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882 lines
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Computer underground Digest Wed Sep 30, 1992 Volume 4 : Issue 47
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Editors: Jim Thomas and Gordon Meyer (TK0JUT2@NIU.BITNET)
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Archivist: Brendan Kehoe
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Shadow-Archivist: Dan Carosone
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Copy Editor: Rtaion Shrdleau, Esq.
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CONTENTS, #4.47 (Sep 30, 1992)
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File 1--Statement of Principle
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File 2--NEW WINDO BILL (HR 5983)
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File 3--"In House Hackers" (Excerpts from the WSJ)
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File 4--Software Piracy: A Felony?
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File 5--Hacker hits Cincinnati Phones
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Cu-Digest is a weekly electronic journal/newsletter. Subscriptions are
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available at no cost from tk0jut2@mvs.cso.niu.edu. The editors may be
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contacted by voice (815-753-6430), fax (815-753-6302) or U.S. mail at:
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Jim Thomas, Department of Sociology, NIU, DeKalb, IL 60115.
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Issues of CuD can also be found in the Usenet comp.society.cu-digest
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news group; on CompuServe in DL0 and DL4 of the IBMBBS SIG, DL1 of
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LAWSIG, and DL0 and DL12 of TELECOM; on Genie in the PF*NPC RT
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libraries; from America Online in the PC Telecom forum under
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"computing newsletters;" on the PC-EXEC BBS at (414) 789-4210; and by
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anonymous ftp from ftp.eff.org (192.88.144.4) and ftp.ee.mu.oz.au
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Back issues also may be obtained from the mail server at
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mailserv@batpad.lgb.ca.us
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European distributor: ComNet in Luxembourg BBS (++352) 466893.
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COMPUTER UNDERGROUND DIGEST is an open forum dedicated to sharing
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information among computerists and to the presentation and debate of
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diverse views. CuD material may be reprinted for non-profit as long
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as the source is cited. Some authors do copyright their material, and
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they should be contacted for reprint permission. It is assumed that
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non-personal mail to the moderators may be reprinted unless otherwise
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specified. Readers are encouraged to submit reasoned articles
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relating to computer culture and communication. Articles are
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preferred to short responses. Please avoid quoting previous posts
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unless absolutely necessary.
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DISCLAIMER: The views represented herein do not necessarily represent
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the views of the moderators. Digest contributors assume all
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responsibility for ensuring that articles submitted do not
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violate copyright protections.
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----------------------------------------------------------------------
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Date: Wed, 23 Sep 92 22:15:02 EDT
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From: bruces@well.sf.ca.us
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Subject: File 1--Statement of Principle
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Bruce Sterling
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bruces@well.sf.ca.us
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Catscan 10
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From SCIENCE FICTION EYE #10
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A STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLE
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I just wrote my first nonfiction book. It's called THE HACKER
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CRACKDOWN: LAW AND DISORDER ON THE ELECTRONIC FRONTIER. Writing
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this book has required me to spend much of the past year and a half in
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the company of hackers, cops, and civil libertarians.
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I've spent much time listening to arguments over what's legal, what's
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illegal, what's right and wrong, what's decent and what's despicable,
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what's moral and immoral, in the world of computers and civil
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liberties. My various informants were knowledgeable people who cared
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passionately about these issues, and most of them seemed
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well-intentioned. Considered as a whole, however, their opinions were
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a baffling mess of contradictions.
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When I started this project, my ignorance of the issues involved was
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genuine and profound. I'd never knowingly met anyone from the
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computer underground. I'd never logged-on to an underground
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bulletin-board or read a semilegal hacker magazine. Although I did
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care a great deal about the issue of freedom of expression, I knew
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sadly little about the history of civil rights in America or the legal
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doctrines that surround freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and
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freedom of association. My relations with the police were firmly
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based on the stratagem of avoiding personal contact with police to the
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greatest extent possible. I didn't go looking for this project.
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This project came looking for me. I became inextricably involved when
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agents of the United States Secret Service, acting under the guidance
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of federal attorneys from Chicago, came to my home town of Austin on
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March 1, 1990, and confiscated the computers of a local science
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fiction gaming publisher. Steve Jackson Games, Inc., of Austin, was
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about to publish a gaming-book called GURPS Cyberpunk. When the
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federal law-enforcement agents discovered the electronic manuscript of
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CYBERPUNK on the computers they had seized from Mr. Jackson's
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offices, they expressed grave shock and alarm. They declared that
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CYBERPUNK was "a manual for computer crime."
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It's not my intention to reprise the story of the Jackson case in this
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column. I've done that to the best of my ability in THE HACKER
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CRACKDOWN; and in any case the ramifications of March 1 are far from
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over.
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Mr Jackson was never charged with any crime. His civil suit against
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the raiders is still in federal court as I write this.
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I don't want to repeat here what some cops believe, what some hackers
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believe, or what some civil libertarians believe. Instead, I want to
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discuss my own moral beliefs as a science fiction writer -- such as
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they are. As an SF writer, I want to attempt a personal statement of
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principle.
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It has not escaped my attention that there are many people who believe
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that anyone called a "cyberpunk" must be, almost by definition,
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entirely devoid of principle. I offer as evidence an excerpt from
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Buck BloomBecker's 1990 book, SPECTACULAR COMPUTER CRIMES. On page
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53, in a chapter titled "Who Are The Computer Criminals?", Mr.
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BloomBecker introduces the formal classification of "cyberpunk"
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criminality.
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"In the last few years, a new genre of science fiction has arisen
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under the evocative name of 'cyberpunk.' Introduced in the work of
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William Gibson, particularly in his prize-winning novel NEUROMANCER,
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cyberpunk takes an apocalyptic view of the technological future. In
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NEUROMANCER, the protagonist is a futuristic hacker who must use the
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most sophisticated computer strategies to commit crimes for people who
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offer him enough money to buy the biological creations he needs to
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survive. His life is one of cynical despair, fueled by the desire to
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avoid death. Though none of the virus cases actually seen so far have
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been so devastating, this book certainly represents an attitude that
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should be watched for when we find new cases of computer virus and try
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to understand the motivations behind them.
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"The New York Times's John Markoff, one of the more perceptive and
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accomplished writers in the field, has written than a number of
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computer criminals demonstrate new levels of meanness. He
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characterizes them, as do I, as cyberpunks."
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Those of us who have read Gibson's NEUROMANCER closely will be aware
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of certain factual inaccuracies in Mr. BloomBecker's brief review.
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NEUROMANCER is not "apocalyptic." The chief conspirator in
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NEUROMANCER forces Case's loyalty, not by buying his services, but by
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planting poison-sacs in his brain. Case is "fueled" not by his greed
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for money or "biological creations," or even by the cynical "desire to
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avoid death," but rather by his burning desire to hack cyberspace.
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And so forth.
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However, I don't think this misreading of NEUROMANCER is based on
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carelessness or malice. The rest of Mr. BloomBecker's book generally
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is informative, well-organized, and thoughtful. Instead, I feel that
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Mr. BloomBecker manfully absorbed as much of NEUROMANCER as he could
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without suffering a mental toxic reaction. This report of his is what
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he actually *saw* when reading the novel.
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NEUROMANCER has won quite a following in the world of computer crime
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investigation. A prominent law enforcement official once told me
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that police unfailingly conclude the worst when they find a teenager
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with a computer and a copy of NEUROMANCER. When I declared that I
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too was a "cyberpunk" writer, she asked me if I would print the recipe
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for a pipe-bomb in my works. I was astonished by this question, which
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struck me as bizarre rhetorical excess at the time. That was before I
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had actually examined bulletin-boards in the computer underground,
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which I found to be chock-a-block with recipes for pipe-bombs, and
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worse. (I didn't have the heart to tell her that my friend and
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colleague Walter Jon Williams had once written and published an SF
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story closely describing explosives derived from simple household
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chemicals.)
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Cyberpunk SF (along with SF in general) has, in fact, permeated the
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computer underground. I have met young underground hackers who use
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the aliases "Neuromancer," "Wintermute" and "Count Zero." The Legion
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of Doom, the absolute bete noire of computer law-enforcement, used to
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congregate on a bulletin-board called "Black Ice."
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In the past, I didn't know much about anyone in the underground, but
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they certainly knew about me. Since that time, I've had people
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express sincere admiration for my novels, and then, in almost the same
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breath, brag to me about breaking into hospital computers to chortle
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over confidential medical reports about herpes victims.
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The single most stinging example of this syndrome is "Pengo," a member
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of the German hacker-group that broke into Internet computers while in
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the pay of the KGB. He told German police, and the judge at the
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trial of his co-conspirators, that he was inspired by NEUROMANCER and
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John Brunner's SHOCKWAVE RIDER.
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I didn't write NEUROMANCER. I did, however, read it in manuscript
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and offered many purportedly helpful comments. I praised the book
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publicly and repeatedly and at length. I've done everything I can to
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get people to read this book.
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I don't recall cautioning Gibson that his novel might lead to
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anarchist hackers selling their expertise to the ferocious and
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repulsive apparat that gave the world the Lubyanka and the Gulag
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Archipelago. I don't think I could have issued any such caution, even
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if I'd felt the danger of such a possibility, which I didn't. I still
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don't know in what fashion Gibson might have changed his book to avoid
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inciting evildoers, while still retaining the integrity of his vision
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-- the very quality about the book that makes it compelling and
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worthwhile.
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This leads me to my first statements of moral principle.
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As a "cyberpunk" SF writer, I am not responsible for every act
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committed by a Bohemian with a computer. I don't own the word
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"cyberpunk" and cannot help where it is bestowed, or who uses it, or
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to what ends.
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As a science fiction writer, it is not my business to make people
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behave. It is my business to make people imagine. I cannot control
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other people's imaginations -- any more than I would allow them to
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control mine.
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I am, however, morally obliged to speak out when acts of evil are
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committed that use my ideas or my rhetoric, however distantly, as a
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justification.
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Pengo and his friends committed a grave crime that was worthy of
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condemnation and punishment. They were clever, but treacherously
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clever.
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They were imaginative, but it was imagination in a bad cause. They
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were technically accomplished, but they abused their expertise for
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illicit profit and to feed their egos. They may be "cyberpunks" --
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according to many, they may deserve that title far more than I do --
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but they're no friends of mine.
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What is "crime"? What is a moral offense? What actions are evil and
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dishonorable? I find these extraordinarily difficult questions. I
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have no special status that should allow me to speak with authority on
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such subjects. Quite the contrary. As a writer in a scorned popular
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literature and a self-professed eccentric Bohemian, I have next to no
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authority of any kind. I'm not a moralist, philosopher, or prophet.
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I've always considered my "moral role," such as it is, to be that of
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a court jester -- a person sometimes allowed to speak the unspeakable,
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to explore ideas and issues in a format where they can be treated as
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games, thought-experiments, or metaphors, not as prescriptions, laws,
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or sermons.
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I have no religion, no sacred scripture to guide my actions and
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provide an infallible moral bedrock. I'm not seeking political
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responsibilities or the power of public office. I habitually
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question any pronouncement of authority, and entertain the liveliest
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skepticism about the processes of law and justice. I feel no urge to
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conform to the behavior of the majority of my fellow citizens. I'm a
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pain in the neck.
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My behavior is far from flawless. I lived and thrived in Austin,
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Texas in the 1970s and 1980s, in a festering milieu of arty
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crypto-intellectual hippies. I've committed countless "crimes,"
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like millions of other people in my generation. These crimes were
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of the glamorous "victimless" variety, but they would surely have
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served to put me in prison had I done them, say, in front of the State
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Legislature.
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Had I lived a hundred years ago as I live today, I would probably have
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been lynched by outraged fellow Texans as a moral abomination. If I
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lived in Iran today and wrote and thought as I do, I would probably be
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tried and executed.
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As far as I can tell, moral relativism is a fact of life. I think it
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might be possible to outwardly conform to every jot and tittle of the
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taboos of one's society, while feeling no emotional or intellectual
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commitment to them. I understand that certain philosophers have
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argued that this is morally proper behavior for a good citizen. But
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I can't live that life. I feel, sincerely, that my society is
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engaged in many actions which are foolish and shortsighted and likely
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to lead to our destruction. I feel that our society must change, and
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change radically, in a process that will cause great damage to our
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present system of values.
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This doesn't excuse my own failings, which I regret, but it does
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explain, I hope, why my lifestyle and my actions are not likely to
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make authority feel entirely comfortable.
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Knowledge is power. The rise of computer networking, of the
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Information Society, is doing strange and disruptive things to the
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processes by which power and knowledge are currently distributed.
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Knowledge and information, supplied through these new conduits, are
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highly corrosive to the status quo. People living in the midst of
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technological revolution are living outside the law: not necessarily
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because they mean to break laws, but because the laws are vague,
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obsolete, overbroad, draconian, or unenforceable. Hackers break laws
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as a matter of course, and some have been punished unduly for
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relatively minor infractions not motivated by malice. Even computer
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police, seeking earnestly to apprehend and punish wrongdoers, have
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been accused of abuse of their offices, and of violation of the
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Constitution and the civil statutes. These police may indeed have
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committed these "crimes." Some officials have already suffered grave
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damage to their reputations and careers -- all the time convinced that
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they were morally in the right; and, like the hackers they pursued,
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never feeling any genuine sense of shame, remorse, or guilt.
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I have lived, and still live, in a counterculture, with its own
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system of values. Counterculture -- Bohemia -- is never far from
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criminality. "To live outside the law you must be honest" was Bob
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Dylan's classic hippie motto. A Bohemian finds romance in the notion
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that "his clothes are dirty but his hands are clean." But there's
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danger in setting aside the strictures of the law to linchpin one's
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honor on one's personal integrity. If you throw away the rulebook to
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rely on your individual conscience you will be put in the way of
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temptation.
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And temptation is a burden. It hurts. It is grotesquely easy to
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justify, to rationalize, an action of which one should properly be
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ashamed. In investigating the milieu of computer-crime I have come
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into contact with a world of temptation formerly closed to me.
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Nowadays, it would take no great effort on my part to break into
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computers, to steal long-distance telephone service, to ingratiate
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myself with people who would merrily supply me with huge amounts of
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illicitly copied software. I could even build pipe-bombs. I haven't
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done these things, and disapprove of them; in fact, having come to
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know these practices better than I cared to, I feel sincere revulsion
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for them now. But this knowledge is a kind of power, and power is
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tempting. Journalistic objectivity, or the urge to play with ideas,
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cannot entirely protect you. Temptation clings to the mind like a
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series of small but nagging weights. Carrying these weights may make
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you stronger. Or they may drag you down.
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"His clothes are dirty but his hands are clean." It's a fine ideal,
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when you can live up to it. Like a lot of Bohemians, I've gazed with
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a fine disdain on certain people in power whose clothes were clean but
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their hands conspicuously dirty. But I've also met a few people
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eager to pat me on the back, whose clothes were dirty and their hands
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as well. They're not pleasant company.
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Somehow one must draw a line. I'm not very good at drawing lines.
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When other people have drawn me a line, I've generally been quite
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anxious to have a good long contemplative look at the other side. I
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don't feel much confidence in my ability to draw these lines. But I
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feel that I should. The world won't wait. It only took a few guys
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with poolcues and switchblades to turn Woodstock Nation into
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Altamont. Haight-Ashbury was once full of people who could trust
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anyone they'd smoked grass with and love anyone they'd dropped acid
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with -- for about six months. Soon the place was aswarm with
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speed-freaks and junkies, and heaven help us if they didn't look just
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like the love-bead dudes from the League of Spiritual Discovery.
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Corruption exists, temptation exists. Some people fall. And the
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temptation is there for all of us, all the time.
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I've come to draw a line at money. It's not a good line, but it's
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something. There are certain activities that are unorthodox,
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dubious, illegal or quasi-legal, but they might perhaps be justified
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by an honest person with unconventional standards. But in my
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opinion, when you're making a commercial living from breaking the
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law, you're beyond the pale. I find it hard to accept your
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countercultural sincerity when you're grinning and pocketing the cash,
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compadre.
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I can understand a kid swiping phone service when he's broke,
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powerless, and dying to explore the new world of the networks. I
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don't approve of this, but I can understand it. I scorn to do this
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myself, and I never have; but I don't find it so heinous that it
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deserves pitiless repression. But if you're stealing phone service
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and selling it -- if you've made yourself a miniature phone company
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and you're pimping off the energy of others just to line your own
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pockets -- you're a thief. When the heat comes to put you away,
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don't come crying "brother" to me.
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If you're creating software and giving it away, you're a fine human
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being. If you're writing software and letting other people copy it
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and try it out as shareware, I appreciate your sense of trust, and if
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I
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like your work, I'll pay you. If you're copying other people's
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software and giving it away, you're damaging other people's interests,
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and should be ashamed, even if you're posing as a glamorous
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info-liberating subversive. But if you're copying other people's
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software and selling it, you're a crook and I despise you.
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Writing and spreading viruses is a vile, hurtful, and shameful
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activity that I unreservedly condemn.
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There's something wrong with the Information Society. There's
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something wrong with the idea that "information" is a commodity like a
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desk or a chair. There's something wrong with patenting software
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algorithms. There's something direly mean-spirited and ungenerous
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about inventing a language and then renting it out to other people to
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speak. There's something unprecedented and sinister in this process
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of creeping commodification of data and knowledge. A computer is
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something too close to the human brain for me to rest entirely content
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with someone patenting or copyrighting the process of its thought.
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There's something sick and unworkable about an economic system which
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has already spewed forth such a vast black market. I don't think
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democracy will thrive in a milieu where vast empires of data are
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encrypted, restricted, proprietary, confidential, top secret, and
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sensitive. I fear for the stability of a society that builds
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sandcastles out of databits and tries to stop a real-world tide with
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royal commands.
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Whole societies can fall. In Eastern Europe we have seen whole
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nations collapse in a slough of corruption. In pursuit of their
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unworkable economic doctrine, the Marxists doubled and redoubled their
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efforts at social control, while losing all sight of the values that
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make life worth living. At last the entire power structure was so
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discredited that the last remaining shred of moral integrity could
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only be found in Bohemia: in dissidents and dramatists and their
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illegal samizdat underground fanzines. Their clothes were dirty but
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their hands were clean. The only agitprop poster Vaclav Havel needed
|
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was a sign saying *Vaclav Havel Guarantees Free Elections.* He'd
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never held power, but people believed him, and they believed his
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Velvet Revolution friends.
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I wish there were people in the Computer Revolution who could inspire,
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and deserved to inspire, that level of trust. I wish there were
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people in the Electronic Frontier whose moral integrity unquestionably
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matched the unleashed power of those digital machines. A society is
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in dire straits when it puts its Bohemia in power. I tremble for my
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country when I contemplate this prospect. And yet it's possible. If
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dire straits come, it can even be the last best hope.
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The issues that enmeshed me in 1990 are not going to go away. I
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became involved as a writer and journalist, because I felt it was
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right. Having made that decision, I intend to stand by my commitment.
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I expect to stay involved in these issues, in this debate, for the
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rest of my life. These are timeless issues: civil rights,
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knowledge, power, freedom and privacy, the necessary steps that a
|
||
civilized society must take to protect itself from criminals. There
|
||
is no finality in politics; it creates itself anew, it must be dealt
|
||
with every day.
|
||
|
||
The future is a dark road and our speed is headlong. I didn't ask
|
||
for power or responsibility. I'm a science fiction writer, I only
|
||
wanted to play with Big Ideas in my cheerfully lunatic sandbox. What
|
||
little benefit I myself can contribute to society would likely be best
|
||
employed in writing better SF novels. I intend to write those better
|
||
novels, if I can. But in the meantime I seem to have accumulated a
|
||
few odd shreds of influence. It's a very minor kind of power, and
|
||
doubtless more than I deserve; but power without responsibility is a
|
||
monstrous thing.
|
||
|
||
In writing HACKER CRACKDOWN, I tried to describe the truth as other
|
||
people saw it. I see it too, with my own eyes, but I can't yet
|
||
pretend to understand what I'm seeing. The best I can do, it seems to
|
||
me, is to try to approach the situation as an open-minded person of
|
||
goodwill. I therefore offer the following final set of principles,
|
||
which I hope will guide me in the days to come.
|
||
|
||
I'll listen to anybody, and I'll try to imagine myself in their
|
||
situation.
|
||
|
||
I'll assume goodwill on the part of others until they fully earn my
|
||
distrust.
|
||
|
||
I won't cherish grudges. I'll forgive those who change their minds
|
||
and actions, just as I reserve the right to change my own mind and
|
||
actions.
|
||
|
||
I'll look hard for the disadvantages to others, in the things that
|
||
give me advantage. I won't assume that the way I live today is the
|
||
natural order of the universe, just because I happen to be benefiting
|
||
from it at the moment.
|
||
|
||
And while I don't plan to give up making money from my ethically
|
||
dubious cyberpunk activities, I hope to temper my impropriety by
|
||
giving more work away for no money at all.
|
||
|
||
------------------------------
|
||
|
||
Date: Tue, 29 Sep 1992 20:14:02 EDT
|
||
From: LOVE@TEMPLEVM.BITNET
|
||
Subject: File 2--NEW WINDO BILL (HR 5983)
|
||
|
||
From--James Love <love@essential.org>
|
||
Taxpayer Assets Project
|
||
|
||
Re--HR 5983, legislation to provide online access to
|
||
federal information
|
||
(Successor to Gateway/WINDO bills)
|
||
|
||
Date--September 23, 1992, Washington, DC.
|
||
|
||
On Wednesday, September 23, the House Administration Committee
|
||
unanimously approved H.R. 5983, the "Government Printing Office (GPO)
|
||
Electronic Information Access Enhancement Act of 1992." The bill,
|
||
which had been introduced the day before, was cosponsored by committee
|
||
chairman Charlie Rose (D-NC), ranking minority member William Thomas
|
||
(R-CA) and Pat Roberts (R-KA). The measure was a watered down version
|
||
of the GPO Gateway/WINDO bills (S. 2813, HR 2772), which would provide
|
||
one-stop-shopping online access to hundreds of federal information
|
||
systems and databases.
|
||
|
||
The new bill was the product of negotiations between
|
||
Representative Rose and the republican members of the House
|
||
Administration Committee, who had opposed the broader scope of the
|
||
Gateway/WINDO bills. Early responses to the new bill are mixed.
|
||
Supporters of the Gateway/WINDO bill were disappointed by the narrower
|
||
scope of the bill, but pleased that the legislation retained the
|
||
Gateway/WINDO policies on pricing of the service (free use by
|
||
depository libraries, prices equal to the incremental cost of
|
||
dissemination for everyone else). On balance, however, the new bill
|
||
would substantially broaden public access to federal information
|
||
systems and databases, when compared to the status quo.
|
||
|
||
WHAT HR 5983 DOES
|
||
|
||
The bill that would require the Government Printing Office (GPO) to
|
||
provide public online access to:
|
||
|
||
- the Federal Register
|
||
- the Congressional Record
|
||
- an electronic directory of Federal public information
|
||
stored electronically,
|
||
- other appropriate publications distributed by the
|
||
Superintendent of Documents, and
|
||
- information under the control of other federal
|
||
departments or agencies, when requested by the
|
||
department or agency.
|
||
|
||
The Superintendent of Documents is also required to undertake a
|
||
feasibility study of further enhancing public access to federal
|
||
electronic information, including assessments the feasibility of:
|
||
|
||
- public access to existing federal information systems,
|
||
- the use of computer networks such as the Internet and
|
||
NREN, and
|
||
- the development (with NIST and other agencies) of
|
||
compatible standards for disseminating electronic
|
||
information.
|
||
|
||
There will also be studies of the costs, cost savings, and
|
||
utility of the online systems that are developed, including an
|
||
independent study of GPO's services by GAO.
|
||
|
||
|
||
WHAT HR 5983 DOESN'T DO
|
||
|
||
The new bill discarded the names WINDO or Gateway without a
|
||
replacement. The new system is simply called "the system," a
|
||
seemingly minor change, but one designed to give the service a
|
||
lower profile.
|
||
|
||
A number of other features of the Gateway/WINDO legislation were
|
||
also lost.
|
||
|
||
- While both S. 2813 and HR 2772 would have required GPO to
|
||
provide online access through the Internet, the new bill
|
||
only requires that GPO study the issue of Internet access.
|
||
|
||
- The Gateway/WINDO bills would have given GPO broad authority
|
||
to publish federal information online, but the new bill
|
||
would restrict such authority to documents published by the
|
||
Superintendent of Documents (A small subset of federal
|
||
information stored electronically), or situations where the
|
||
agency itself asked GPO to disseminate information stored in
|
||
electronic formats. This change gives agencies more
|
||
discretion in deciding whether or not to allow GPO to
|
||
provide online access to their databases, including those
|
||
cases where agencies want to maintain control over databases
|
||
for financial reasons (to make money off the data).
|
||
|
||
- The republican minority insisted on removing language that
|
||
would have explicitly allowed GPO to reimburse agencies for
|
||
their costs in providing public access. This is a
|
||
potentially important issue, since many federal agencies
|
||
will not work with GPO to provide public access to their own
|
||
information systems, unless they are reimbursed for costs
|
||
that they incur. Thus, a major incentive for federal
|
||
agencies was eliminated.
|
||
|
||
- S. 2813 and HR 2772 would have required GPO to publish an
|
||
annual report on the operation of the Gateway/WINDO and
|
||
accept and consider *annual* comments from users on a wide
|
||
range of issues. The new bill only makes a general
|
||
requirement that GPO "consult" with users and data vendors.
|
||
The annual notice requirement that was eliminated was
|
||
designed to give citizens more say in how the service
|
||
evolves, by creating a dynamic public record of citizen
|
||
views on topics such as the product line, prices, standards
|
||
and the quality of the service. Given the poor record of
|
||
many federal agencies in addressing user concerns, this is
|
||
an important omission.
|
||
|
||
- S. 2813 would have provided startup funding of $3 million in
|
||
fy 92 and $10 million in fy 93. The new bill doesn't
|
||
include any appropriation at all, causing some observers to
|
||
wonder how GPO will be able to develop the online
|
||
Congressional Record, Federal Register, and directory of
|
||
databases, as required by the bill.
|
||
|
||
|
||
WHAT HAPPENED?
|
||
|
||
The bill which emerged from Committee on Wednesday substantially
|
||
reflected the viewpoints of the republicans on the House
|
||
Administration Committee. The republican staffers who negotiated
|
||
the new bill worked closely with lobbyists for the Industry
|
||
Information Association (IIA), a trade group which represents
|
||
commercial data vendors, and who opposed the broader
|
||
dissemination mandates of the Gateway/WINDO bills.
|
||
|
||
Why did WINDO sponsor Charlie Rose, who is Chair of the House
|
||
Administration Committee, give up so much in the new bill?
|
||
Because Congress is about to adjourn, and it is difficult to pass
|
||
any controversial legislation at the end of a Congressional
|
||
session. The failure to schedule earlier hearings or markups on
|
||
the WINDO legislation (due largely to bitter partisan battles
|
||
over the House bank and post office, October Surprise and
|
||
campaign financing reform) gave the republican minority on the
|
||
committee enormous clout, since they could (and did) threaten to
|
||
kill the bill.
|
||
|
||
Rose deserves credit, however, for being the first member of
|
||
congress to give the issue of citizen online access to federal
|
||
information systems and databases such high prominence, and his
|
||
promise to revisit the question next session is very encouraging.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PROSPECTS FOR PASSAGE
|
||
|
||
The new bill has a long way to go. It must be scheduled for a
|
||
floor vote in the House and a vote in the Senate. The last step
|
||
will likely be the most difficult. In the last few weeks of a
|
||
Congressional session, any member of the Senate can put a "hold"
|
||
on the bill, preventing it from receiving Senate approval this
|
||
year, thus killing the bill until next legislative session. OMB
|
||
and the republican minority on the House Administration Committee
|
||
have both signed off on the bill, but commercial data vendors
|
||
would still like to kill the bill. There's a catch, however.
|
||
|
||
Rose's staff has reportedly told the Information Industry
|
||
Association (IIA) that if it kills HR 5983, it will see an even
|
||
bolder bill next year. Since IIA was an active participant in
|
||
the negotiations over the compromise bill, any effort to kill the
|
||
bill will likely antagonize Rose. Of course, some observers
|
||
think that an individual firm, such as Congressional Quarterly,
|
||
may try to kill the bill. Only time will tell.
|
||
|
||
|
||
IS THE GLASS HALF EMPTY OR HALF FULL?
|
||
|
||
Despite the many changes that have weakened the bill, HR 5983 is
|
||
still an important step forward for those who want to broaden
|
||
public access to federal information systems and databases. Not
|
||
only does the bill require GPO to create three important online
|
||
services (the directory, the Congressional Record and the Federal
|
||
Register), but it creates a vehicle that can do much more.
|
||
Moreover, HR 5983 would provide free online access for 1,400
|
||
federal depository libraries, and limit prices for everyone else
|
||
to the incremental cost of dissemination. These pricing rules
|
||
are far superior to those used by NTIS, or line agencies like
|
||
NLM, who earn substantial profits on the sale of electronic
|
||
products and services.
|
||
|
||
WHAT YOU CAN DO
|
||
|
||
Urge your Senators and Representatives to support passage of HR
|
||
5983, quickly, before Congress adjourns in October. All members
|
||
of Congress can be reached by telephone at 202/224-3121, or by
|
||
mail at the following addresses:
|
||
|
||
Senator John Smith Representative Susan Smith
|
||
US Senate US House of Representatives
|
||
Washington, DC 20510 Washington, DC 21515
|
||
|
||
|
||
The most important persons to contact are your own delegation, as
|
||
well as Senators George Mitchell (D-ME) and Bob Dole (R-KA).
|
||
|
||
For more information, contact the American Library Association at
|
||
202/547-4440 or the Taxpayer Assets Project at 215-658-0880. For a
|
||
copy of HR 5983 or the original Gateway/WINDO bills, send an email
|
||
message to tap@essential.org.
|
||
|
||
------------------------------
|
||
|
||
Date: Sun, 30 Aug 92 05:19:34 EDT
|
||
From: Anonymous@anonvill.uunet.uu.net
|
||
Subject: File 3--"In House Hackers" (Excerpts from the WSJ)
|
||
|
||
Although cyber-surfing computer explorers receive the bulk of media
|
||
attention, there is little evidence that they comprise the greatest
|
||
danger to corporate computers or other resources. Confirming what
|
||
some observers have been saying for years, the Wall Street Journal
|
||
recently reported on the dangers of in-house hackers to corporate
|
||
computer security.
|
||
|
||
Summary of: "In House Hackers"
|
||
From: THE WALL STREET JOURNAL (Thursday, Aug. 27, 1992)
|
||
|
||
At its London office, American Telephone and Telegraph Co. says
|
||
three technicians used a computer to funnel company funds into
|
||
their own pockets. At General Dynamics Corp.'s space division in
|
||
San Diego, an employee plotted to sabotage the company by wiping
|
||
out a computer program used to build missiles. And at Charles
|
||
Schwab & CO. headquarters in San Francisco, some employees used
|
||
the stock brokerage firm's computer system to buy and sell
|
||
cocaine.
|
||
|
||
As these examples suggest, employees are finding increasingly
|
||
ingenious ways to misuse their companies' computer systems.
|
||
Although publicity about computer wrongdoing has often focused on
|
||
outside hackers gaining entry to systems to wreak havoc, insiders
|
||
are proving far more adept at creating computer mayhem.
|
||
|
||
Workers may use company computer system to line their own
|
||
pockets, to seek revenge because they didn't get a promotion or
|
||
because of other perceived slights. Whatever the motive,
|
||
high-tech misdeeds are creating significant problems for
|
||
companies large and small.
|
||
|
||
MEANS AND MOTIVE
|
||
|
||
Although figures for damages from computer abuse are scarce, some
|
||
companies report internal frauds involving losses of more than $1
|
||
million. Even more costly are losses from disrupted operations
|
||
or form repairing the damage.
|
||
|
||
"Employees are the ones with the skill, the knowledge and the
|
||
access to do bad things," says Donn Parker, an expert on computer
|
||
security at SRI International, Menlo Park, Calif. "They're the
|
||
ones, for example, who can most easily plant a which can crash
|
||
your entire computer system." Most companies quietly fire the
|
||
culprits without publicity, Mr. Parker adds. Dishonest or
|
||
disgruntled employees pose "a far greater problem than most
|
||
people realize."
|
||
|
||
The story reports interviews with various security experts who agree
|
||
that the increase of computer use also creates risks of unauthorized
|
||
computer access and tampering within a company. According to the
|
||
story, laptops cause special concern because of their flexibility and
|
||
power, which make it easier for employees to steal trade secrets.
|
||
Companies are beginning to recognize the need to develop increased
|
||
security measures to protect themselves from INTERNAL security
|
||
breaches. These include closer monitoring of who has access to
|
||
systems, encryption of sensitive files, and more carefully protecting
|
||
systems against unauthorized company users.
|
||
|
||
The story summarizes the AT&T trojan in England last year, in which
|
||
three AT&T technicians were charged with unauthorized modification of
|
||
computers and conspiracy to defraud. Although the case was later
|
||
dropped because of legal technicalities, it underscores the dangers of
|
||
the potential for inhouse crime.
|
||
|
||
The story summarizes the case of Michael Lauffenburger, a 31 year old
|
||
General Dynamics programmer in California, who was indicted in federal
|
||
court for trying to destroy parts of a computer program, quit the
|
||
company, and then get rehired as a well-paid consultant to rebuild the
|
||
program:
|
||
|
||
The plot, the indictment alleges, went like this: In March last
|
||
year, Mr. Lauffenburger created a second computer program, this
|
||
one a logic bomb called "Cleanup." It would totally erase the
|
||
original parts program starting at 6 p.m. May 24, the beginning
|
||
of the Memorial Day weekend, when few would be around to notice.
|
||
When the bomb went off, Mr Lauffenburger wouldn't be around
|
||
either; he quit March 29.
|
||
|
||
Lauffenburger pleaded guilty to computer tampering in early 1992 and
|
||
was fined $5,000 and required to perform community service.
|
||
|
||
The story lists another company, Pinkerton Security and
|
||
Investigation Services, that was victimized by an Employee. Tammy
|
||
Juse, 48, used the name "Tammy Gonzalez" to obtain a position in the
|
||
accounting department in 1988. She accessed Pinkerton accounts at
|
||
Security Pacific National Bank, and was discovered in 1990 to be
|
||
embezzling from the accounts. She was sentenced to 27 months in prison
|
||
for embezzling over $1 from the company:
|
||
|
||
Normally, a reconciliation of accounts would have caught the
|
||
discrepancies. But Ms. Gonzalez was also supposed to do the
|
||
reconciling, and somehow she didn't get around to it. At one
|
||
point, it was nearly two years behind.
|
||
|
||
The story lists the usual dangers of security lapses in companies,
|
||
including password problems, open computers, and other "people
|
||
problems" that leave systems vulnerable. It also identifies illegal
|
||
uses of company computers as a potential problem:
|
||
|
||
Sometimes it is the very advantages of computers, including speed
|
||
and convenience of communication, that make them tempting tools
|
||
of abuses. Late last year, officials at Charles Schwab, got a
|
||
tip that a cocaine ring was flourishing among its headquarters
|
||
employees in San Francisco. Hal Lipset, a private investigator
|
||
hired by Schwab, soon discovered that sales were being arranged
|
||
over Schwab's computer communications system.
|
||
|
||
Schwab officials secretly began monitoring the messages and
|
||
copying them for evidence. Two employees who allegedly were
|
||
selling drugs masked their messages by seeming to talk of tickets
|
||
to sports events or about a game of pool called eightball. But
|
||
according to one investigator, a "ticket" represented a half gram
|
||
of cocaine for $40, and "eightball" represented 3 grams for about
|
||
$280.
|
||
..............
|
||
An undercover man working for Mr. Lipset, in cooperation with San
|
||
Francisco police, began buying cocaine to gather more evidence.
|
||
In April, the police arrested two back-office workers at Schwab
|
||
for drug dealing. Both pleaded guilty. Schwab has fired them as
|
||
well as two others allegedly in the drug ring.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The WSJ story nicely details the threats to security from those within
|
||
the company entrusted to use and maintain them. Most "hackers"
|
||
operating from the outside agree that poor security rather than
|
||
external explorers are the greatest threat to company systems. It is
|
||
refreshing to see the media recognize that the greatest potential for
|
||
abuse comes from inside, and that the costs of computer crime are
|
||
overwhelming created not by curious teenagers, but by predators who
|
||
betray an employees trust.
|
||
|
||
------------------------------
|
||
|
||
Date: 27 Sep 92 22:59:05 EDT
|
||
From: Gordon Meyer <72307.1502@COMPUSERVE.COM>
|
||
Subject: File 4--Software Piracy: A Felony?
|
||
|
||
Washington is currently considering a bill, S.893, which would expand
|
||
felony provisions to all copyrighted materials, including computer
|
||
software. The bill provides for felony convictions punishable by up
|
||
to $250,000 in fines and two years in prison for willfully infringing
|
||
on software copyrights in amounts exceeding retail amounts of $5,000.
|
||
|
||
The bill is currently under consideration by the House Intellectual
|
||
Property and Judicial Administration Subcommittee, chaired by Rep.
|
||
William Hughes. For more details see 'A Felonious Crime', Amy
|
||
Cortese, INFORMATION WEEK, Sept 14,1992, p14
|
||
|
||
VIRUS SPREAD LESS THAN EXPECTED
|
||
|
||
A report released by IBM's High Integrity Computing Laboratory says
|
||
that computer viruses are spreading slower than expected because
|
||
assumptions made in earlier estimates haven't held true. Virus
|
||
epidemics were predicted based on a "homogeneous mixing" theory
|
||
modeled after the way diseases spread in humans. It turns out that
|
||
despite all the computer networks, most viruses are spread via shared
|
||
diskettes, which limits each computer's risk of exposure. (As
|
||
reported in INFORMATION WEEK, Sept 14, 1992, p16)
|
||
|
||
------------------------------
|
||
|
||
Date: 27 Sep 92 23:20:17 EDT
|
||
From: Gordon Meyer <72307.1502@COMPUSERVE.COM>
|
||
Subject: File 5--Hacker hits Cincinnati Phones
|
||
|
||
HACKER HITS CINCINNATI PHONES
|
||
|
||
A computer hacker apparently in the New York area broke the code into
|
||
one of the Cincinnati, Ohio, phone trunk lines, building up a $65,000
|
||
phone bill. Cincinnati city officials say the unknown invader racked
|
||
up the charges last winter and spring by placing calls around the
|
||
world.
|
||
|
||
David Chapman, the city's assistant superintendent for
|
||
telecommunica-tions, said that investigators think the tap originated
|
||
in the New York-New Jersey area, but they have no suspects and the
|
||
investigation is considered closed.
|
||
|
||
Chapman added, "Apparently these people were pretty darn slick, but
|
||
talking to the Secret Service, we were small potatoes. I understand
|
||
there have been some major companies hit." (reprinted from STReport
|
||
#8.38 with permission)
|
||
|
||
COMPUTER EXEC'S ENDORSE CLINTON FOR PRESIDENT
|
||
|
||
Thirty executives at a number of high-tech Silicon Valley firms
|
||
--including Apple Computer, Hewlett Packard, National Semiconductor,
|
||
Oracle Systems and Link Technologies -- have endorsed Democrat Bill
|
||
Clinton in his bid for the White House.
|
||
|
||
"Many of us here are actually not Democrats but Republicans," said
|
||
Apple CEO John Sculley. Sculley added the group believes Clinton can
|
||
put the country "back in the forefront of leading the world again."
|
||
|
||
Oracle Systems CEO Lawrence Ellison said that the Democrat's economic
|
||
plan is "why I am departing this year from my life-long support of the
|
||
Republican Party to endorse the Clinton-Gore ticket."
|
||
|
||
Besides Sculley and Ellison, those endorsing Clinton include HP
|
||
President/CEO John Young, as well as Gil Amelio, CEO of National
|
||
Semiconductor; Dave Barram, vice president of Apple Computers; Gerry
|
||
Beemiller, CEO of Infant Advantage; Chuck Boesenberg, CEO of Central
|
||
Point Software; Dick Brass, president of Oracle Data Publishing; Chuck
|
||
Comiso, president of Link Technologies.
|
||
|
||
Also: Gloria Rose Ott, president of GO Strategies; Ed McCracken, CEO
|
||
of Silicon Graphics; Regis McKenna, chairman of Regis McKenna; Bill
|
||
Miller, former CEO of SRI international, Sandy Robertson, general
|
||
partner of Roberston, Colman and Stephans. (Reprinted from STReport
|
||
#8.38 with permission)
|
||
|
||
------------------------------
|
||
|
||
End of Computer Underground Digest #4.47
|
||
************************************
|
||
|
||
|
||
|