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In the realities that can be created within digital media there
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are opportunities for the formation of virtual communities--voluntary
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groups who come together not on the basis of geographical proximity but
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through a common interests. Computer and telecommunications systems
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represent an enabling technology for the formation of community, but
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only if we make it so. I believe it is urgent, as a matter of national
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policy, that we encourage and further stimulate the social experiments
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and developing infrastructure that are taking place on the Net every
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day. The ultimate mission of the EFF is to help articulate this vision
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and play a constructive role in the working out of the new legal and
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social norms which we are faced with developing.
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As John Barlow and I meditated together last June on the broader
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implications of the initial events --a meditation that catalyzed the
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formation of the EFF--we could see that what was at stake was not merely
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seeing justice be served in the case of a few individuals, nor simply
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the preservation of the civil liberties of all of us, although these
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goals are vitally important.
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The larger issue is how our society will come to terms with the
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onrush of transformative technology. If we take the right steps now--and
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EFF is working to take those steps--new and increasing access to
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information technology will enhance rather than inhibit the positive
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growth and development of individuals, of communities, and of society as
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a whole.
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-end-
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************************************************************
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*** EFF News #1.00: Article 6 of 7: ***
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*** The Lessons of the Prodigy Controversy ***
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************************************************************
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Many EFF supporters have asked what position, if any, the
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Electronic Frontier Foundation has taken with regard to the recent
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dispute between the online service Prodigy and a large, vocal subset of
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its users.
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Although EFF is not involved at the moment in any activities
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directly relating to the Prodigy dispute, we believe that the dispute
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touches some basic issues with which we are very concerned, and that it
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illustrates the potential dangers of allowing private entities such as
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large corporations to try and dictate the market for online electronic
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services.
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Although Prodigy, a joint project sponsored by Sears and IBM, has
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been available in some cities since October 1988, national availability
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of the service and a big advertising campaign only began this fall. New
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users who signed on during the membership push would receive, for a
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single monthly fee of $12.95, access to all Prodigy services, which
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included online shopping, a news service, and a flight-scheduling
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service. The flat monthly rate was a major selling point.
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Prodigy was originally intended to become an electronic shopping
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mall,, where consumers could directly order goods and services. While
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the top portion of a Prodigy user's computer display is dedicated to
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whatever information Prodigy is providing the user (an encyclopedia,
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say, or a summary of the day's news), an area along the bottom of the
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screen is devoted to advertising various consumer goods and services.
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Among the services Prodigy provides is a public conferencing
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system, analogous in some ways to a computer bulletin-board system
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(BBS), but national in scope. Users can carry on public discussions of
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topics ranging from politics to health issues.
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Prodigy management has hired editors "with journalistic
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backgrounds" to review messages for suitability before they are allowed
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|
to be publicly posted. The member agreement allows the management to
|
|
limit public discussions of topics and to edit postings of individual
|
|
members for obscenity or illegal content ... or for anything else, at
|
|
Prodigy's discretion.
|
|
|
|
The result of this broad management prerogative? One member is
|
|
reported to have had his posting about population problems in Catholic
|
|
countries censored, presumably out of the editors' fear that Catholic
|
|
users would be offended. More significantly, some whole discussion
|
|
topics, including a debate between Christian fundamentalists and gay
|
|
activists, have been removed without warning from the conferences.
|
|
|
|
But what bothers the Prodigy protesters is not just that
|
|
particular topics are censored--it's that the censorship is capricious.
|
|
"That's one of the most frustrating things--you can't even predict
|
|
what's going to be censored and what isn't," says Henry Niman, a cancer
|
|
researcher who later become one of the leaders of a user protest of
|
|
Prodigy.
|
|
|
|
The initial solution to the censorship problem was simple: Take
|
|
the discussions to e-mail. Prodigy users began to rely on a mailing-list
|
|
feature of the program to continue their (now-uncensored) discussions.
|
|
|
|
But soon a crisis had brewed. The Prodigy users who had been told
|
|
to take their no-longer-welcome public discussions to e-mail were now
|
|
being told that they wouldn't be able to use the e-mail service at the
|
|
flat rate any longer. Instead, each account would get 30 free messages
|
|
per month, with a charge of 25 cents per message thereafter. This
|
|
meant, in effect, the end of the mailing lists, since just a few
|
|
mailings could exhaust a user's free-message quota and rack up sizable
|
|
charges. And it was disappointing as well to many non-mailing-list
|
|
users, some of whom are disabled, who rely on Prodigy as a major social
|
|
outlet.
|
|
|
|
The result of this policy change was predictable: irate Prodigy
|
|
users began to protest, complaining on Prodigy's public boards about the
|
|
new usage fee and attempting to organize a write-in campaign notifying
|
|
Prodigy's management and--when management turned a deaf ear to their
|
|
protests--its advertisers of their disaffection. Prodigy management
|
|
responded by terminating the accounts of 12 of the protestors, claiming
|
|
that the protestors had violated their membership agreements, which
|
|
forbade "harassment."
|
|
|
|
Prodigy management justifies the usage fees by arguing that their
|
|
original hardware setup couldn't support the increases in electronic
|
|
traffic. The new policies were adopted to curb what management
|
|
perceived as flagrant abuses of electronic mail privileges by a tiny
|
|
minority of users. And, a Prodigy spokesman insists, the time Prodigy
|
|
customers spend in e-mail is time that they aren't buying from Prodigy's
|
|
advertisers. (Prodigy claims that ads are not visible during electronic
|
|
mail; Prodigy users say this claim is misleading, and that while ads are
|
|
invisible at some points while editing and reading e-mail, they're
|
|
nevertheless visible elsewhere during e-mail sessions.)
|
|
|
|
Of course, in many ways the issue of the fees for e-mail is a
|
|
superficial one. The only reason a significant fraction of users began
|
|
to rely on mass mailings is that they were barred from public discussion
|
|
of issues on Prodigy's public message bases.
|
|
|
|
The Prodigy experience to date reveals a serious mismatch between
|
|
the expectations of Prodigy's management and its customers. Here the
|
|
market clearly seemed to want unrestricted public conferencing and
|
|
electronic mail. But as demand for these features has mounted, the
|
|
supplier, rather than trying to satisfy its customers, has cut back on
|
|
the features' availability because it did not correspond to or fit with
|
|
the company's view of the purpose of the service. To the extent to
|
|
which this type of thinking is representative of the general way large
|
|
commercial interests may offer on-line services, it clearly represents a
|
|
turning away from the use of digital media as open forums of public
|
|
communication. In the extreme case, in a situation in which Prodigy and
|
|
its commercial competition all choose to censor and control
|
|
communication on their services, the public interest will not be well
|
|
served.
|
|
|
|
"It is necessary to consider decisions that Prodigy is making
|
|
carefully," Jerry Berman, director of the American Civil Liberties
|
|
Union's Information Technology Project, told the New York Times last
|
|
month. "We have no comparable models in the computer era," he said, "but
|
|
we should be concerned if systems such as Prodigy become the rule.
|
|
Instead of expanding speech, we'll have electronic forums that are quite
|
|
limited."
|
|
|
|
It is clear that Prodigy management is uncomfortable with the
|
|
notion of a free forum; they have chosen to describe their service as a
|
|
"publication" rather than as a forum precisely because they want to have
|
|
an editor's prerogatives to dictate, absolutely, what the content of the
|
|
"publication" will be.
|
|
|
|
We at EFF do not dispute that Prodigy is acting within its rights
|
|
as a private concern when it dictates restrictions on how its system is
|
|
used. We do think, however, that the Prodigy experience has a bearing on
|
|
EFF interests in a couple of ways.
|
|
|
|
First, it demonstrates that there is a market--a perceived public
|
|
need--for services that provide electronic mail and public conferencing.
|
|
|
|
Second, it illustrates the fallacy that "pure" market forces
|
|
always can be relied upon to move manufacturers and service providers in
|
|
the direction of open communications. A better solution, we believe, is
|
|
a national network-access policy that, at the very least, encourages
|
|
private providers to generate the kind of open and unrestricted network
|
|
and mail services that the growing computer-literate public clearly
|
|
wants.
|
|
|
|
-end-
|
|
|
|
************************************************************
|
|
*** EFF News #1.00: Article 7 of 7: ***
|
|
*** How Prosecutors Misrepresented the Atlanta Hackers ***
|
|
************************************************************
|
|
|
|
Although the Electronic Frontier Foundation is opposed to
|
|
unauthorized computer entry, we are deeply disturbed by the recent
|
|
sentencing of Bell South hackers/crackers Riggs, Darden, and
|
|
Grant. Not only are the sentences disproportionate to the nature
|
|
of the offenses these young men committed, but, to the extent the
|
|
judge's sentence was based on the prosecution's sentencing
|
|
memorandum, it relied on a document filled with
|
|
misrepresentations.
|
|
|
|
Robert J. Riggs, Franklin E. Darden, Jr., and Adam E. Grant
|
|
were sentenced Friday, November 16 in federal court in Atlanta.
|
|
Darden and Riggs had each pled guilty to a conspiracy to commit
|
|
computer fraud, wire fraud, access-code fraud, and interstate
|
|
transportation of stolen property. Grant had pled guilty to a
|
|
separate count of possession of access codes with intent to
|
|
defraud.
|
|
|
|
All received prison terms; Grant and Darden, according to a
|
|
Department of Justice news release, "each received a sentence of
|
|
14 months incarceration (7 in a half-way house) with restitution
|
|
payments of $233,000." Riggs, said the release, "received a
|
|
sentence of 21 months incarceration and $233,000 in restitution."
|
|
In addition, each is forbidden to use a computer, except insofar
|
|
as such use may be related to employment, during his post-
|
|
incarceration supervision.
|
|
|
|
The facts of the case, as related by the prosecution in its
|
|
sentencing memorandum, indicate that the defendants gained free
|
|
telephone service and unauthorized access to BellSouth computers,
|
|
primarily in order to gain knowledge about the phone system.
|
|
Damage to the systems was either minimal or nonexistent.
|
|
Although it is well-documented that the typical motivation of
|
|
phone-system hackers is curiosity and the desire to master complex
|
|
systems (see, e.g., HACKERS: HEROES OF THE COMPUTER REVOLUTION,
|
|
Steven Levy, 1984), the prosecution attempts to characterize the
|
|
crackers as major criminals, and misrepresents facts in doing so.
|
|
|
|
Examples of such misrepresentation include:
|
|
|
|
1) Misrepresenting the E911 file.
|
|
|
|
The E911 file, an administrative document, was copied by
|
|
Robert Riggs and eventually published by Craig Neidorf in the
|
|
electronic magazine PHRACK. Says the prosecution: "This file,
|
|
which is the subject of the Chicago [Craig Neidorf] indictment, is
|
|
noteworthy because it contains the program for the emergency 911
|
|
dialing system. As the Court knows, any damage to that very
|
|
sensitive system could result in a dangerous breakdown in police,
|
|
fire, and ambulance services. The evidence indicates that Riggs
|
|
stole the E911 program from BellSouth's centralized automation
|
|
system (i.e., free run of the system). Bob Kibler of BellSouth
|
|
Security estimates the value of the E911 file, based on R&D costs,
|
|
is $24,639.05."
|
|
|
|
This statement by prosecutors is clearly false. Defense
|
|
witnesses in the Neidorf case were prepared to testify that the
|
|
E911 document was not a program, that it could not be used to
|
|
disrupt 911 service, and that the same information could be
|
|
ordered from Bell South at a cost of less than $20. Under cross-
|
|
examination, the prosecution's own witness admitted that the
|
|
information in the E911 file was available in public documents,
|
|
that the notice placed on the document stating that it was
|
|
proprietary was placed on all Bell South documents (without any
|
|
prior review to determine whether the notice was proper), and that
|
|
the document did not pose a danger to the functioning of the 911
|
|
system.
|
|
|
|
2) Guilt by association.
|
|
|
|
The prosecution begins its memorandum by detailing two
|
|
crimes: 1) a plot to plant "logic bombs" that would disrupt phone
|
|
service in several states, and 2) a prank involving the rerouting
|
|
of calls from a probation office in Florida to "a New York Dial-A-
|
|
Porn number."
|
|
|
|
Only after going to some length describing these two crimes
|
|
does the prosecution state, in passing, that *the defendants were
|
|
not implicated in these crimes.*
|
|
|
|
3) Misrepresentation of motives.
|
|
|
|
As we noted above, it has been documented that young phone-
|
|
system hackers are typically motivated by the desire to understand
|
|
and master large systems, not to inflict harm or to enrich
|
|
themselves materially. Although the prosecution concedes that
|
|
"[d]efendants claimed that they never personally profited from
|
|
their hacking activities, with the exception of getting
|
|
unauthorized long distance and data network service," the
|
|
prosecutors nevertheless characterize the hackers' motives as
|
|
similar to those of extortionists: "Their main motivation [was to]
|
|
obtain power through information and intimidation." The
|
|
prosecutors add that "In essence, stolen information equalled
|
|
power, and by that definition, all three defendants were becoming
|
|
frighteningly powerful."
|
|
|
|
The prosecution goes to great lengths describing the crimes the
|
|
defendants *could* have committed with the kind of knowledge they had
|
|
gathered. The prosecution does not mention, however, that the mere
|
|
possession of *dangerous* (and non-proprietary) information is not a
|
|
crime, nor does it admit, explicitly, that the defendants never
|
|
conspired to cause such damage to the phone system.
|
|
|
|
Elsewhere in the memorandum, the prosecution attempts to
|
|
suggest the defendants' responsibility in another person's crime.
|
|
Because the defendants "freely and recklessly disseminated access
|
|
information they had stolen," says the memorandum, a 15-year-old
|
|
hacker committed $10,000 in electronic theft. Even though the
|
|
prosecution does not say the defendants intended to facilitate
|
|
that 15-year-old's alleged theft, the memorandum seeks to
|
|
implicate the defendants in that theft.
|
|
|
|
4) Failure to acknowledge the outcome of the Craig Neidorf
|
|
case.
|
|
|
|
In evaluating defendants' cooperation in the prosecution of
|
|
Craig Neidorf, the college student who was prosecuted for his
|
|
publication of the E911 text file in an electronic newsletter, the
|
|
government singles out Riggs as being less helpful than the other
|
|
two defendants, and recommends less leniency because of this. Says
|
|
the memorandum: "The testimony was somewhat helpful, though the
|
|
prosecutors felt defendant Riggs was holding back and not being as
|
|
open as he had been in the earlier meeting." The memorandum fails
|
|
to mention, however, that Riggs's testimony tended to support
|
|
Neidorf's defense that he had never conspired with Riggs to engage
|
|
in the interstate transportation of stolen property or that the
|
|
case against Neidorf was dropped. Riggs's failure to implicate
|
|
Neidorf in a crime he did not commit appears to have been taken by
|
|
prosecutors as a lack of cooperation, even though Riggs was simply
|
|
telling the truth.
|
|
|
|
Sending a Message to Hackers?
|
|
|
|
Perhaps the most egregious aspect of the government's
|
|
memorandum is the argument that Riggs, Grant, and Darden should be
|
|
imprisoned, not for what *they* have done, but send the right
|
|
"message to the hacking community." The government focuses on the
|
|
case of Robert J. Morris Jr., the computer-science graduate
|
|
student who was sentenced to a term of probation in May of this
|
|
year for his reckless release of the worm program that disrupted
|
|
many computers connected to the Internet. Urging the court to
|
|
imprison the three defendants, the government remarked that
|
|
"hackers and computer experts recall general hacker jubilation
|
|
when the judge imposed a probated sentence. Clearly, the sentence
|
|
had little effect on defendants Grant, Riggs, and Darden."
|
|
|
|
The government's criticism is particularly unfair in light
|
|
of the fact that the Morris sentencing took place almost a year
|
|
*after* the activities leading to the defendants' convictions! (To
|
|
have been deterred by the Morris sentencing the Atlanta defendants
|
|
would have to have been able to foretell the future.)
|
|
|
|
The memorandum raises other questions besides those of the
|
|
prosecutors' biased presentation of the facts. The most
|
|
significant of these is the government's uncritical acceptance of
|
|
BellSouth's statement of the damage the defendants did to its
|
|
computer system. The memorandum states that "In all, [the
|
|
defendants] stole approximately $233,880 worth of logins/passwords
|
|
and connect addresses (i.e., access information) from BellSouth.
|
|
BellSouth spend approximately $1.5 million in identifying the
|
|
intruders into their system and has since then spent roughly $3
|
|
million more to further secure their network."
|
|
|
|
It is unclear how these figures were derived. The stated
|
|
cost of the passwords is highly questionable: What is the dollar
|
|
value of a password? What is the dollar cost of replacing a
|
|
password?
|
|
|
|
And it's similarly unclear that the defendants caused
|
|
BellSouth to spend $4.5 million more than they normally would have
|
|
spent in a similar period to identify intruders and secure their
|
|
network. Although the government's memorandum states that "[t]he
|
|
defendants ... have literally caused BellSouth millions of dollars
|
|
in expenses by their actions," the actual facts as presented in
|
|
the memorandum suggest that BellSouth had *already embarked upon
|
|
the expenditure of millions of dollars* before it had heard
|
|
anything about the crimes the defendants ultimately were alleged
|
|
to have committed. Moreover, if the network was insecure to begin
|
|
with, wouldn't BellSouth have had to spend money to secure it
|
|
regardless of whether the security flaws were exploited by
|
|
defendants?
|
|
|
|
The Neidorf case provides an instructive example of what
|
|
happens when prosecutors fail to question the valuations a
|
|
telephone company puts on its damages. But the example may not
|
|
have been sufficiently instructive for the federal prosecutors in
|
|
Atlanta.
|
|
|
|
Not only are there questions about the justice of the
|
|
restitution requirement in the sentencing of Riggs, Darden, and
|
|
Grant, but there also are Constitutional issues raised by the
|
|
prohibition of access to computers. The Court's sentencing
|
|
suggests a belief that anything the defendants do with computers
|
|
is likely to be illegal; it ignores the fact that computers are a
|
|
communications medium, and that the prohibition goes beyond
|
|
preventing future crimes by the defendants--it treads upon their
|
|
rights to engage in lawful speech and association.
|
|
|
|
EFF does not support the proposition that computer intrusion
|
|
and long-distance theft should go unpunished. But we find highly
|
|
disturbing the misrepresentations of facts in the prosecutors'
|
|
sentencing memorandum as they seek disproportionate sentences for
|
|
Riggs, Darden, and Grant--stiff sentences that supposedly will
|
|
"send a message" to the hackers and crackers.
|
|
|
|
The message this memorandum really sends is that the
|
|
government's presentation of the facts of this case has been been
|
|
heavily biased by its eagerness to appear to be deterring future
|
|
computer crime.
|
|
|
|
|
|
-end EFF News #1.00-
|
|
|
|
Downloaded From P-80 International Information Systems 304-744-2253
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