7375 lines
397 KiB
Plaintext
7375 lines
397 KiB
Plaintext
PARIS 1776-1785
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by Benjamin Franklin
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_The Sale of the Hessians_
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FROM THE COUNT DE SCHAUMBERGH TO THE BARON
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HOHENDORF, COMMANDING THE HESSIAN TROOPS
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IN AMERICA
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Rome, February 18, 1777.
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MONSIEUR LE BARON: -- On my return from Naples, I received at
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Rome your letter of the 27th December of last year. I have learned
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with unspeakable pleasure the courage our troops exhibited at
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Trenton, and you cannot imagine my joy on being told that of the
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1,950 Hessians engaged in the fight, but 345 escaped. There were
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just 1,605 men killed, and I cannot sufficiently commend your
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prudence in sending an exact list of the dead to my minister in
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London. This precaution was the more necessary, as the report sent
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to the English ministry does not give but 1,455 dead. This would
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make 483,450 florins instead of 643,500 which I am entitled to demand
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under our convention. You will comprehend the prejudice which such
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an error would work in my finances, and I do not doubt you will take
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the necessary pains to prove that Lord North's list is false and
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yours correct.
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The court of London objects that there were a hundred wounded
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who ought not to be included in the list, nor paid for as dead; but I
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trust you will not overlook my instructions to you on quitting
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Cassel, and that you will not have tried by human succor to recall
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the life of the unfortunates whose days could not be lengthened but
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by the loss of a leg or an arm. That would be making them a
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pernicious present, and I am sure they would rather die than live in
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a condition no longer fit for my service. I do not mean by this that
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you should assassinate them; we should be humane, my dear Baron, but
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you may insinuate to the surgeons with entire propriety that a
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crippled man is a reproach to their profession, and that there is no
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wiser course than to let every one of them die when he ceases to be
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fit to fight.
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I am about to send to you some new recruits. Don't economize
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them. Remember glory before all things. Glory is true wealth.
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There is nothing degrades the soldier like the love of money. He
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must care only for honour and reputation, but this reputation must be
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acquired in the midst of dangers. A battle gained without costing
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the conqueror any blood is an inglorious success, while the conquered
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cover themselves with glory by perishing with their arms in their
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hands. Do you remember that of the 300 Lacedaemonians who defended
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the defile of Thermopyl;ae, not one returned? How happy should I be
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could I say the same of my brave Hessians!
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It is true that their king, Leonidas, perished with them: but
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things have changed, and it is no longer the custom for princes of
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the empire to go and fight in America for a cause with which they
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have no concern. And besides, to whom should they pay the thirty
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guineas per man if I did not stay in Europe to receive them? Then,
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it is necessary also that I be ready to send recruits to replace the
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men you lose. For this purpose I must return to Hesse. It is true,
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grown men are becoming scarce there, but I will send you boys.
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Besides, the scarcer the commodity the higher the price. I am
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assured that the women and little girls have begun to till our lands,
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and they get on not badly. You did right to send back to Europe that
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Dr. Crumerus who was so successful in curing dysentery. Don't bother
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with a man who is subject to looseness of the bowels. That disease
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makes bad soldiers. One coward will do more mischief in an
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engagement than ten brave men will do good. Better that they burst
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in their barracks than fly in a battle, and tarnish the glory of our
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arms. Besides, you know that they pay me as killed for all who die
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from disease, and I don't get a farthing for runaways. My trip to
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Italy, which has cost me enormously, makes it desirable that there
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should be a great mortality among them. You will therefore promise
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promotion to all who expose themselves; you will exhort them to seek
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glory in the midst of dangers; you will say to Major Maundorff that I
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am not at all content with his saving the 345 men who escaped the
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massacre of Trenton. Through the whole campaign he has not had ten
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men killed in consequence of his orders. Finally, let it be your
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principal object to prolong the war and avoid a decisive engagement
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on either side, for I have made arrangements for a grand Italian
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opera, and I do not wish to be obliged to give it up. Meantime I
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pray God, my dear Baron de Hohendorf, to have you in his holy and
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gracious keeping.
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_Model of a Letter of Recommendation_
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Sir Paris April 2, 1777
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The Bearer of this who is going to America, presses me to give
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him a Letter of Recommendation, tho' I know nothing of him, not even
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his Name. This may seem extraordinary, but I assure you it is not
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uncommon here. Sometimes indeed one unknown Person brings me another
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equally unknown, to recommend him; and sometimes they recommend one
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another! As to this Gentleman, I must refer you to himself for his
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Character and Merits, with which he is certainly better acquainted
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than I can possibly be; I recommend him however to those Civilities
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which every Stranger, of whom one knows no Harm, has a Right to, and
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I request you will do him all the good Offices and show him all the
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Favour that on further Acquaintance you shall find him to deserve. I
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have the honour to be, &c.
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_The Twelve Commandments_
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TO MADAME BRILLON
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Passy March 10.
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I am charm'd with the goodness of my spiritual guide, and
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resign myself implicitly to her Conduct, as she promises to lead me
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to heaven in so delicious a Road when I could be content to travel
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thither even in the roughest of all ways with the pleasure of her
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Company.
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How kindly partial to her Penitent in finding him, on examining
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his conscience, guilty of only one capital sin and to call that by
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the gentle name of Foible!
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I lay fast hold of your promise to absolve me of all Sins past,
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present, & future, on the easy & pleasing Condition of loving God,
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America and my guide above all things. I am in Rapture when I think
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of being absolv'd of the future.
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People commonly speak of Ten Commandments. -- I have been
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taught that there are twelve. The first was increase & multiply &
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replenish the earth. The twelfth is, A new Commandment I give unto
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you, _that you love one another._ It seems to me that they are a
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little misplaced, And that the last should have been the first.
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However I never made any difficulty about that, but was always
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willing to obey them both whenever I had an opportunity. Pray tell
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me my dear Casuist, whether my keeping religiously these two
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commandments tho' not in the Decalogue, may not be accepted in
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Compensation for my breaking so often one of the ten I mean that
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which forbids Coveting my neighbour's wife, and which I confess I
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break constantly God forgive me, as often as I see or think of my
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lovely Confessor, and I am afraid I should never be able to repent of
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the Sin even if I had the full Possession of her.
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And now I am Consulting you upon a Case of Conscience I will
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mention the Opinion of a certain Father of the church which I find
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myself willing to adopt though I am not sure it is orthodox. It is
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this, that the most effectual way to get rid of a certain Temptation
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is, as often as it returns, to comply with and satisfy it.
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Pray instruct me how far I may venture to practice upon this
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Principle?
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But why should I be so scrupulous when you have promised to
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absolve me of the future?
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Adieu my charming Conductress and believe me ever with the
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sincerest Esteem & affection.
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Your most obed't hum. Serv.
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1778
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_Petition of the Letter Z_
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FROM THE TATLER N 1778
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TO THE WORSHIPFUL ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, ESQ;
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CENSOR-GENERAL
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THE PETITION OF THE LETTER Z COMMONLY CALLED
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EZZARD, ZED, or IZARD, MOST HUMBLY SHEWETH,
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He was always talking of his Family and of his being a Man of
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Fortune.
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That your Petitioner is of as high extraction, and has as
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good an Estate as any other Letter of the Alphabet.
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And complaining of his being treated, not with due Respect
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That there is therefore no reason why he should be treated as
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he is with Disrespect and Indignity.
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At the tail of the Commission, of Ministers
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He was not of the Commission for France, A Lee being preferr'd
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to him, which made him very angry; and the Character here given of S,
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is just what he in his Passion gave Lee.
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That he is not only plac'd at the Tail of the Alphabet, when he
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had as much Right as any other to be at the Head; but is, by the
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Injustice of his enemies totally excluded from the Word WISE, and his
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Place injuriously filled by a little, hissing, crooked, serpentine,
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venemous Letter called s, when it must be evident to your Worship,
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and to all the World, that Double U, I, S. E do not spell or sound
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_Wize_, but _Wice._
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The most impatient Man alive
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Your Petitioner therefore prays that the Alphabet may by your
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Censorial Authority be reformed, and that in Consideration of his
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_Long-Suffering_ & _Patience_ he may be placed at the Head of it;
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that S may be turned out of the Word Wise, and the Petitioner
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employ'd instead of him;
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And your Petitioner (as in Duty bound) shall ever pray, &c.
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Mr. Bickerstaff having examined the Allegations of the above
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Petition, judges and determines, that Z be admonished to be content
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with his Station, forbear Reflections upon his Brother Letters, &
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remember his own small Usefulness, and the little Occasion there is
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for him in the Republick of Letters, since S, whom he so despises,
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can so well serve instead of him.
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c. August, 1778
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_The Ephemera_
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Passy Sept 20, 1778
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You may remember, my dear Friend, that when we lately spent
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that happy Day in the delightful Garden and sweet Society of the
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Moulin Joli, I stopt a little in one of our Walks, and staid some
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time behind the Company. We had been shewn numberless Skeletons of a
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kind of little Fly, called an Ephemere all whose successive
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Generations we were told were bred and expired within the Day. I
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happen'd to see a living Company of them on a Leaf, who appear'd to
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be engag'd in Conversation. -- You know I understand all the inferior
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Animal Tongues: my too great Application to the Study of them is the
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best Excuse I can give for the little Progress I have made in your
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charming Language. I listened thro' Curiosity to the Discourse of
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these little Creatures, but as they in their national Vivacity spoke
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three or four together, I could make but little of their Discourse.
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I found, however, by some broken Expressions that I caught now &
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then, they were disputing warmly the Merit of two foreign Musicians,
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one a _Cousin_, the other a _Musketo_; in which Dispute they spent
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their time seemingly as regardless of the Shortness of Life, as if
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they had been Sure of living a Month. Happy People! thought I, you
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live certainly under a wise, just and mild Government; since you have
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no public Grievances to complain of, nor any Subject of Contention
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but the Perfection or Imperfection of foreign Music. I turned from
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them to an old greyheaded one, who was single on another Leaf, &
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talking to himself. Being amus'd with his Soliloquy, I have put it
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down in writing in hopes it will likewise amuse her to whom I am So
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much indebted for the most pleasing of all Amusements, her delicious
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Company and her heavenly Harmony.
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"It was, says he, the Opinion of learned Philosophers of our
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Race, who lived and flourished long before my time, that this vast
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World, the _Moulin Joli_, could not itself subsist more than 18
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Hours; and I think there was some Foundation for that Opinion, since
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by the apparent Motion of the great Luminary that gives Life to all
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Nature, and which in my time has evidently declin'd considerably
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towards the Ocean at the End of our Earth, it must then finish its
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Course, be extinguish'd in the Waters that surround us, and leave the
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World in Cold and Darkness, necessarily producing universal Death and
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Destruction. I have lived seven of these Hours; a great Age; being
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no less than 420 minutes of Time. How very few of us continue So
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long. -- I have seen Generations born, flourish and expire. My
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present Friends are the Children and Grandchildren of the Friends of
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my Youth, who are now, alas, no more! And I must soon follow them;
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for by the Course of Nature, tho' still in Health, I cannot expect to
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live above 7 or 8 Minutes longer. What now avails all my Toil and
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Labour in amassing Honey-Dew on this Leaf, which I cannot live to
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enjoy! What the political Struggles I have been engag'd in for the
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Good of my Compatriotes, Inhabitants of this Bush, or my
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philosophical Studies for the Benefit of our Race in general! For in
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Politics _what can Laws do without Morals._ (note-Ephemera-1, see
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page 924) Our present Race of Ephemeres will in a Course of Minutes,
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become corrupt like those of other and older Bushes, and consequently
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as wretched. And in Philosophy how small our Progress! Alas, _Art
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is long and Life is short_! (note-Ephemera-2, see page 924) -- My
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Friends would comfort me with the Idea of a Name they Say I shall
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leave behind me; and they tell me I have _lived long enough, to
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Nature and to Glory_; (note-Ephemera-3, see page 924) -- But what
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will Fame be to an Ephemere who no longer exists? And what will
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become of all History in the 18th Hour, when the World itself, even
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the whole _Moulin Joli_ shall come to its End, and be buried in
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universal Ruin? -- To me, after all my eager Pursuits, no solid
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Pleasures now remain, but the Reflection of a long Life spent in
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meaning well, the sensible Conversation of a few good Lady-Ephemeres,
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and now and then a kind Smile and a Tune from the ever-amiable
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BRILLANTE."
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_The Elysian Fields_
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M. FRANKLIN TO MADAME HELVETIUS
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Vexed by your barbarous resolution, announced so positively
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last evening, to remain single all your life in respect to your dear
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husband, I went home, fell on my bed, and, believing myself dead,
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found myself in the Elysian Fields.
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I was asked if I desired to see anybody in particular. Lead me
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to the home of the philosophers. -- There are two who live nearby in
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the garden: they are very good neighbors, and close friends of each
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other. -- Who are they? -- Socrates and H ------ . -- I esteem them
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both prodigiously; but let me see first H ------ , because I
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understand a little French, but not one word of Greek. He received
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me with great courtesy, having known me for some time, he said, by
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the reputation I had there. He asked me a thousand things about the
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war, and about the present state of religion, liberty, and the
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government in France. -- You ask nothing then of your dear friend
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Madame H ------ ; nevertheless she still loves you excessively and I
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was at her place but an hour ago. Ah! said he, you make me remember
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my former felicity. -- But it is necessary to forget it in order to
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be happy here. During several of the early years, I thought only of
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her. Finally I am consoled. I have taken another wife. The most
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like her that I could find. She is not, it is true, so completely
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beautiful, but she has as much good sense, a little more of Spirit,
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and she loves me infinitely. Her continual study is to please me;
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and she has actually gone to hunt the best Nectar and the best
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Ambrosia in order to regale me this evening; remain with me and you
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will see her. I perceive, I said, that your old friend is more
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faithful than you: for several good offers have been made her, all of
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which she has refused. I confess to you that I myself have loved her
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to the point of distraction; but she was hard-hearted to my regard,
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and has absolutely rejected me for love of you. I pity you, he said,
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for your bad fortune; for truly she is a good and beautiful woman and
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very loveable. But the Abbee de la R ------ , and the Abbe M ------
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, are they not still sometimes at her home? Yes, assuredly, for she
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has not lost a single one of your friends. If you had won over the
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Abbe M ------ (with coffee and cream) to speak for you, perhaps you
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would have succeeded; for he is a subtle logician like Duns Scotus or
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St. Thomas; he places his arguments in such good order that they
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become nearly irresistible. Also, if the Abbe de la R ----- had been
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bribed (by some beautiful edition of an old classic) to speak against
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you, that would have been better: for I have always observed, that
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when he advises something, she has a very strong penchant to do the
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reverse. -- At these words the new Madame H ------ entered with the
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Nectar: at which instant I recognized her to be Madame F ------ , my
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old American friend. I reclaimed to her. But she told me coldly, "I
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have been your good wife forty-nine years and four months, nearly a
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half century; be content with that. Here I have formed a new
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connection, which will endure to eternity."
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Offended by this refusal of my Eurydice, I suddenly decided to
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leave these ungrateful spirits, to return to the good earth, to see
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again the sunshine and you. Here I am! Let us revenge ourselves.
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December 7, 1778
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_Bilked for Breakfast_
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MR. FRANKLIN TO MADAME LA FRETE
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Upon my word, you did well, Madam, not to come so far, at so
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inclement a Season, only to find so wretched a Breakfast. My Son & I
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were not so wise. I will tell you the Story.
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As the Invitation was for eleven O'clock, & you were of the
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Party, I imagined I should find a substantial Breakfast; that there
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would be a large Company; that we should have not only Tea, but
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Coffee, Chocolate, perhaps a Ham, & several other good Things. I
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resolved to go on Foot; my Shoes were a little too tight; I arrived
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almost lamed. On entering the Courtyard, I was a little surprised to
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find it so empty of Carriages, & to see that we were the first to
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arrive. We go up the Stairs. Not a Sound. We enter the Breakfast
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Room. No one except the Abbe & Monsieur Cabanis. Breakfast over, &
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eaten! Nothing on the Table except a few Scraps of Bread & a little
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Butter. General astonishment; a Servant sent running to tell Madame
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Helvetius that we have come for Breakfast. She leaves her toilet
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Table; she enters with her Hair half dressed. It is declared
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surprising that I have come, when you wrote me that you would not
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come. I Deny it. To prove it, they show me your Letter, which they
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have received and kept.
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Finally another Breakfast is ordered. One Servant runs for
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fresh Water, another for Coals. The Bellows are plied with a will.
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I was very Hungry; it was so late; "a watched pot is slow to boil,"
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as Poor Richard says. Madame sets out for Paris & leaves us. We
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begin to eat. The Butter is soon finished. The Abbe asks if we want
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more. Yes, of course. He rings. No one comes. We talk; he forgets
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the Butter. I began scraping the Dish; at that he seizes it & runs
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to the Kitchen for some. After a while he comes slowly back, saying
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mournfully that there is no more of it in the House. To entertain me
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the Abbe proposes a Walk; my feet refuse. And so we give up
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Breakfast; & we go upstairs to his apartment to let his good Books
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furnish the end of our Repast -- .
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I am left utterly disconsolate, having, instead of half a Dozen
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of your sweet, affectionate, substantial, & heartily applied Kisses,
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which I expected from your Charity, having received only the Shadow
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of one given by Madame Helvetius, willingly enough, it is true, but
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the lightest & most superficial kiss that can possibly be imagined.
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c. 1778
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_Passport for Captain Cook_
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To all Captains and Commanders of armed Ships acting by
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Commission from the Congress of the United States of America, now in
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war with Great Britain.
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Gentlemen,
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A Ship having been fitted out from England before the
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Commencement of this War, to make Discoveries of new Countries in
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Unknown Seas, under the Conduct of that most celebrated Navigator and
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Discoverer Captain Cook; an Undertaking truly laudable in itself, as
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the Increase of Geographical Knowledge facilitates the Communication
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between distant Nations, in the Exchange of useful Products and
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Manufactures, and the Extension of Arts, whereby the common
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Enjoyments of human Life are multiply'd and augmented, and Science of
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other kinds increased to the benefit of Mankind in general; this is,
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therefore, most earnestly to recommend to every one of you, that, in
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case the said Ship, which is now expected to be soon in the European
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Seas on her Return, should happen to fall into your Hands, you would
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not consider her as an Enemy, nor suffer any Plunder to be made of
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the Effects contain'd in her, nor obstruct her immediate Return to
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England, by detaining her or sending her into any other Part of
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Europe or to America, but that you would treat the said Captain Cook
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and his People with all Civility and Kindness, affording them, as
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common Friends to Mankind, all the Assistance in your Power, which
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they may happen to stand in need of. In so doing you will not only
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gratify the Generosity of your own Dispositions, but there is no
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doubt of your obtaining the Approbation of the Congress, and your
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other American Owners. I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, your most
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obedient humble Servant.
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Given at Passy, near Paris, this 10th day of March, 1779.
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_Plenipotentiary from the Congress of the
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United States to the Court of France._
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_The Morals of Chess_
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[Playing at chess is the most ancient and most universal game
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known among men; for its original is beyond the memory of history,
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and it has, for numberless ages, been the amusement of all the
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civilised nations of Asia, the Persians, the Indians, and the
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Chinese. Europe has had it above a thousand years; the Spaniards
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have spread it over their part of America; and it has lately begun to
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make its appearance in the United States. It is so interesting in
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itself, as not to need the view of gain to induce engaging in it; and
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thence it is seldom played for money. Those therefore who have
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leisure for such diversions, cannot find one that is more innocent:
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and the following piece, written with a view to correct (among a few
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young friends) some little improprieties in the practice of it, shows
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at the same time that it may, in its effects on the mind, be not
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merely innocent, but advantageous, to the vanquished as well as the
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victor.]
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The Game of Chess is not merely an idle Amusement. Several
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very valuable qualities of the Mind, useful in the course of human
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Life, are to be acquir'd or strengthened by it, so as to become
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habits, ready on all occasions. For Life is a kind of Chess, in
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which we often have Points to gain, & Competitors or Adversaries to
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contend with; and in which there is a vast variety of good and ill
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Events, that are in some degree the Effects of Prudence or the want
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of it. By playing at Chess, then, we may learn,
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I. _Foresight_, which looks a little into futurity, and
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considers the Consequences that may attend an action; for it is
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continually occurring to the Player, "If I move this piece, what will
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be the advantages or disadvantages of my new situation? What Use can
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my Adversary make of it to annoy me? What other moves can I make to
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support it, and to defend myself from his attacks?"
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II. _Circumspection_, which surveys the whole Chessboard, or
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scene of action; the relations of the several pieces and situations,
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the Dangers they are respectively exposed to, the several
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possibilities of their aiding each other, the probabilities that the
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Adversary may make this or that move, and attack this or the other
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Piece, and what different Means can be used to avoid his stroke, or
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turn its consequences against him.
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III. _Caution_, not to make our moves too hastily. This habit
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is best acquired, by observing strictly the laws of the Game; such
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as, _If you touch a Piece, you must move it somewhere; if you set it
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down, you must let it stand._ And it is therefore best that these
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rules should be observed, as the Game becomes thereby more the image
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of human Life, and particularly of War; in which, if you have
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incautiously put yourself into a bad and dangerous position, you
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cannot obtain your Enemy's Leave to withdraw your Troops, and place
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them more securely, but you must abide all the consequences of your
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rashness.
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And _lastly_, we learn by Chess the habit of not being
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discouraged by present appearances in the state of our affairs, the
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habit of hoping for a favourable Change, and that of persevering in
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the search of resources. The Game is so full of Events, there is
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such a variety of turns in it, the Fortune of it is so subject to
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sudden Vicissitudes, and one so frequently, after long contemplation,
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discovers the means of extricating one's self from a supposed
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insurmountable Difficulty, that one is encouraged to continue the
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Contest to the last, in hopes of Victory from our own skill, or at
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least of getting a stale mate, from the Negligence of our Adversary.
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And whoever considers, what in Chess he often sees instances of, that
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particular pieces of success are apt to produce Presumption, & its
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consequent Inattention, by which more is afterwards lost than was
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gain'd by the preceding Advantage, while misfortunes produce more
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care and attention, by which the loss may be recovered, will learn
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not to be too much discouraged by any present success of his
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Adversary, nor to despair of final good fortune upon every little
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Check he receives in the pursuit of it.
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That we may therefore be induced more frequently to chuse this
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beneficial amusement, in preference to others which are not attended
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with the same advantages, every Circumstance that may increase the
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pleasure of it should be regarded; and every action or word that is
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unfair, disrespectful, or that in any way may give uneasiness, should
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be avoided, as contrary to the immediate intention of both the
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Players, which is to pass the Time agreably.
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Therefore, first, if it is agreed to play according to the
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strict rules, then those rules are to be exactly observed by both
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parties, and should not be insisted on for one side, while deviated
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from by the other -- for this is not equitable.
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Secondly, if it is agreed not to observe the rules exactly, but
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one party demands indulgencies, he should then be as willing to allow
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them to the other.
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Thirdly, no false move should ever be made to extricate
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yourself out of difficulty, or to gain an advantage. There can be no
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pleasure in playing with a person once detected in such unfair
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practice.
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Fourthly, if your adversary is long in playing, you ought not
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to hurry him, or express any uneasiness at his delay. You should not
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sing, nor whistle, nor look at your watch, nor take up a book to
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read, nor make a tapping with your feet on the floor, or with your
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fingers on the table, nor do any thing that may disturb his
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attention. For all these things displease; and they do not show your
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skill in playing, but your craftiness or your rudeness.
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Fifthly, you ought not to endeavour to amuse and deceive your
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adversary, by pretending to have made bad moves, and saying that you
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have now lost the game, in order to make him secure and careless, and
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inattentive to your schemes: for this is fraud and deceit, not skill
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in the game.
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Sixthly, you must not, when you have gained a victory, use any
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triumphing or insulting expression, nor show too much pleasure; but
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endeavour to console your adversary, and make him less dissatisfied
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with himself, by every kind of civil expression that may be used with
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truth, such as, "you understand the game better than I, but you are a
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little inattentive;" or, "you play too fast;" or, "you had the best
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of the game, but something happened to divert your thoughts, and that
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turned it in my favour."
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Seventhly, if you are a spectator while others play, observe
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the most perfect silence. For, if you give advice, you offend both
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parties, him against whom you give it, because it may cause the loss
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of his game, him in whose favour you give it, because, though it be
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good, and he follows it, he loses the pleasure he might have had, if
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you had permitted him to think until it had occurred to himself.
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Even after a move or moves, you must not, by replacing the pieces,
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show how they might have been placed better; for that displeases, and
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may occasion disputes and doubts about their true situation. All
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talking to the players lessens or diverts their attention, and is
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therefore unpleasing. Nor should you give the least hint to either
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party, by any kind of noise or motion. If you do, you are unworthy
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to be a spectator. If you have a mind to exercise or show your
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judgment, do it in playing your own game, when you have an
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opportunity, not in criticizing, or meddling with, or counselling the
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play of others.
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Lastly, if the game is not to be played rigorously, according
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to the rules above mentioned, then moderate your desire of victory
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over your adversary, and be pleased with one over yourself. Snatch
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not eagerly at every advantage offered by his unskilfulness or
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inattention; but point out to him kindly, that by such a move he
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places or leaves a piece in danger and unsupported; that by another
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he will put his king in a perilous situation, &c. By this generous
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civility (so opposite to the unfairness above forbidden) you may,
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indeed, happen to lose the game to your opponent; but you will win
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what is better, his esteem, his respect, and his affection, together
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with the silent approbation and good-will of impartial spectators.
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June, 1779
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_The Whistle_
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_Passy, November_ 10 1779.
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I received my dear Friend's two Letters, one for Wednesday &
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one for Saturday. This is again Wednesday. I do not deserve one for
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to day, because I have not answered the former. But indolent as I
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am, and averse to Writing, the Fear of having no more of your
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pleasing Epistles, if I do not contribute to the Correspondance,
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obliges me to take up my Pen: And as M. B. has kindly sent me Word,
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that he sets out to-morrow to see you; instead of spending this
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Wednesday Evening as I have long done its Name-sakes, in your
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delightful Company, I sit down to spend it in thinking of you, in
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writing to you, & in reading over & over again your Letters.
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I am charm'd with your Description of Paradise, & with your
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Plan of living there. And I approve much of your Conclusion, that in
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the mean time we should draw all the Good we can from this World. In
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my Opinion we might all draw more Good, from it than we do, & suffer
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less Evil, if we would but take care _not to give too much for our
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Whistles._ For to me it seems that most of the unhappy People we meet
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with, are become so by Neglect of that Caution.
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You ask what I mean? -- You love Stories, and will excuse my
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telling you one of my self. When I was a Child of seven Years old,
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my Friends on a Holiday fill'd my little Pocket with Halfpence. I
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went directly to a Shop where they sold Toys for Children; and being
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charm'd with the Sound of a Whistle that I met by the way, in the
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hands of another Boy, I voluntarily offer'd and gave all my Money for
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it. When I came home, whistling all over the House, much pleas'd
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with my Whistle, but disturbing all the Family, my Brothers, Sisters
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& Cousins, understanding the Bargain I had made, told me I had given
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four times as much for it as it was worth, put me in mind what good
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Things I might have bought with the rest of the Money, & laught at me
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so much for my Folly that I cry'd with Vexation; and the Reflection
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gave me more Chagrin than the Whistle gave me Pleasure.
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This however was afterwards of use to me, the Impression
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continuing on my Mind; so that often when I was tempted to buy some
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unnecessary thing, I said to my self, _Do not give too much for the
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Whistle_; and I sav'd my Money.
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As I grew up, came into the World, and observed the Actions of
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Men, I thought I met many _who gave too much for the Whistle_. --
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When I saw one ambitious of Court Favour, sacrificing his Time in
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Attendance at Levees, his Repose, his Liberty, his Virtue and perhaps
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his Friend, to obtain it; I have said to my self, _This Man gives too
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much for his Whistle_. -- When I saw another fond of Popularity,
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constantly employing himself in political Bustles, neglecting his own
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Affairs, and ruining them by the Neglect, _He pays_, says I, _too
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much for his Whistle_. -- If I knew a Miser, who gave up every kind
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of comfortable Living, all the pleasure of doing Good to others, all
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the Esteem of his Fellow Citizens, & the Joys of benevolent
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Friendship, for the sake of Accumulating Wealth, _Poor Man_, says I,
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_you pay too much for your Whistle_. -- When I met with a Man of
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Pleasure, sacrificing every laudable Improvement of his Mind or of
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his Fortune, to mere corporeal Satisfactions, & ruining his Health in
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their Pursuit, _Mistaken Man_, says I, _you are providing Pain for
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your self instead of Pleasure, you pay too much for your Whistle_. --
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If I see one fond of Appearance, of fine Cloaths, fine Houses, fine
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Furniture, fine Equipages, all above his Fortune, for which he
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contracts Debts, and ends his Career in a Prison; _Alas_, says I, _he
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has paid too much for his Whistle._ -- When I saw a beautiful
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sweet-temper'd Girl, marry'd to an ill-natured Brute of a Husband;
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_What a Pity_, says I, _that she should pay so much for a Whistle!_
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-- In short, I conceiv'd that great Part of the Miseries of Mankind,
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were brought upon them by the false Estimates they had made of the
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Value of Things, and by their _giving too much for the Whistle._
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Yet I ought to have Charity for these unhappy People, when I
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consider that with all this Wisdom of which I am boasting, there are
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certain things in the World so tempting; for Example the Apples of
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King John, which happily are not to be bought, for if they were put
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to sale by Auction, I might very easily be led to ruin my self in the
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Purchase, and find that I had once more _given too much for the
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Whistle._
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Adieu, my dearest Friend, and believe me ever yours very
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sincerely and with unalterable Affection.
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Passy, 1779
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_The Levee_
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In the first chapter of Job we have an account of a transaction
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said to have arisen in the court, or at the _levee_, of the best of
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all possible princes, or of governments by a single person, viz. that
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of God himself.
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At this _levee_, in which the sons of God were assembled, Satan
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also appeared.
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It is probable the writer of that ancient book took his idea of
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this _levee_ from those of the eastern monarchs of the age he lived
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in.
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It is to this day usual at the _levees_ of princes, to have
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persons assembled who are enemies to each other, who seek to obtain
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favor by whispering calumny and detraction, and thereby ruining those
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that distinguish themselves by their virtue and merit. And kings
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frequently ask a familiar question or two, of every one in the
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circle, merely to show their benignity. These circumstances are
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particularly exemplified in this relation.
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If a modern king, for instance, finds a person in the circle
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who has not lately been there, he naturally asks him how he has
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passed his time since he last had the pleasure of seeing him? the
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gentleman perhaps replies that he has been in the country to view his
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estates, and visit some friends. Thus Satan being asked whence he
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cometh? answers, "From going to and fro in the earth, and walking up
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and down in it." And being further asked, whether he had considered
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the uprightness and fidelity of the prince's servant Job, he
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immediately displays all the malignance of the designing courtier, by
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answering with another question: "Doth Job serve God for naught?
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Hast thou not given him immense wealth, and protected him in the
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possession of it? Deprive him of that, and he will curse thee to thy
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face." In modern phrase, Take away his places and his pensions, and
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your Majesty will soon find him in the opposition.
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This whisper against Job had its effect. He was delivered into
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the power of his adversary, who deprived him of his fortune,
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destroyed his family, and completely ruined him.
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The book of Job is called by divines a sacred poem, and, with
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the rest of the Holy Scriptures, is understood to be written for our
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instruction.
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What then is the instruction to be gathered from this supposed
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transaction?
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Trust not a single person with the government of your state.
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For if the Deity himself, being the monarch may for a time give way
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to calumny, and suffer it to operate the destruction of the best of
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subjects; what mischief may you not expect from such power in a mere
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man, though the best of men, from whom the truth is often
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industriously hidden, and to whom falsehood is often presented in its
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place, by artful, interested, and malicious courtiers?
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And be cautious in trusting him even with limited powers, lest
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sooner or later he sap and destroy those limits, and render himself
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absolute.
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For by the disposal of places, he attaches to himself all the
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with their numerous connexions, and also all the expecters and hopers
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of places, which will form a strong party in promoting his views. By
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various political engagements for the interest of neighbouring states
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or princes, he procures their aid in establishing his own personal
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power. So that, through the hopes of emolument in one part of his
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subjects, and the fear of his resentment in the other, all opposition
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falls before him.
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1779?
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_Proposed New Version of the Bible_
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TO THE PRINTER OF * * *
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SIR,
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It is now more than one hundred and seventy years since the
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translation of our common English Bible. The language in that time
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is much changed, and the style, being obsolete, and thence less
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agreeable, is perhaps one reason why the reading of that excellent
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book is of late so much neglected. I have therefore thought it would
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be well to procure a new version, in which, preserving the sense, the
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turn of phrase and manner of expression should be modern. I do not
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pretend to have the necessary abilities for such a work myself; I
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throw out the hint for the consideration of the learned; and only
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venture to send you a few verses of the first chapter of Job, which
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may serve as a sample of the kind of version I would recommend.
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A. B.
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PART OF THE FIRST CHAPTER OF JOB MODERNIZED
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OLD TEXT NEW VERSION
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Verse 6. Now there was a day Verse 6. And it being _levee_
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when the sons of God came to present day in heaven, all God's nobility
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themselves before the Lord, and came to present themselves before
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Satan came also amongst them. him; and Satan also appeared in
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the circle, as one of the ministry.
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7. And the Lord said unto 7. And God said to Satan,
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Satan, Whence comest thou? Then You have been some time absent;
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Satan answered the Lord, and said, where were you? And Satan answered
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From going to and fro in the earth, I have been at my country-seat,
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and from walking up and down in it. and in different places visiting
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my friends.
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8. And the Lord said unto 8. And God said, Well what
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Satan, Hast thou considered my think you of Lord Job? You see he
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servant Job, that there is none like is my best friend, a perfectly
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him in the earth, a perfect and an honest man, full of respect for
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upright man, one that feareth God, me, and avoiding every thing that
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and escheweth evil? might offend me.
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9. Then Satan answered the 9. And Satan answered, Does
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Lord, and said, Doth Job fear God your Majesty imagine that his good
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for naught? conduct is the effect of mere
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personal attachment and affection?
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10. Hast thou not made an 10. Have you not protected
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hedge about his house, and about all him, and heaped your benefits upon
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that he hath on every side? Thou hast him, till he is grown enormously
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blessed the work of his hands, and rich?
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his substance is increased in the land.
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11. But put forth thine hand 11. Try him; -- only withdraw
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now, and touch all that he hath, and your favor, turn him out of his
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he will curse thee to thy face. places, and withhold his pensions,
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and you will soon find him in the
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opposition.
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1779?
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_Drinking Song_
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TO THE ABBE DE LA ROCHE, AT AUTEUIL
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I have run over, my dear friend, the little book of poetry by
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M. Helvetius, with which you presented me. The poem on _Happiness_
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pleased me much, and brought to my recollection a little drinking
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song which I wrote forty years ago upon the same subject, and which
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is nearly on the same plan, with many of the same thoughts, but very
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concisely expressed. It is as follows: --
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_Singer._
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Fair Venus calls, her voice obey,
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In beauty's arms spend night and day.
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The joys of love, all joys excel,
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And loving's certainly doing well.
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_Chorus._
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Oh! no!
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Not so!
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For honest souls know,
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Friends and a bottle still bear the bell.
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_Singer._
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Then let us get money, like bees lay up honey;
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We'll build us new hives, and store each cell.
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The sight of our treasure shall yield us great pleasure;
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We'll count it, and chink it, and jingle it well.
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_Chorus._
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Oh! no!
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Not so!
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For honest souls know,
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Friends and a bottle still bear the bell.
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_Singer._
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If this does not fit ye, let's govern the city,
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In power is pleasure no tongue can tell;
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By crowds tho' you're teas'd, your pride shall be pleas'd,
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And this can make Lucifer happy in hell!
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_Chorus._
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Oh! no!
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Not so!
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For honest souls know,
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Friends and a bottle still bear the bell.
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_Singer._
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Then toss off your glasses, and scorn the dull asses,
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Who, missing the kernel, still gnaw the shell;
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What's love, rule, or riches? wise Solomon teaches,
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They're vanity, vanity, vanity, still.
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_Chorus._
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That's true;
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He knew;
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He'd tried them all through;
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Friends and a bottle still bore the bell.
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'Tis a singer, my dear Abbe, who exhorts his companions to seek
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_happiness_ in _love_, in _riches_, and in _power._ They reply,
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singing together, that happiness is not to be found in any of these
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things; that it is only to be found in _friends_ and _wine._ To this
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proposition the singer at last assents. The phrase _"bear the
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bell,"_ answers to the French expression, _"obtain the prize."_
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I have often remarked, in reading the works of M. Helvetius,
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that although we were born and educated in two countries so remote
|
|
from each other, we have often been inspired with the same thoughts;
|
|
and it is a reflection very flattering to me, that we have not only
|
|
loved the same studies, but, as far as we have mutually known them,
|
|
the same friends, and _the same woman._
|
|
Adieu! my dear friend, &c.
|
|
|
|
1779?
|
|
|
|
_A Tale_
|
|
|
|
There was once an Officer, a worthy man, named Montresor, who
|
|
was very ill. His parish Priest, thinking he would die, advised him
|
|
to make his Peace with God, so that he would be received into
|
|
Paradise. "I don't feel much Uneasiness on that Score," said
|
|
Montresor; "for last Night I had a Vision which set me entirely at
|
|
rest." "What Vision did you have?" asked the good Priest. "I was,"
|
|
he said, "at the Gate of Paradise with a Crowd of People who wanted
|
|
to enter. And St. Peter asked each of them what Religion he belonged
|
|
to. One answered, `I am a Roman Catholic.' `Very well,' said St.
|
|
Peter; `come in, & take your Place over there among the Catholics.'
|
|
Another said he belonged to the Anglican Church. `Very well,' said
|
|
St. Peter; `come in, & take your Place over there among the
|
|
Anglicans.' Another said he was a Quaker. `Very well,' said St.
|
|
Peter; `come in, & take a Place among the Quakers.' Finally he asked
|
|
me what my Religion was. `Alas!' I replied, `unfortunately, poor
|
|
Jacques Montresor belongs to none at all.' `That's a pity,' said the
|
|
Saint. `I don't know where to put you but come in anyway; just find
|
|
a Place for yourself wherever you can.'"
|
|
|
|
1779?
|
|
|
|
_On Wine_
|
|
|
|
FROM THE ABBE FRANKLIN TO THE ABBE MORELLET
|
|
|
|
You have often enlivened me, my dear friend, by your excellent
|
|
drinking-songs; in return, I beg to edify you by some Christian,
|
|
moral, and philosophical reflections upon the same subject.
|
|
|
|
_In vino veritas_, says the wise man, -- _Truth is in wine._
|
|
Before the days of Noah, then, men, having nothing but water to
|
|
drink, could not discover the truth. Thus they went astray, became
|
|
abominably wicked, and were justly exterminated by _water_, which
|
|
they loved to drink.
|
|
|
|
The good man Noah, seeing that through this pernicious beverage
|
|
all his contemporaries had perished, took it in aversion; and to
|
|
quench his thirst God created the vine, and revealed to him the means
|
|
of converting its fruit into wine. By means of this liquor he
|
|
discovered numberless important truths; so that ever since his time
|
|
the word to _divine_ has been in common use, signifying originally,
|
|
_to discover by means of_ WINE. (VIN) Thus the patriarch Joseph took
|
|
upon himself to _divine_ by means of a cup or glass of wine, a liquor
|
|
which obtained this name to show that it was not of human but
|
|
_divine_ invention (another proof of the _antiquity_ of the French
|
|
language, in opposition to M. Geebelin); nay, since that time, all
|
|
things of peculiar excellence, even the Deities themselves, have been
|
|
called _Divine_ or Di_vin_ities.
|
|
|
|
We hear of the conversion of water into wine at the marriage in
|
|
Cana as of a miracle. But this conversion is, through the goodness
|
|
of God, made every day before our eyes. Behold the rain which
|
|
descends from heaven upon our vineyards; there it enters the roots of
|
|
the vines, to be changed into wine; a constant proof that God loves
|
|
us, and loves to see us happy. The miracle in question was only
|
|
performed to hasten the operation, under circumstances of present
|
|
necessity, which required it.
|
|
|
|
It is true that God has also instructed man to reduce wine into
|
|
water. But into what sort of water? -- _Water of Life._ (_Eaude
|
|
Vie._) And this, that man may be able upon occasion to perform the
|
|
miracle of Cana, and convert common water into that excellent species
|
|
of wine which we call _punch._ My Christian brother, be kind and
|
|
benevolent like God, and do not spoil his good drink.
|
|
|
|
He made wine to gladden the heart of man; do not, therefore
|
|
when at table you see your neighbor pour wine into his glass, be
|
|
eager to mingle water with it. Why would you drown _truth_? It is
|
|
probable that your neighbor knows better than you what suits him.
|
|
Perhaps he does not like water; perhaps he would only put in a few
|
|
drops for fashion's sake; perhaps he does not wish any one to observe
|
|
how little he puts in his glass. Do not, then, offer water, except
|
|
to children; 't is a mistaken piece of politeness, and often very
|
|
inconvenient. I give you this hint as a man of the world; and I will
|
|
finish as I began, like a good Christian, in making a religious
|
|
observation of high importance, taken from the Holy Scriptures. I
|
|
mean that the apostle Paul counselled Timothy very seriously to put
|
|
wine into his water for the sake of his health; but that not one of
|
|
the apostles or holy fathers ever recommended _putting water to
|
|
wine._
|
|
|
|
P.S. To confirm still more your piety and gratitude to Divine
|
|
Providence, reflect upon the situation which it has given to the
|
|
_elbow._ You see (Figures 1 and 2) in animals, who are intended to
|
|
drink the waters that flow upon the earth, that if they have long
|
|
legs, they have also a long neck, so that they can get at their drink
|
|
without kneeling down. But man, who was destined to drink wine, must
|
|
be able to raise the glass to his mouth. If the elbow had been
|
|
placed nearer the hand (as in Figure 3), the part in advance would
|
|
have been too short to bring the glass up to the mouth; and if it had
|
|
been placed nearer the shoulder, (as in Figure 4) that part would
|
|
have been so long that it would have carried the wine far beyond the
|
|
mouth. But by the actual situation, (represented in Figure 5), we
|
|
are enabled to drink at our ease, the glass going exactly to the
|
|
mouth. Let us, then, with glass in hand, adore this benevolent
|
|
wisdom; -- let us adore and drink!
|
|
|
|
1779?
|
|
|
|
_Dialogue Between the Gout and Mr. Franklin_
|
|
|
|
MIDNIGHT, OCTOBER 22, 1780
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Eh! oh! eh! What have I done to merit these cruel sufferings?
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Many things; you have ate and drank too freely, and too much
|
|
indulged those legs of yours in their indolence.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Who is it that accuses me?
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
It is I, even I, the Gout.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
What! my enemy in person?
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
No, not your enemy.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
I repeat it, my enemy; for you would not only torment my body
|
|
to death, but ruin my good name; you reproach me as a glutton and a
|
|
tippler; now all the world, that knows me, will allow that I am
|
|
neither the one nor the other.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
The world may think as it pleases; it is always very
|
|
complaisant to itself, and sometimes to its friends; but I very well
|
|
know that the quantity of meat and drink proper for a man who takes a
|
|
reasonable degree of exercise, would be too much for another who
|
|
never takes any.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
I take -- eh! oh! -- as much exercise -- eh! -- as I can, Madam
|
|
Gout. You know my sedentary state, and on that account, it would
|
|
seem, Madam Gout, as if you might spare me a little, seeing it is not
|
|
altogether my own fault.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Not a jot; your rhetoric and your politeness are thrown away;
|
|
your apology avails nothing. If your situation in life is a
|
|
sedentary one, your amusements, your recreation, at least, should be
|
|
active. You ought to walk or ride; or, if the weather prevents that,
|
|
play at billiards. But let us examine your course of life. While
|
|
the mornings are long, and you have leisure to go abroad, what do you
|
|
do? Why, instead of gaining an appetite for breakfast by salutary
|
|
exercise, you amuse yourself with books, pamphlets, or newspapers,
|
|
which commonly are not worth the reading. Yet you eat an inordinate
|
|
breakfast, four dishes of tea with cream, and one or two buttered
|
|
toasts, with slices of hung beef, which I fancy are not things the
|
|
most easily digested. Immediately afterwards you sit down to write
|
|
at your desk, or converse with persons who apply to you on business.
|
|
Thus the time passes till one, without any kind of bodily exercise.
|
|
But all this I could pardon, in regard, as you say, to your sedentary
|
|
condition. But what is your practice after dinner? Walking in the
|
|
beautiful gardens of those friends with whom you have dined would be
|
|
the choice of men of sense; yours is to be fixed down to chess, where
|
|
you are found engaged for two or three hours! This is your perpetual
|
|
recreation, which is the least eligible of any for a sedentary man,
|
|
because, instead of accelerating the motion of the fluids, the rigid
|
|
attention it requires helps to retard the circulation and obstruct
|
|
internal secretions. Wrapt in the speculations of this wretched
|
|
game, you destroy your constitution. What can be expected from such
|
|
a course of living but a body replete with stagnant humours, ready to
|
|
fall a prey to all kinds of dangerous maladies, if I, the Gout, did
|
|
not occasionally bring you relief by agitating those humours, and so
|
|
purifying or dissipating them? If it was in some nook or alley in
|
|
Paris, deprived of walks, that you played a while at chess after
|
|
dinner, this might be excusable; but the same taste prevails with you
|
|
in Passy, Auteuil, Montmartre, or Sanoy, places where there are the
|
|
finest gardens and walks, a pure air, beautiful women, and most
|
|
agreeable and instructive conversation: all which you might enjoy by
|
|
frequenting the walks. But these are rejected for this abominable
|
|
game of chess. Fie, then, Mr. Franklin! But amidst my instructions,
|
|
I had almost forgot to administer my wholesome corrections; so take
|
|
that twinge -- and that.
|
|
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Oh! eh! oh! ohhh! As much instruction as you please, Madam
|
|
Gout, and as many reproaches; but pray, Madam, a truce with your
|
|
corrections!
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
No, Sir, no, I will not abate a particle of what is so much for
|
|
your good -- therefore ------
|
|
|
|
Mr. F.
|
|
Oh! ehhh! -- It is not fair to say I take no exercise, when I
|
|
do very often, going out to dine and returning in my carriage.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
That, of all imaginable exercises, is the most slight and
|
|
insignificant, if you allude to the motion of a carriage suspended on
|
|
springs. By observing the degree of heat obtained by different kinds
|
|
of motion, we may form an estimate of the quantity of exercise given
|
|
by each. Thus, for example, if you turn out to walk in winter with
|
|
cold feet, in an hour's time you will be in a glow all over; ride on
|
|
horseback, the same effect will scarcely be perceived by four hours'
|
|
round trotting; but if you loll in a carriage, such as you have
|
|
mentioned, you may travel all day and gladly enter the last inn to
|
|
warm your feet by a fire. Flatter yourself then no longer that half
|
|
an hour's airing in your carriage deserves the name of exercise.
|
|
Providence has appointed few to roll in carriages, while he has given
|
|
to all a pair of legs, which are machines infinitely more commodious
|
|
and serviceable. Be grateful, then, and make a proper use of yours.
|
|
Would you know how they forward the circulation of your fluids in the
|
|
very action of transporting you from place to place, observe when you
|
|
walk that all your weight is alternately thrown from one leg to the
|
|
other; this occasions a great pressure on the vessels of the foot,
|
|
and repels their contents; when relieved, by the weight being thrown
|
|
on the other foot, the vessels of the first are allowed to replenish,
|
|
and by a return of this weight, this repulsion again succeeds; thus
|
|
accelerating the circulation of the blood. The heat produced in any
|
|
given time depends on the degree of this acceleration; the fluids are
|
|
shaken, the humours attenuated, the secretions facilitated, and all
|
|
goes well; the cheeks are ruddy, and health is established. Behold
|
|
your fair friend at Auteuil; a lady who received from bounteous
|
|
nature more really useful science than half a dozen such pretenders
|
|
to philosophy as you have been able to extract from all your books.
|
|
When she honours you with a visit, it is on foot. She walks all
|
|
hours of the day, and leaves indolence, and its concomitant maladies,
|
|
to be endured by her horses. In this, see at once the preservative
|
|
of her health and personal charms. But when you go to Auteuil, you
|
|
must have your carriage, though it is no farther from Passy to
|
|
Auteuil than from Auteuil to Passy.
|
|
|
|
Mr. F.
|
|
Your reasonings grow very tiresome.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
I stand corrected. I will be silent and continue my office;
|
|
take that, and that.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Oh! Ohh! Talk on, I pray you.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
No, no; I have a good number of twinges for you tonight, and
|
|
you may be sure of some more tomorrow.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
What, with such a fever! I shall go distracted. Oh! eh! Can
|
|
no one bear it for me?
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Ask that of your horses; they have served you faithfully.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
How can you so cruelly sport with my torments?
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Sport! I am very serious. I have here a list of offences
|
|
against your own health distinctly written, and can justify every
|
|
stroke inflicted on you.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Read it then.
|
|
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
It is too long a detail; but I will briefly mention some
|
|
particulars.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Proceed. I am all attention.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Do you remember how often you have promised yourself, the
|
|
following morning, a walk in the grove of Boulogne, in the garden de
|
|
La Muette, or in your own garden, and have violated your promise,
|
|
alleging, at one time, it was too cold, at another too warm, too
|
|
windy, too moist, or what else you pleased; when in truth it was too
|
|
nothing but your insuperable love of ease?
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
That I confess may have happened occasionally, probably ten
|
|
times in a year.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Your confession is very far short of the truth; the gross
|
|
amount is one hundred and ninety-nine times.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Is it possible?
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
So possible that it is fact; you may rely on the accuracy of my
|
|
statement. You know M. Brillon's gardens, and what fine walks they
|
|
contain; you know the handsome flight of an hundred steps which lead
|
|
from the terrace above to the lawn below. You have been in the
|
|
practice of visiting this amiable family twice a week, after dinner,
|
|
and it is a maxim of your own, that "a man may take as much exercise
|
|
in walking a mile up and down stairs, as in ten on level ground."
|
|
What an opportunity was here for you to have had exercise in both
|
|
these ways! Did you embrace it, and how often?
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
I cannot immediately answer that question.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
I will do it for you; not once.
|
|
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Not once?
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Even so. During the summer you went there at six o'clock. You
|
|
found the charming lady, with her lovely children and friends, eager
|
|
to walk with you, and entertain you with their agreeable
|
|
conversation; and what has been your choice? Why, to sit on the
|
|
terrace, satisfying yourself with the fine prospect, and passing your
|
|
eye over the beauties of the garden below, without taking one step to
|
|
descend and walk about in them. On the contrary, you call for tea
|
|
and the chess-board; and lo! you are occupied in your seat till nine
|
|
o'clock, and that besides two hours' play after dinner; and then,
|
|
instead of walking home, which would have bestirred you a little, you
|
|
step into your carriage. How absurd to suppose that all this
|
|
carelessness can be reconcilable with health, without my
|
|
interposition!
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
I am convinced now of the justness of Poor Richard's remark,
|
|
that "Our debts and our sins are always greater than we think for."
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
So it is. You philosophers are sages in your maxims, and fools
|
|
in your conduct.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
But do you charge among my crimes that I return in a carriage
|
|
from M. Brillon's?
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Certainly; for having been seated all the while, you cannot
|
|
object the fatigue of the day, and cannot want therefore the relief
|
|
of a carriage.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
What then would you have me do with my carriage?
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Burn it if you choose; you would at least get heat out of it
|
|
once in this way; or if you dislike that proposal, here's another for
|
|
you; observe the poor peasants who work in the vineyards and grounds
|
|
about the villages of Passy, Auteuil, Chaillot, etc.; you may find
|
|
every day among these deserving creatures four or five old men and
|
|
women, bent and perhaps crippled by weight of years, and too long and
|
|
too great labour. After a most fatiguing day these people have to
|
|
trudge a mile or two to their smoky huts. Order your coachman to set
|
|
them down. This is an act that will be good for your soul; and, at
|
|
the same time, after your visit to the Brillons, if you return on
|
|
foot, that will be good for your body.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Ah! how tiresome you are!
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
Well, then, to my office; it should not be forgotten that I am
|
|
your physician. There.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Ohhh! what a devil of a physician!
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
How ungrateful you are to say so! Is it not I who, in the
|
|
character of your physician, have saved you from the palsy, dropsy,
|
|
and apoplexy? One or other of which would have done for you long ago
|
|
but for me.
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
I submit, and thank you for the past, but entreat the
|
|
discontinuance of your visits for the future; for in my mind, one had
|
|
better die than be cured so dolefully. Permit me just to hint that I
|
|
have also not been unfriendly to _you._ I never feed physician or
|
|
quack of any kind, to enter the list against you; if then you do not
|
|
leave me to my repose, it may be said you are ungrateful too.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
I can scarcely acknowledge that as any objection. As to
|
|
quacks, I despise them; they may kill you indeed, but cannot injure
|
|
me. And as to regular physicians, they are at last convinced that
|
|
the gout, in such a subject as you are, is no disease, but a remedy;
|
|
and wherefore cure a remedy? -- but to our business -- there.
|
|
|
|
|
|
MR. F.
|
|
Oh! oh! -- for Heaven's sake leave me! and I promise faithfully
|
|
never more to play at chess, but to take exercise daily, and live
|
|
temperately.
|
|
|
|
THE GOUT
|
|
I know you too well. You promise fair; but, after a few months
|
|
of good health, you will return to your old habits; your fine
|
|
promises will be forgotten like the forms of the last year's clouds.
|
|
Let us then finish the account, and I will go. But I leave you with
|
|
an assurance of visiting you again at a proper time and place; for my
|
|
object is your good, and you are sensible now that I am your _real
|
|
friend._
|
|
|
|
_The Handsome and the Deformed Leg_
|
|
|
|
There are two Sorts of People in the World, who with equal
|
|
Degrees of Health & Wealth and the other Comforts of Life, become,
|
|
the one happy, the other unhappy. This arises very much from the
|
|
different Views in which they consider Things, Persons, and Events;
|
|
and the Effect of those different Views upon their own Minds.
|
|
|
|
In whatever Situation Men can be plac'd, they may find
|
|
Conveniencies and Inconveniencies: In whatever Company, they may find
|
|
Persons & Conversations more or less pleasing: At whatever Table they
|
|
may meet with Meats and Drinks of better and worse Taste, Dishes
|
|
better and worse dress'd: In whatever Climate they will find good and
|
|
bad Weather: Under whatever Government, they may find good and bad
|
|
Laws, and good and bad Administration of those Laws: In every Poem or
|
|
Work of Genius, they may see Faults and Beauties: In almost every
|
|
Face & every Person, they may discover fine Features and Defects,
|
|
good & bad Qualities. Under these Circumstances, the two Sorts of
|
|
People above-mention'd fix their Attention, those who are to be
|
|
happy, on the Conveniencies of Things, the pleasant Parts of
|
|
Conversation, the well-dress'd & well-tasted Dishes, the Goodness of
|
|
the Wines, the Fine Weather, &c. &c. &c. and enjoy all with
|
|
Chearfulness: Those who are to be unhappy think and speak only of the
|
|
contraries. Hence they are continually discontented themselves, and
|
|
by their Remarks sour the Pleasures of Society, offend personally
|
|
many People, and make themselves every where disagreable.
|
|
|
|
If this Turn of Mind was founded in Nature, such unhappy
|
|
Persons would be the more to be pitied. But as the Disposition to
|
|
criticise and be disgusted is perhaps taken up originally by
|
|
Imitation, and unawares grown into a Habit, which tho at present
|
|
strong, may nevertheless be cured, when those who have it are
|
|
convinc'd of its bad Effects on their Felicity, I hope this little
|
|
Admonition may be of Service to them, and put them on changing a
|
|
Habit, which tho in the Exercise is chiefly an Act of Imagination,
|
|
yet it has serious Consequences in Life, as it brings on real Griefs
|
|
and Misfortunes: For, as many are offended by, and nobody well loves
|
|
this sort of People, no one shows them more than the most common
|
|
Civility & Respect, and scarcely that; and this frequently puts them
|
|
out of humour, and draws them into Disputes and Contentions. If they
|
|
aim at obtaining some Advantage in Rank or Fortune, nobody wishes
|
|
them Success, or will stir a Step, or speak a Word to favour their
|
|
Pretensions. If they incur public Censure or Disgrace, no one will
|
|
defend or excuse, and many join to aggravate their Misconduct, and
|
|
render them compleatly odious. --
|
|
|
|
If these People will not change this bad Habit, and condescend
|
|
to be pleas'd with what is pleasing, without fretting themselves and
|
|
others about the Contraries, it is good for others to avoid an
|
|
Acquaintance with them, which is always disagreable, and sometimes
|
|
very inconvenient, particularly when one finds one's self entangled
|
|
in their Quarrels. An old philosophical Friend of mine was grown
|
|
from Experience very cautious in this particular and carefully shun'd
|
|
any intimacy with such People. He had, like other Philosophers, a
|
|
Thermometer to show him the Heat of the Weather, & a Barometer to
|
|
mark when it was likely to prove good or bad; but there being no
|
|
Instrument yet invented to discover at first Sight this unpleasing
|
|
Disposition in a Person, he for that purpose made use of his Legs;
|
|
one of which was remarkably handsome, the other by some Accident
|
|
crooked and deform'd. If a Stranger, at the first Interview,
|
|
regarded his ugly Leg more than his handsome one, he doubted him. If
|
|
he spoke of it, and took no Notice of the handsome Leg, that was
|
|
sufficient to determine my Philosopher to have no farther
|
|
Acquaintance with him.
|
|
|
|
Everybody has not this two-legged Instrument, but everyone with
|
|
a little Attention may observe Signs of that carping fault-finding
|
|
Disposition; and take the same Resolution of avoiding the
|
|
Acquaintance of those infected with it.
|
|
|
|
I therefore advise these critical, querulous, discontented
|
|
unhappy People, that if they wish to be loved & respected by others
|
|
and happy in themselves, they should _leave off looking at the ugly
|
|
Leg._
|
|
|
|
November, 1780
|
|
|
|
_To the Royal Academy of_ * * * * *
|
|
|
|
GENTLEMEN,
|
|
I have perused your late mathematical Prize Question, proposed
|
|
in lieu of one in Natural Philosophy, for the ensuing year, viz.
|
|
_"Une figure quelconque donnee, on demande d'y inscrire le plus grand
|
|
nombre de fois possible une autre figure plus-petite quelconque, qui
|
|
est aussi donnee"._ I was glad to find by these following Words,
|
|
_"l'Acadeemie a jugee que cette deecouverte, en eetendant les bornes
|
|
de nos connoissances, ne seroit pas sans UTILITE"_, that you esteem
|
|
_Utility_ an essential Point in your Enquiries, which has not always
|
|
been the case with all Academies; and I conclude therefore that you
|
|
have given this Question instead of a philosophical, or as the
|
|
Learned express it, a physical one, because you could not at the time
|
|
think of a physical one that promis'd greater _Utility._
|
|
|
|
Permit me then humbly to propose one of that sort for your
|
|
consideration, and through you, if you approve it, for the serious
|
|
Enquiry of learned Physicians, Chemists, &c. of this enlightened Age.
|
|
|
|
It is universally well known, That in digesting our common
|
|
Food, there is created or produced in the Bowels of human Creatures,
|
|
a great Quantity of Wind.
|
|
|
|
|
|
That the permitting this Air to escape and mix with the
|
|
Atmosphere, is usually offensive to the Company, from the fetid Smell
|
|
that accompanies it.
|
|
|
|
That all well-bred People therefore, to avoid giving such
|
|
Offence, forcibly restrain the Efforts of Nature to discharge that
|
|
Wind.
|
|
|
|
That so retain'd contrary to Nature, it not only gives
|
|
frequently great present Pain, but occasions future Diseases, such as
|
|
habitual Cholics, Ruptures, Tympanies, &c. often destructive of the
|
|
Constitution, & sometimes of Life itself.
|
|
|
|
Were it not for the odiously offensive Smell accompanying such
|
|
Escapes, polite People would probably be under no more Restraint in
|
|
discharging such Wind in Company, than they are in spitting, or in
|
|
blowing their Noses.
|
|
|
|
My Prize Question therefore should be, _To discover some Drug
|
|
wholesome & not disagreable, to be mix'd with our common Food, or
|
|
Sauces, that shall render the natural Discharges of Wind from our
|
|
Bodies, not only inoffensive, but agreable as Perfumes._
|
|
|
|
That this is not a chimerical Project, and altogether
|
|
impossible, may appear from these Considerations. That we already
|
|
have some Knowledge of Means capable of _Varying_ that Smell. He
|
|
that dines on stale Flesh, especially with much Addition of Onions,
|
|
shall be able to afford a Stink that no Company can tolerate; while
|
|
he that has lived for some Time on Vegetables only, shall have that
|
|
Breath so pure as to be insensible to the most delicate Noses; and if
|
|
he can manage so as to avoid the Report, he may any where give Vent
|
|
to his Griefs, unnoticed. But as there are many to whom an entire
|
|
Vegetable Diet would be inconvenient, and as a little Quick-Lime
|
|
thrown into a Jakes will correct the amazing Quantity of fetid Air
|
|
arising from the vast Mass of putrid Matter contain'd in such Places,
|
|
and render it rather pleasing to the Smell, who knows but that a
|
|
little Powder of Lime (or some other thing equivalent) taken in our
|
|
Food, or perhaps a Glass of Limewater drank at Dinner, may have the
|
|
same Effect on the Air produc'd in and issuing from our Bowels? This
|
|
is worth the Experiment. Certain it is also that we have the Power
|
|
of changing by slight Means the Smell of another Discharge, that of
|
|
our Water. A few Stems of Asparagus eaten, shall give our Urine a
|
|
disagreable Odour; and a Pill of Turpentine no bigger than a Pea,
|
|
shall bestow on it the pleasing Smell of Violets. And why should it
|
|
be thought more impossible in Nature, to find Means of making a
|
|
Perfume of our _Wind_ than of our _Water_?
|
|
|
|
For the Encouragement of this Enquiry, (from the immortal
|
|
Honour to be reasonably expected by the Inventor) let it be
|
|
considered of how small Importance to Mankind, or to how small a Part
|
|
of Mankind have been useful those Discoveries in Science that have
|
|
heretofore made Philosophers famous. Are there twenty Men in Europe
|
|
at this Day, the happier, or even the easier, for any Knowledge they
|
|
have pick'd out of Aristotle? What Comfort can the Vortices of
|
|
Descartes give to a Man who has Whirlwinds in his Bowels! The
|
|
Knowledge of Newton's mutual _Attraction_ of the Particles of Matter,
|
|
can it afford Ease to him who is rack'd by their mutual _Repulsion_,
|
|
and the cruel Distensions it occasions? The Pleasure arising to a
|
|
few Philosophers, from seeing, a few Times in their Life, the Threads
|
|
of Light untwisted, and separated by the Newtonian Prism into seven
|
|
Colours, can it be compared with the Ease and Comfort every Man
|
|
living might feel seven times a Day, by discharging freely the Wind
|
|
from his Bowels? Especially if it be converted into a Perfume: For
|
|
the Pleasures of one Sense being little inferior to those of another,
|
|
instead of pleasing the _Sight_ he might delight the _Smell_ of those
|
|
about him, & make Numbers happy, which to a benevolent Mind must
|
|
afford infinite Satisfaction. The generous Soul, who now endeavours
|
|
to find out whether the Friends he entertains like best Claret or
|
|
Burgundy, Champagne or Madeira, would then enquire also whether they
|
|
chose Musk or Lilly, Rose or Bergamot, and provide accordingly. And
|
|
surely such a Liberty of _Expressing_ one's _Scentiments_, and
|
|
_pleasing one another_, is of infinitely more Importance to human
|
|
Happiness than that Liberty of the _Press_, or of _abusing one
|
|
another_, which the English are so ready to fight & die for. -- In
|
|
short, this Invention, if compleated, would be, as _Bacon_ expresses
|
|
it, _bringing Philosophy home to Mens Business and Bosoms._ And I
|
|
cannot but conclude, that in Comparison therewith, for _universal_
|
|
and _continual UTILITY_, the Science of the Philosophers
|
|
above-mentioned, even with the Addition, Gentlemen, of your _"Figure
|
|
quelconque"_ and the Figures inscrib'd in it, are, all together,
|
|
scarcely worth a
|
|
FART-HING.
|
|
|
|
Passy, c. 1781
|
|
|
|
_Notes for Conversation_
|
|
|
|
To make a Peace durable, what may give Occasion for future Wars
|
|
should if practicable be removed.
|
|
|
|
The Territory of the United States and that of Canada, by long
|
|
extended Frontiers, touch each other.
|
|
|
|
The Settlers on the Frontiers of the American Provinces are
|
|
generally the most disorderly of the People, who, being far removed
|
|
from the Eye and Controll of their respective Governments, are more
|
|
bold in committing Offences against Neighbours, and are for ever
|
|
occasioning Complaints and furnishing Matter for fresh Differences
|
|
between their States.
|
|
|
|
By the late Debates in Parliament, and publick Writings, it
|
|
appears, that Britain desires a _Reconciliation_ with the Americans.
|
|
It is a sweet Word. It means much more than a mere Peace, and what
|
|
is heartily to be wish'd for. Nations make a Peace whenever they are
|
|
both weary of making War. But, if one of them has made War upon the
|
|
other unjustly, and has wantonly and unnecessarily done it great
|
|
Injuries, and refuses Reparation, though there may, for the present,
|
|
be Peace, the Resentment of those Injuries will remain, and will
|
|
break out again in Vengeance when Occasions offer. These Occasions
|
|
will be watch'd for by one side, fear'd by the other, and the Peace
|
|
will never be secure; nor can any Cordiality subsist between them.
|
|
|
|
Many Houses and Villages have been burnt in America by the
|
|
English and their Allies, the Indians. I do not know that the
|
|
Americans will insist on reparation; perhaps they may. But would it
|
|
not be better for England to offer it? Nothing could have a greater
|
|
Tendency to conciliate, and much of the future Commerce and returning
|
|
Intercourse between the two Countries may depend on the
|
|
Reconciliation. Would not the advantage of Reconciliation by such
|
|
means be greater than the Expence?
|
|
|
|
If then a Way can be proposed, which may tend to efface the
|
|
Memory of Injuries, at the same time that it takes away the Occasions
|
|
of fresh Quarrel and Mischief, will it not be worth considering,
|
|
especially if it can be done, not only without Expence, but be a
|
|
means of saving?
|
|
|
|
Britain possesses Canada. Her chief Advantage from that
|
|
Possession consists in the Trade for Peltry. Her Expences in
|
|
governing and defending that Settlement must be considerable. It
|
|
might be humiliating to her to give it up on the Demand of America.
|
|
Perhaps America will not demand it; some of her political Rulers may
|
|
consider the fear of such a Neighbour, as a means of keeping 13
|
|
States more united among themselves, and more attentive to Military
|
|
Discipline. But on the Minds of the People in general would it not
|
|
have an excellent Effect, if Britain should voluntarily offer to give
|
|
up this Province; tho' on these Conditions, that she shall in all
|
|
times coming have and enjoy the Right of Free Trade thither,
|
|
unincumbred with any Duties whatsoever; that so much of the vacant
|
|
Lands there shall be sold, as will raise a Sum sufficient to pay for
|
|
the Houses burnt by the British Troops and their Indians; and also to
|
|
indemnify the Royalists for the Confiscation of their Estates?
|
|
|
|
This is mere Conversation matter between Mr. O. and Mr. F., as
|
|
the former is not impower'd to make Propositions, and the latter
|
|
cannot make any without the Concurrence of his Colleagues.
|
|
|
|
April 18, 1782
|
|
|
|
Numb. 705.
|
|
_Supplement to the Boston
|
|
Independent Chronicle_
|
|
|
|
BOSTON, March 12.
|
|
_Extract of a Letter from Capt._ Gerrish, _of the_ New-England
|
|
_Militia,_ _dated_ Albany, March 7.
|
|
|
|
------ The Peltry taken in the Expedition [_See the Account of
|
|
the Expedition to_ Oswegatchie _on the River St._ Laurence, _in our
|
|
Paper of the_ 1_st Instant._] will as you see amount to a good deal
|
|
of Money. The Possession of this Booty at first gave us Pleasure;
|
|
but we were struck with Horror to find among the Packages, 8 large
|
|
ones containing SCALPS of our unhappy Country-folks, taken in the
|
|
three last Years by the Senneka Indians from the Inhabitants of the
|
|
Frontiers of New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and
|
|
sent by them as a Present to Col. Haldimand, Governor of Canada, in
|
|
order to be by him transmitted to England. They were accompanied by
|
|
the following curious Letter to that Gentleman.
|
|
|
|
_May it please your Excellency, _Teoga, Jan._ 3_d,_ 1782.
|
|
|
|
"At the Request of the Senneka Chiefs I send herewith to
|
|
your Excellency, under the Care of James Boyd, eight Packs of Scalps,
|
|
cured, dried, hooped and painted, with all the Indian triumphal
|
|
Marks, of which the following is Invoice and Explanation.
|
|
|
|
No. 1.
|
|
Containing 43 Scalps of Congress Soldiers killed in different
|
|
Skirmishes; these are stretched on black Hoops, 4 Inches diameter;
|
|
the inside of the Skin painted red, with a small black Spot to note
|
|
their being killed with Bullets. Also 62 of Farmers, killed in their
|
|
Houses; the Hoops red; the Skin painted brown, and marked with a Hoe;
|
|
a black Circle all round, to denote their being surprised in the
|
|
Night; and a black Hatchet in the Middle, signifying their being
|
|
killed with that Weapon.
|
|
|
|
No. 2.
|
|
Containing 98 of Farmers killed in their Houses; Hoops red;
|
|
Figure of a Hoe, to mark their Profession; great white Circle and
|
|
Sun, to shew they were surprised in the Day-time; a little red Foot,
|
|
to shew they stood upon their Defence, and died fighting for their
|
|
Lives and Families.
|
|
|
|
No. 3.
|
|
Containing 97 of Farmers; Hoops green, to shew they were killed
|
|
in their Fields; a large white Circle with a little round Mark on it
|
|
for the Sun, to shew that it was in the Day-time; black Bullet-mark
|
|
on some, Hatchet on others.
|
|
|
|
No. 4.
|
|
Containing 102 of Farmers, mixed of the several Marks above;
|
|
only 18 marked with a little yellow Flame, to denote their being of
|
|
Prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped, their Nails pulled out by
|
|
the Roots, and other Torments: one of these latter supposed to be of
|
|
a rebel Clergyman, his Band being fixed to the Hoop of his Scalp.
|
|
Most of the Farmers appear by the Hair to have been young or
|
|
middle-aged Men; there being but 67 very grey Heads among them all;
|
|
which makes the Service more essential.
|
|
|
|
No. 5.
|
|
Containing 88 Scalps of Women; Hair long, braided in the Indian
|
|
Fashion, to shew they were Mothers; Hoops blue; Skin yellow Ground,
|
|
with little red Tadpoles to represent, by way of Triumph, the Tears
|
|
or Grief occasioned to their Relations; a black scalping Knife or
|
|
Hatchet at the Bottom, to mark their being killed with those
|
|
Instruments. 17 others, Hair very grey; black Hoops; plain brown
|
|
Colour; no Mark but the short Club or Cassetete, to shew they were
|
|
knocked down dead, or had their Brains beat out.
|
|
|
|
No. 6.
|
|
Containing 193 Boys' Scalps, of various Ages; small green
|
|
Hoops; whitish Ground on the Skin, with red Tears in the Middle, and
|
|
black Bullet-marks, Knife, Hatchet, or Club, as their Deaths
|
|
happened.
|
|
|
|
No. 7.
|
|
211 Girls' Scalps, big and little; small yellow Hoops; white
|
|
Ground; Tears; Hatchet, Club, scalping Knife, &c.
|
|
|
|
No. 8.
|
|
This Package is a Mixture of all the Varieties abovemention'd,
|
|
to the Number of 122; with a Box of Birch Bark, containing 29 little
|
|
Infants' Scalps of various Sizes; small white Hoops; white Ground; no
|
|
Tears; and only a little black Knife in the Middle, to shew they were
|
|
ript out of their Mothers' Bellies.
|
|
|
|
With these Packs, the Chiefs send to your Excellency the
|
|
following Speech, delivered by Conejogatchie in Council, interpreted
|
|
by the elder Moore, the Trader, and taken down by me in Writing.
|
|
|
|
_Father_,
|
|
We send you herewith many Scalps, that you may see we are not
|
|
idle Friends.
|
|
|
|
_A blue Belt._
|
|
|
|
_Father_,
|
|
We wish you to send these Scalps over the Water to the great
|
|
King, that he may regard them and be refreshed; and that he may see
|
|
our faithfulness in destroying his Enemies, and be convinced that his
|
|
Presents have not been made to ungrateful people.
|
|
_A blue and white Belt with red Tassels._
|
|
|
|
_Father_,
|
|
Attend to what I am now going to say: it is a Matter of much
|
|
Weight. The great King's Enemies are many, and they grow fast in
|
|
Number. They were formerly like young Panthers: they could neither
|
|
bite nor scratch: we could play with them safely: we feared nothing
|
|
they could do to us. But now their Bodies are become big as the Elk,
|
|
and strong as the Buffalo: they have also got great and sharp Claws.
|
|
They have driven us out of our Country for taking Part in your
|
|
Quarrel. We expect the great King will give us another Country, that
|
|
our Children may live after us, and be his Friends and Children, as
|
|
we are. Say this for us to the great King. To enforce it we give
|
|
this Belt.
|
|
_A great white Belt with blue Tassels._
|
|
|
|
_Father_,
|
|
We have only to say farther that your Traders exact more than
|
|
ever for their Goods: and our Hunting is lessened by the War, so that
|
|
we have fewer Skins to give for them. This ruins us. Think of some
|
|
Remedy. We are poor: and you have Plenty of every Thing. We know
|
|
you will send us Powder and Guns, and Knives and Hatchets: but we
|
|
also want Shirts and Blankets.
|
|
_A little white Belt._
|
|
|
|
I do not doubt but that your Excellency will think it proper to
|
|
give some farther Encouragement to those honest People. The high
|
|
Prices they complain of, are the necessary Effect of the War.
|
|
Whatever Presents may be sent for them through my Hands, shall be
|
|
distributed with Prudence and Fidelity. I have the Honour of being
|
|
Your Excellency's most obedient
|
|
And most humble Servant,
|
|
JAMES CRAUFURD."
|
|
|
|
It was at first proposed to bury these Scalps: but Lieutenant
|
|
Fitzgerald, who you know has got Leave of Absence to go for Ireland
|
|
on his private Affairs, said he thought it better they should proceed
|
|
to their Destination; and if they were given to him, he would
|
|
undertake to carry them to England, and hang them all up in some dark
|
|
Night on the Trees in St. James's Park, where they could be seen from
|
|
the King and Queen's Palaces in the Morning; for that the Sight of
|
|
them might perhaps strike Muley Ishmael (as he called him) with some
|
|
Compunction of Conscience. They were accordingly delivered to Fitz,
|
|
and he has brought them safe hither. To-morrow they go with his
|
|
Baggage in a Waggon for Boston, and will probably be there in a few
|
|
Days after this Letter.
|
|
I am, &c.
|
|
SAMUEL GERRISH.
|
|
|
|
BOSTON, March 20.
|
|
Monday last arrived here Lieutenant Fitzgerald abovementioned,
|
|
and Yesterday the Waggon with the Scalps. Thousands of People are
|
|
flocking to see them this Morning, and all Mouths are full of
|
|
Execrations. Fixing them to the Trees is not approved. It is now
|
|
proposed to make them up in decent little Packets, seal and direct
|
|
them; one to the King, containing a Sample of every Sort for his
|
|
Museum; one to the Queen, with some of Women and little Children: the
|
|
Rest to be distributed among both Houses of Parliament; a double
|
|
Quantity to the Bishops.
|
|
|
|
_Mr. Willis,_
|
|
Please to insert in your useful Paper the following Copy of a
|
|
Letter, from Commodore Jones, directed
|
|
_To Sir Joseph York, Ambassador from the King of England to the
|
|
States-general of the United Provinces._
|
|
|
|
_Ipswich, New-England,
|
|
Sir, _March_ 7, 1781.
|
|
I have lately seen a memorial, said to have been presented by
|
|
your Excellency to their High Mightinesses the States-general, in
|
|
which you are pleased to qualify me with the title of _pirate._
|
|
|
|
A pirate is defined to be _hostis humani generis_, [an enemy to
|
|
all mankind]. It happens, Sir, that I am an enemy to no part of
|
|
mankind, except your nation, the English; which nation at the same
|
|
time comes much more within the definition; being actually an enemy
|
|
to, and at war with, one whole quarter of the world, America,
|
|
considerable parts of Asia and Africa, a great part of Europe, and in
|
|
a fair way of being at war with the rest.
|
|
|
|
A pirate makes war for the sake of _rapine._ This is not the
|
|
kind of war I am engaged in against England. Our's is a war in
|
|
defence of _liberty_ . . . . the most just of all wars; and of our
|
|
_properties_, which your nation would have taken from us, without our
|
|
consent, in violation of our rights, and by an armed force. Your's,
|
|
therefore, is a war of _rapine_; of course, a piratical war: and
|
|
those who approve of it, and are engaged in it, more justly deserve
|
|
the name of pirates, which you bestow on me. It is, indeed, a war
|
|
that coincides with the general spirit of your nation. Your common
|
|
people in their ale-houses sing the twenty-four songs of Robin Hood,
|
|
and applaud his deer-stealing and his robberies on the highway: those
|
|
who have just learning enough to read, are delighted with your
|
|
histories of the pirates and of the buccaniers: and even your
|
|
scholars, in the universities, study Quintus Curtius; and are taught
|
|
to admire Alexander, for what they call "his conquests in the
|
|
Indies." Severe laws and the hangmen keep down the effects of this
|
|
spirit somewhat among yourselves, (though in your little island you
|
|
have, nevertheless, more highway robberies than there are in all the
|
|
rest of Europe put together): but a foreign war gives it full scope.
|
|
It is then that, with infinite pleasure, it lets itself loose to
|
|
strip of their property honest merchants, employed in the innocent
|
|
and useful occupation of supplying the mutual wants of mankind.
|
|
Hence, having lately no war with your ancient enemies, rather than be
|
|
without a war, you chose to make one upon your friends. In this your
|
|
piratical war with America, the mariners of your fleets, and the
|
|
owners of your privateers were animated against us by the act of your
|
|
parliament, which repealed the law of God -- "Thou shalt not steal,"
|
|
-- by declaring it lawful for them to rob us of all our property that
|
|
they could meet with on the Ocean. This act too had a retrospect,
|
|
and, going beyond bulls of pardon, declared that all the robberies
|
|
you _had committed_, previous to the act, should be _deemed just and
|
|
lawful._ Your soldiers too were promised the plunder of our cities:
|
|
and your officers were flattered with the division of our lands. You
|
|
had even the baseness to corrupt our servants, the sailors employed
|
|
by us, and encourage them to rob their masters, and bring to you the
|
|
ships and goods they were entrusted with. Is there any society of
|
|
pirates on the sea or land, who, in declaring wrong to be right, and
|
|
right wrong, have less authority than your parliament? Do any of
|
|
them more justly than your parliament deserve the _title_ you bestow
|
|
on me?
|
|
|
|
You will tell me that we forfeited all our estates by our
|
|
refusal to pay the taxes your nation would have imposed on us,
|
|
without the consent of our colony parliaments. Have you then forgot
|
|
the incontestible principle, which was the foundation of Hambden's
|
|
glorious lawsuit with Charles the first, that "what an English king
|
|
has no right to demand, an English subject has a right to refuse?"
|
|
But you cannot so soon have forgotten the instructions of your late
|
|
honourable father, who, being himself a sound Whig, taught you
|
|
certainly the principles of the Revolution, and that, "if subjects
|
|
might in some cases forfeit their property, kings also might forfeit
|
|
their title, and all claim to the allegiance of their subjects." I
|
|
must then suppose you well acquainted with those Whig principles, on
|
|
which permit me, Sir, to ask a few questions.
|
|
|
|
Is not protection as justly due from a king to his people, as
|
|
obedience from the people to their king?
|
|
|
|
If then a king declares his people to be out of his protection:
|
|
|
|
If he violates and deprives them of their constitutional
|
|
rights:
|
|
|
|
If he wages war against them:
|
|
|
|
If he plunders their merchants, ravages their coasts, burns
|
|
their towns, and destroys their lives:
|
|
|
|
If he hires foreign mercenaries to help him in their
|
|
destruction:
|
|
|
|
If he engages savages to murder their defenceless farmers,
|
|
women, and children:
|
|
|
|
If he cruelly forces such of his subjects as fall into his
|
|
hands, to bear arms against their country, and become executioners of
|
|
their friends and brethren:
|
|
|
|
If he sells others of them into bondage, in Africa and the East
|
|
Indies:
|
|
|
|
If he excites domestic insurrections among their servants, and
|
|
encourages servants to murder their masters: ------
|
|
|
|
|
|
Does not so atrocious a conduct towards his subjects, dissolve
|
|
their allegiance?
|
|
|
|
If not, -- please to say how or by what means it can possibly
|
|
be dissolved?
|
|
|
|
All this horrible wickedness and barbarity has been and daily
|
|
is practised by the king _your master_ (as you call him in your
|
|
memorial) upon the Americans, whom he is still pleased to claim as
|
|
his subjects.
|
|
|
|
During these six years past, he has destroyed not less than
|
|
forty thousand of those subjects, by battles on land or sea, or by
|
|
starving them, or poisoning them to death, in the unwholesome air,
|
|
with the unwholesome food of his prisons. And he has wasted the
|
|
lives of at least an equal number of his own soldiers and sailors:
|
|
many of whom have been _forced_ into this odious service, and
|
|
_dragged_ from their families and friends, by the outrageous violence
|
|
of his illegal press-gangs. You are a gentleman of letters, and have
|
|
read history: do you recollect any instance of any tyrant, since the
|
|
beginning of the world, who, in the course of so few years, had done
|
|
so much mischief, by murdering so many of his own people? Let us
|
|
view one of the worst and blackest of them, Nero. He put to death a
|
|
few of his courtiers, placemen, and pensioners, and among the rest
|
|
his _tutor._ Had George the third done the same, and no more, his
|
|
crime, though detestable, as an act of lawless power, might have been
|
|
as useful to his nation, as that of Nero was hurtful to Rome;
|
|
considering the different characters and merits of the sufferers.
|
|
Nero indeed wished that the people of Rome had but one neck, that he
|
|
might behead them all by one stroke: but this was a simple wish.
|
|
George is carrying the wish as fast as he can into execution; and, by
|
|
continuing in his present course a few years longer, will have
|
|
destroyed more of the British people than Nero could have found
|
|
inhabitants in Rome. Hence, the expression of Milton, in speaking of
|
|
Charles the first, that he was _"Nerone Neronior,"_ is still more
|
|
applicable to George the third. Like Nero and all other tyrants,
|
|
while they lived, he indeed has his flatterers, his addressers, his
|
|
applauders. Pensions, places, and hopes of preferment, can bribe
|
|
even bishops to approve his conduct: but, when those fulsome,
|
|
purchased addresses and panegyrics are sunk and lost in oblivion or
|
|
contempt, impartial history will step forth, speak honest truth, and
|
|
rank him among public calamities. The only difference will be, that
|
|
plagues, pestilences, and famines are of this world, and arise from
|
|
the nature of things: but voluntary malice, mischief, and murder are
|
|
all from Hell: and this King will, therefore, stand foremost in the
|
|
list of diabolical, bloody, and execrable tyrants. His base-bought
|
|
parliaments too, who sell him their souls, and extort from the people
|
|
the money with which they aid his destructive purposes, as they share
|
|
his guilt, will share his infamy, -- parliaments, who to please him,
|
|
have repeatedly, by different votes year after year, dipped their
|
|
hands in human blood, insomuch that methinks I see it dried and caked
|
|
so thick upon them, that if they could wash it off in the Thames
|
|
which flows under their windows, the whole river would run red to the
|
|
Ocean.
|
|
|
|
One is provoked by enormous wickedness: but one is ashamed and
|
|
humiliated at the view of human baseness. It afflicts me, therefore,
|
|
to see a gentleman of Sir Joseph York's education and talents, for
|
|
the sake of a red riband and a paltry stipend, mean enough to stile
|
|
such a monster _his master_, wear his livery, and hold himself ready
|
|
at his command even to cut the throats of fellow-subjects. This
|
|
makes it impossible for me to end my letter with the civility of a
|
|
compliment, and obliges me to subscribe myself simply,
|
|
JOHN PAUL JONES,
|
|
whom you are pleased to stile a _Pirate._
|
|
|
|
Passy, April, 1782
|
|
|
|
_Articles for a Treaty of Peace with Madame Brillon_
|
|
|
|
Passy, July 27.
|
|
What a difference, my dear Friend, between you and me! -- You
|
|
find my Faults so many as to be innumerable, while I can see but one
|
|
in you; and perhaps that is the Fault of my Spectacles. -- The Fault
|
|
I mean is that kind of Covetousness, by which you would engross all
|
|
my Affection, and permit me none for the other amiable Ladies of your
|
|
Country. You seem to imagine that it cannot be divided without being
|
|
diminish'd: In which you mistake the nature of the Thing and forget
|
|
the Situation in which you have plac'd and hold me. You renounce and
|
|
exclude arbitrarily every thing corporal from our Amour, except such
|
|
a merely civil Embrace now and then as you would permit to a country
|
|
Cousin, -- what is there then remaining that I may not afford to
|
|
others without a Diminution of what belongs to you? The Operations
|
|
of the Mind, Esteem, Admiration, Respect, & even Affection for one
|
|
Object, may be multiply'd as more Objects that merit them present
|
|
themselves, and yet remain the same to the first, which therefore has
|
|
no room to complain of Injury. They are in their Nature as divisible
|
|
as the sweet Sounds of the Forte Piano produc'd by your exquisite
|
|
Skill: Twenty People may receive the same Pleasure from them, without
|
|
lessening that which you kindly intend for me; and I might as
|
|
reasonably require of your Friendship, that they should reach and
|
|
delight no Ears but mine.
|
|
|
|
You see by this time how unjust you are in your Demands, and in
|
|
the open War you declare against me if I do not comply with them.
|
|
Indeed it is I that have the most Reason to complain. My poor little
|
|
Boy, whom you ought methinks to have cherish'd, instead of being fat
|
|
and Jolly like those in your elegant Drawings, is meagre and starv'd
|
|
almost to death for want of the substantial Nourishment which you his
|
|
Mother inhumanly deny him, and yet would now clip his little Wings to
|
|
prevent his seeking it elsewhere! --
|
|
|
|
I fancy we shall neither of us get any thing by this War, and
|
|
therefore as feeling my self the Weakest, I will do what indeed ought
|
|
always to be done by the Wisest, be first in making the Propositions
|
|
for Peace. That a Peace may be lasting, the Articles of the Treaty
|
|
should be regulated upon the Principles of the most perfect Equity &
|
|
Reciprocity. In this View I have drawn up & offer the following,
|
|
viz. --
|
|
|
|
ARTICLE 1.
|
|
There shall be eternal Peace, Friendship & Love, between Madame
|
|
B. and Mr F.
|
|
|
|
|
|
ARTICLE 2.
|
|
In order to maintain the same inviolably, Made B. on her Part
|
|
stipulates and agrees, that Mr F. shall come to her whenever she
|
|
sends for him.
|
|
|
|
ART. 3.
|
|
That he shall stay with her as long as she pleases.
|
|
|
|
ART. 4.
|
|
That when he is with her, he shall be oblig'd to drink Tea,
|
|
play Chess, hear Musick; or do any other thing that she requires of
|
|
him.
|
|
|
|
ART. 5.
|
|
And that he shall love no other Woman but herself.
|
|
|
|
ART. 6.
|
|
And the said Mr F. on his part stipulates and agrees, that he
|
|
will go away from M. B.'s whenever he pleases.
|
|
|
|
ART. 7.
|
|
That he will stay away as long as he pleases.
|
|
|
|
ART. 8.
|
|
That when he is with her, he will do what he pleases.
|
|
|
|
ART. 9.
|
|
And that he will love any other Woman as far as he finds her amiable.
|
|
|
|
Let me know what you think of these Preliminaries. To me they
|
|
seem to express the true Meaning and Intention of each Party more
|
|
plainly than most Treaties. -- I shall insist pretty strongly on the
|
|
eighth Article, tho' without much Hope of your Consent to it; and on
|
|
the ninth also, tho I despair of ever finding any other Woman that I
|
|
could love with equal Tenderness: being ever, my dear dear Friend,
|
|
Yours most sincerely
|
|
|
|
1782
|
|
|
|
_Apologue_
|
|
|
|
Lion, king of a certain forest, had among his subjects a
|
|
body of faithful dogs, in principle and affection strongly attached
|
|
to his person and government, but through whose assistance he had
|
|
extended his dominions, and had become the terror of his enemies.
|
|
|
|
Lion, however, influenced by evil counsellors, took an aversion
|
|
to the dogs, condemned them unheard, and ordered his tigers,
|
|
leopards, and panthers to attack and destroy them.
|
|
|
|
The dogs petitioned humbly, but their petitions were rejected
|
|
haughtily; and they were forced to defend themselves, which they did
|
|
with bravery.
|
|
|
|
A few among them, of a mongrel race, derived from a mixture
|
|
with wolves and foxes, corrupted by royal promises of great rewards,
|
|
deserted the honest dogs and joined their enemies.
|
|
|
|
The dogs were finally victorious: a treaty of peace was made,
|
|
in which Lion acknowledged them to be free, and disclaimed all future
|
|
authority over them.
|
|
|
|
The mongrels not being permitted to return among them, claimed
|
|
of the royalists the reward that had been promised.
|
|
|
|
A council of the beasts was held to consider their demand.
|
|
|
|
The wolves and the foxes agreed unanimously that the demand was
|
|
just, that royal promises ought to be kept, and that every loyal
|
|
subject should contribute freely to enable his majesty to fulfil
|
|
them.
|
|
|
|
The horse alone, with a boldness and freedom that became the
|
|
nobleness of his nature, delivered a contrary opinion.
|
|
|
|
"The King," said he, "has been misled, by bad ministers, to war
|
|
unjustly upon his faithful subjects. Royal promises, when made to
|
|
encourage us to act for the public good, should indeed be honourably
|
|
acquitted; but if to encourage us to betray and destroy each other,
|
|
they are wicked and void from the beginning. The advisers of such
|
|
promises, and those who murdered in consequence of them, instead of
|
|
being recompensed, should be severely punished. Consider how greatly
|
|
our common strength is already diminished by our loss of the dogs.
|
|
If you enable the King to reward those fratricides, you will
|
|
establish a precedent that may justify a future tyrant to make like
|
|
promises; and every example of such an unnatural brute rewarded will
|
|
give them additional weight. Horses and bulls, as well as dogs, may
|
|
thus be divided against their own kind, and civil wars produced at
|
|
pleasure, till we are so weakened that neither liberty nor safety is
|
|
any longer to be found in the forest, and nothing remains but abject
|
|
submission to the will of a despot, who may devour us as he pleases."
|
|
|
|
The council had sense enough to resolve -- that the demand be
|
|
rejected.
|
|
|
|
c. November, 1782
|
|
|
|
_Remarks Concerning the Savages of North-America_
|
|
|
|
Savages we call them, because their manners differ from ours,
|
|
which we think the Perfection of Civility; they think the same of
|
|
theirs.
|
|
|
|
Perhaps if we could examine the manners of different Nations
|
|
with Impartiality, we should find no People so rude as to be without
|
|
any Rules of Politeness; nor any so polite as not to have some
|
|
remains of Rudeness.
|
|
|
|
The Indian Men, when young, are Hunters and Warriors; when old,
|
|
Counsellors; for all their Government is by the Counsel or Advice of
|
|
the Sages; there is no Force, there are no Prisons, no Officers to
|
|
compel Obedience, or inflict Punishment. Hence they generally study
|
|
Oratory; the best Speaker having the most Influence. The Indian
|
|
Women till the Ground, dress the Food, nurse and bring up the
|
|
Children, and preserve and hand down to Posterity the Memory of
|
|
Public Transactions. These Employments of Men and Women are
|
|
accounted natural and honorable. Having few Artificial Wants, they
|
|
have abundance of Leisure for Improvement by Conversation. Our
|
|
laborious manner of Life compared with theirs, they esteem slavish
|
|
and base; and the Learning on which we value ourselves; they regard
|
|
as frivolous and useless. An Instance of this occurred at the Treaty
|
|
of Lancaster in Pennsylvania, Anno 1744, between the Government of
|
|
Virginia & the Six Nations. After the principal Business was
|
|
settled, the Commissioners from Virginia acquainted the Indians by a
|
|
Speech, that there was at Williamsburg a College with a Fund for
|
|
Educating Indian Youth, and that if the Chiefs of the Six-Nations
|
|
would send down half a dozen of their Sons to that College, the
|
|
Government would take Care that they should be well provided for, and
|
|
instructed in all the Learning of the white People. It is one of the
|
|
Indian Rules of Politeness not to answer a public Proposition the
|
|
same day that it is made; they think it would be treating it as a
|
|
light Matter; and that they show it Respect by taking time to
|
|
consider it, as of a Matter important. They therefore deferred their
|
|
Answer till the day following; when their Speaker began by expressing
|
|
their deep Sense of the Kindness of the Virginia Government, in
|
|
making them that Offer; for we know, says he, that you highly esteem
|
|
the kind of Learning taught in those Colleges, and that the
|
|
Maintenance of our Young Men while with you, would be very expensive
|
|
to you. We are convinced therefore that you mean to do us good by
|
|
your Proposal, and we thank you heartily. But you who are wise must
|
|
know, that different Nations have different Conceptions of things;
|
|
and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our Ideas of this Kind
|
|
of Education happen not to be the same with yours. We have had some
|
|
Experience of it: Several of our Young People were formerly brought
|
|
up at the Colleges of the Northern Provinces; they were instructed in
|
|
all your Sciences; but when they came back to us, they were bad
|
|
Runners, ignorant of every means of living in the Woods, unable to
|
|
bear either Cold or Hunger, knew neither how to build a Cabin, take a
|
|
Deer, or kill an Enemy, spoke our Language imperfectly; were
|
|
therefore neither fit for Hunters, Warriors, or Counsellors; they
|
|
were totally good for nothing. We are however not the less obliged
|
|
by your kind Offer, tho' we decline accepting it; and to show our
|
|
grateful Sense of it, if the Gentlemen of Virginia will send us a
|
|
dozen of their Sons, we will take great Care of their Education,
|
|
instruct them in all we know, and make _Men_ of them.
|
|
|
|
Having frequent Occasions to hold public Councils, they have
|
|
acquired great Order and Decency in conducting them. The old Men sit
|
|
in the foremost Ranks, the Warriors in the next, and the Women and
|
|
Children in the hindmost. The Business of the Women is to take exact
|
|
notice of what passes, imprint it in their Memories, for they have no
|
|
Writing, and communicate it to their Children. They are the Records
|
|
of the Council, and they preserve Tradition of the Stipulations in
|
|
Treaties a hundred Years back, which when we compare with our
|
|
Writings we always find exact. He that would speak, rises. The rest
|
|
observe a profound Silence. When he has finished and sits down, they
|
|
leave him five or six Minutes to recollect, that if he has omitted
|
|
any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may rise
|
|
again and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common
|
|
Conversation, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is
|
|
from the Conduct of a polite British House of Commons, where scarce a
|
|
Day passes without some Confusion that makes the Speaker hoarse in
|
|
calling _to order_; and how different from the mode of Conversation
|
|
in many polite Companies of Europe, where if you do not deliver your
|
|
Sentence with great Rapidity, you are cut off in the middle of it by
|
|
the impatient Loquacity of those you converse with, & never suffer'd
|
|
to finish it.
|
|
|
|
The Politeness of these Savages in Conversation is indeed
|
|
carried to excess, since it does not permit them to contradict, or
|
|
deny the Truth of what is asserted in their Presence. By this means
|
|
they indeed avoid Disputes, but then it becomes difficult to know
|
|
their Minds, or what Impression you make upon them. The Missionaries
|
|
who have attempted to convert them to Christianity, all complain of
|
|
this as one of the great Difficulties of their Mission. The Indians
|
|
hear with Patience the Truths of the Gospel explained to them, and
|
|
give their usual Tokens of Assent and Approbation: you would think
|
|
they were convinced. No such Matter. It is mere Civility.
|
|
|
|
A Suedish Minister having assembled the Chiefs of the
|
|
Sasquehanah Indians, made a Sermon to them, acquainting them with the
|
|
principal historical Facts on which our Religion is founded, such as
|
|
the Fall of our first Parents by Eating an Apple, the Coming of
|
|
Christ to repair the Mischief, his Miracles and Suffering, &c. When
|
|
he had finished, an Indian Orator stood up to thank him. What you
|
|
have told us, says he, is all very good. It is indeed bad to eat
|
|
Apples. It is better to make them all into Cyder. We are much
|
|
obliged by your Kindness in coming so far to tell us those things
|
|
which you have heard from your Mothers. In Return I will tell you
|
|
some of those we have heard from ours.
|
|
|
|
In the Beginning our Fathers had only the Flesh of Animals to
|
|
subsist on, and if their Hunting was unsuccessful, they were
|
|
starving. Two of our young Hunters having killed a Deer, made a Fire
|
|
in the Woods to broil some Parts of it. When they were about to
|
|
satisfy their Hunger, they beheld a beautiful young Woman descend
|
|
from the Clouds, and seat herself on that Hill which you see yonder
|
|
among the blue Mountains. They said to each other, it is a Spirit
|
|
that perhaps has smelt our broiling Venison, & wishes to eat of it:
|
|
let us offer some to her. They presented her with the Tongue: She
|
|
was pleased with the Taste of it, & said, your Kindness shall be
|
|
rewarded. Come to this Place after thirteen Moons, and you shall
|
|
find something that will be of great Benefit in nourishing you and
|
|
your Children to the latest Generations. They did so, and to their
|
|
Surprise found Plants they had never seen before, but which from that
|
|
ancient time have been constantly cultivated among us to our great
|
|
Advantage. Where her right Hand had touch'd the Ground, they found
|
|
Maize; where her left Hand had touch'd it, they found Kidney-beans;
|
|
and where her Backside had sat on it, they found Tobacco. The good
|
|
Missionary, disgusted with this idle Tale, said, what I delivered to
|
|
you were sacred Truths; but what you tell me is mere Fable, Fiction &
|
|
Falsehood. The Indian offended, reply'd, my Brother, it seems your
|
|
Friends have not done you Justice in your Education; they have not
|
|
well instructed you in the Rules of common Civility. You saw that we
|
|
who understand and practise those Rules, believed all your Stories;
|
|
why do you refuse to believe ours?
|
|
|
|
When any of them come into our Towns, our People are apt to
|
|
croud round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they
|
|
desire to be private; this they esteem great Rudeness, and the Effect
|
|
of want of Instruction in the Rules of Civility and good Manners. We
|
|
have, say they, as much Curiosity as you, and when you come into our
|
|
Towns we wish for Opportunities of looking at you; but for this
|
|
purpose we hide ourselves behind Bushes where you are to pass, and
|
|
never intrude ourselves into your Company.
|
|
|
|
Their Manner of entring one anothers Villages has likewise its
|
|
Rules. It is reckon'd uncivil in travelling Strangers to enter a
|
|
Village abruptly, without giving Notice of their Approach. Therefore
|
|
as soon as they arrive within hearing, they stop and hollow,
|
|
remaining there till invited to enter. Two old Men usually come out
|
|
to them, and lead them in. There is in every Village a vacant
|
|
Dwelling, called the Strangers House. Here they are placed, while
|
|
the old Men go round from Hut to Hut acquainting the Inhabitants that
|
|
Strangers are arrived, who are probably hungry and weary; and every
|
|
one sends them what he can spare of Victuals and Skins to repose on.
|
|
When the Strangers are refresh'd, Pipes & Tobacco are brought; and
|
|
then, but not before, Conversation begins, with Enquiries who they
|
|
are, whither bound, what News, &c. and it usually ends with Offers of
|
|
Service, if the Strangers have Occasion of Guides or any Necessaries
|
|
for continuing their Journey; and nothing is exacted for the
|
|
Entertainment.
|
|
|
|
The same Hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal
|
|
Virtue, is practised by private Persons; of which _Conrad Weiser_,
|
|
our Interpreter, gave me the following Instance. He had been
|
|
naturaliz'd among the Six-Nations, and spoke well the Mohock
|
|
Language. In going thro' the Indian Country, to carry a Message from
|
|
our Governor to the Council at _Onondaga_, he called at the
|
|
Habitation of _Canassetego_, an old Acquaintance, who embraced him,
|
|
spread Furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled Beans
|
|
and Venison, and mixed some Rum and Water for his Drink. When he was
|
|
well refresh'd, and had lit his Pipe, Canassetego began to converse
|
|
with him, ask'd how he had fared the many Years since they had seen
|
|
each other, whence he then came, what occasioned the Journey, &c. &c.
|
|
Conrad answered all his Questions; and when the Discourse began to
|
|
flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, Conrad, you have liv'd long
|
|
among the white People, and know something of their Customs; I have
|
|
been sometimes at Albany, and have observed that once in seven Days,
|
|
they shut up their Shops and assemble all in the great House; tell
|
|
me, what it is for? what do they do there? They meet there, says
|
|
Conrad, to hear & learn _good things._ I do not doubt, says the
|
|
Indian, that they tell you so; they have told me the same; but I
|
|
doubt the Truth of what they say, & I will tell you my Reasons. I
|
|
went lately to Albany to sell my Skins, & buy Blankets, Knives,
|
|
Powder, Rum, &c. You know I used generally to deal with Hans Hanson;
|
|
but I was a little inclined this time to try some other Merchants.
|
|
However I called first upon Hans, and ask'd him what he would give
|
|
for Beaver; He said he could not give more than four Shillings a
|
|
Pound; but, says he, I cannot talk on Business now; this is the Day
|
|
when we meet together to learn _good things_, and I am going to the
|
|
Meeting. So I thought to myself since I cannot do any Business to
|
|
day, I may as well go to the Meeting too; and I went with him. There
|
|
stood up a Man in black, and began to talk to the People very
|
|
angrily. I did not understand what he said; but perceiving that he
|
|
looked much at me, & at Hanson, I imagined he was angry at seeing me
|
|
there; so I went out, sat down near the House, struck Fire & lit my
|
|
Pipe; waiting till the Meeting should break up. I thought too, that
|
|
the Man had mentioned something of Beaver, and I suspected it might
|
|
be the Subject of their Meeting. So when they came out I accosted
|
|
any Merchant; well Hans, says I, I hope you have agreed to give more
|
|
than four Shillings a Pound. No, says he, I cannot give so much. I
|
|
cannot give more than three Shillings and six Pence. I then spoke to
|
|
several other Dealers, but they all sung the same Song, three & six
|
|
Pence, three & six Pence. This made it clear to me that my Suspicion
|
|
was right; and that whatever they pretended of Meeting to learn _good
|
|
things_, the real Purpose was to consult, how to cheat Indians in the
|
|
Price of Beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of
|
|
my Opinion. If they met so often to learn _good things_, they would
|
|
certainly have learnt some before this time. But they are still
|
|
ignorant. You know our Practice. If a white Man in travelling thro'
|
|
our Country, enters one of our Cabins, we all treat him as I treat
|
|
you; we dry him if he is wet, we warm him if he is cold, and give him
|
|
Meat & Drink that he may allay his Thirst and Hunger, & we spread
|
|
soft Furs for him to rest & sleep on: We demand nothing in return (*
|
|
1). But if I go into a white Man's House at Albany, and ask for
|
|
Victuals & Drink, they say, where is your Money? and if I have none,
|
|
they say, get out, you Indian Dog. You see they have not yet learnt
|
|
those little _good things_, that we need no Meetings to be instructed
|
|
in, because our Mothers taught them to us when we were Children. And
|
|
therefore it is impossible their Meetings should be as they say for
|
|
any such purpose, or have any such Effect; they are only to contrive
|
|
_the Cheating of Indians in the Price of Beaver._
|
|
|
|
(* 1) _It is remarkable that in all Ages and Countries,
|
|
Hospitality has been allowed as the Virtue of those, whom the
|
|
civiliz'd were pleased to call Barbarians; the Greeks celebrated the
|
|
Scythians for it. The Saracens possess'd it eminently; and it is to
|
|
this day the reigning Virtue of the wild Arabs. S. Paul too, in the
|
|
Relation of his Voyage & Shipwreck, on the Island of Melita, says,_
|
|
The Barbarous People shew'd us no little Kindness; for they kindled a
|
|
Fire, and received us every one, because of the present Rain &
|
|
because of the Cold.
|
|
|
|
Passy, 1783
|
|
|
|
_Information to Those Who Would Remove to America_
|
|
|
|
Many Persons in Europe having directly or by Letters, express'd
|
|
to the Writer of this, who is well acquainted with North-America,
|
|
their Desire of transporting and establishing themselves in that
|
|
Country; but who appear to him to have formed thro' Ignorance,
|
|
mistaken Ideas & Expectations of what is to be obtained there; he
|
|
thinks it may be useful, and prevent inconvenient, expensive &
|
|
fruitless Removals and Voyages of improper Persons, if he gives some
|
|
clearer & truer Notions of that Part of the World than appear to have
|
|
hitherto prevailed.
|
|
|
|
He finds it is imagined by Numbers that the Inhabitants of
|
|
North-America are rich, capable of rewarding, and dispos'd to reward
|
|
all sorts of Ingenuity; that they are at the same time ignorant of
|
|
all the Sciences; & consequently that strangers possessing Talents in
|
|
the Belles-Letters, fine Arts, &c. must be highly esteemed, and so
|
|
well paid as to become easily rich themselves; that there are also
|
|
abundance of profitable Offices to be disposed of, which the Natives
|
|
are not qualified to fill; and that having few Persons of Family
|
|
among them, Strangers of Birth must be greatly respected, and of
|
|
course easily obtain the best of those Offices, which will make all
|
|
their Fortunes: that the Goverments too, to encourage Emigrations
|
|
from Europe, not only pay the expence of personal Transportation, but
|
|
give Lands gratis to Strangers, with Negroes to work for them,
|
|
Utensils of Husbandry, & Stocks of Cattle. These are all wild
|
|
Imaginations; and those who go to America with Expectations founded
|
|
upon them, will surely find themselves disappointed.
|
|
|
|
The Truth is, that tho' there are in that Country few People so
|
|
miserable as the Poor of Europe, there are also very few that in
|
|
Europe would be called rich: it is rather a general happy Mediocrity
|
|
that prevails. There are few great Proprietors of the Soil, and few
|
|
Tenants; most People cultivate their own Lands, or follow some
|
|
Handicraft or Merchandise; very few rich enough to live idly upon
|
|
their Rents or Incomes; or to pay the high Prices given in Europe,
|
|
for Paintings, Statues, Architecture and the other Works of Art that
|
|
are more curious than useful. Hence the natural Geniuses that have
|
|
arisen in America, with such Talents, have uniformly quitted that
|
|
Country for Europe, where they can be more suitably rewarded. It is
|
|
true that Letters and mathematical Knowledge are in Esteem there, but
|
|
they are at the same time more common than is apprehended; there
|
|
being already existing nine Colleges or Universities, viz. four in
|
|
New-England, and one in each of the Provinces of New-York,
|
|
New-Jersey, Pensilvania, Maryland and Virginia, all furnish'd with
|
|
learned Professors; besides a number of smaller Academies: These
|
|
educate many of their Youth in the Languages and those Sciences that
|
|
qualify Men for the Professions of Divinity, Law or Physick.
|
|
Strangers indeed are by no means excluded from exercising those
|
|
Professions, and the quick Increase of Inhabitants every where gives
|
|
them a Chance of Employ, which they have in common with the Natives.
|
|
Of civil Offices or Employments there are few; no superfluous Ones as
|
|
in Europe; and it is a Rule establish'd in some of the States, that
|
|
no Office should be so profitable as to make it desirable. The 36
|
|
Article of the Constitution of Pensilvania, runs expresly in these
|
|
Words: _As every Freeman, to preserve his Independance,_ (_if he has
|
|
not a sufficient Estate_) _ought to have some Profession, Calling,
|
|
Trade or Farm, whereby he may honestly subsist, there can be no
|
|
Necessity for, nor Use in, establishing Offices of Profit; the usual
|
|
Effects of which are Dependance and Servility, unbecoming Freemen, in
|
|
the Possessors and Expectants; Faction, Contention, Corruption, and
|
|
Disorder among the People. Wherefore whenever an Office, thro'
|
|
Increase of Fees or otherwise, becomes so profitable as to occasion
|
|
many to apply for it, the Profits ought to be lessened by the
|
|
Legislature._
|
|
|
|
These Ideas prevailing more or less in all the United States,
|
|
it cannot be worth any Man's while, who has a means of Living at
|
|
home, to expatriate himself in hopes of obtaining a profitable civil
|
|
Office in America; and as to military Offices, they are at an End
|
|
with the War; the Armies being disbanded. Much less is it adviseable
|
|
for a Person to go thither who has no other Quality to recommend him
|
|
but his Birth. In Europe it has indeed its Value, but it is a
|
|
Commodity that cannot be carried to a worse Market than to that of
|
|
America, where People do not enquire concerning a Stranger, _What IS
|
|
he?_ but _What can he DO?_ If he has any useful Art, he is welcome;
|
|
and if he exercises it and behaves well, he will be respected by all
|
|
that know him; but a mere Man of Quality, who on that Account wants
|
|
to live upon the Public, by some Office or Salary, will be despis'd
|
|
and disregarded. The Husbandman is in honor there, & even the
|
|
Mechanic, because their Employments are useful. The People have a
|
|
Saying, that God Almighty is himself a Mechanic, the greatest in the
|
|
Universe; and he is respected and admired more for the Variety,
|
|
Ingenuity and Utility of his Handiworks, than for the Antiquity of
|
|
his Family. They are pleas'd with the Observation of a Negro, and
|
|
frequently mention it, that _Boccarorra_ (meaning the Whiteman) make
|
|
de Blackman workee, make de Horse workee, make de Ox workee, make
|
|
ebery ting workee; only de Hog. He de Hog, no workee; he eat, he
|
|
drink, he walk about, he go to sleep when he please, _he libb like a
|
|
Gentleman._ According to these Opinions of the Americans, one of them
|
|
would think himself more oblig'd to a Genealogist, who could prove
|
|
for him that his Ancestors & Relations for ten Generations had been
|
|
Ploughmen, Smiths, Carpenters, Turners, Weavers, Tanners, or even
|
|
Shoemakers, & consequently that they were useful Members of Society;
|
|
than if he could only prove that they were Gentlemen, doing nothing
|
|
of Value, but living idly on the Labour of others, mere _fruges
|
|
consumere nati_ (* 1), and otherwise _good_
|
|
for _nothing_, till by their Death, their Estates like the Carcase of
|
|
the Negro's Gentleman-Hog, come to be _cut up._
|
|
|
|
(* 1) _There are a Number of us born Merely to eat up the Corn._
|
|
WATTS.
|
|
|
|
With Regard to Encouragements for Strangers from Government,
|
|
they are really only what are derived from good Laws & Liberty.
|
|
Strangers are welcome because there is room enough for them all, and
|
|
therefore the old Inhabitants are not jealous of them; the Laws
|
|
protect them sufficiently, so that they have no need of the Patronage
|
|
of great Men; and every one will enjoy securely the Profits of his
|
|
Industry. But if he does not bring a Fortune with him, he must work
|
|
and be industrious to live. One or two Years Residence give him all
|
|
the Rights of a Citizen; but the Government does not at present,
|
|
whatever it may have done in former times, hire People to become
|
|
Settlers, by Paying their Passages, giving Land, Negroes, Utensils,
|
|
Stock, or any other kind of Emolument whatsoever. In short America
|
|
is the Land of Labour, and by no means what the English call
|
|
_Lubberland_, and the French _Pays de Cocagne_, where the Streets are
|
|
said to be pav'd with half-peck Loaves, the Houses til'd with
|
|
Pancakes, and where the Fowls fly about ready roasted, crying, _Come
|
|
eat me!_
|
|
|
|
Who then are the kind of Persons to whom an Emigration to
|
|
America may be advantageous? and what are the Advantages they may
|
|
reasonably expect?
|
|
|
|
Land being cheap in that Country, from the vast Forests still
|
|
void of Inhabitants, and not likely to be occupied in an Age to come,
|
|
insomuch that the Propriety of an hundred Acres of fertile Soil full
|
|
of Wood may be obtained near the Frontiers in many Places for eight
|
|
or ten Guineas, hearty young Labouring Men, who understand the
|
|
Husbandry of Corn and Cattle, which is nearly the same in that
|
|
Country as in Europe, may easily establish themselves there. A
|
|
little Money sav'd of the good Wages they receive there while they
|
|
work for others, enables them to buy the Land and begin their
|
|
Plantation, in which they are assisted by the Good Will of their
|
|
Neighbours and some Credit. Multitudes of poor People from England,
|
|
Ireland, Scotland and Germany, have by this means in a few Years
|
|
become wealthy Farmers, who in their own Countries, where all the
|
|
Lands are fully occupied, and the Wages of Labour low, could never
|
|
have emerged from the mean Condition wherein they were born.
|
|
|
|
From the Salubrity of the Air, the Healthiness of the Climate,
|
|
the Plenty of good Provisions, and the Encouragement to early
|
|
Marriages, by the certainty of Subsistance in cultivating the Earth,
|
|
the Increase of Inhabitants by natural Generation is very rapid in
|
|
America, and becomes still more so by the Accession of Strangers;
|
|
hence there is a continual Demand for more Artisans of all the
|
|
necessary and useful kinds, to supply those Cultivators of the Earth
|
|
with Houses, and with Furniture & Utensils of the grosser Sorts which
|
|
cannot so well be brought from Europe. Tolerably good Workmen in any
|
|
of those mechanic Arts, are sure to find Employ, and to be well paid
|
|
for their Work, there being no Restraints preventing Strangers from
|
|
exercising any Art they understand, nor any Permission necessary. If
|
|
they are poor, they begin first as Servants or Journeymen; and if
|
|
they are sober, industrious & frugal, they soon become Masters,
|
|
establish themselves in Business, marry, raise Families, and become
|
|
respectable Citizens.
|
|
|
|
Also, Persons of moderate Fortunes and Capitals, who having a
|
|
Number of Children to provide for, are desirous of bringing them up
|
|
to Industry, and to secure Estates for their Posterity, have
|
|
Opportunities of doing it in America, which Europe does not afford.
|
|
There they may be taught & practice profitable mechanic Arts, without
|
|
incurring Disgrace on that Account; but on the contrary acquiring
|
|
Respect by such Abilities. There small Capitals laid out in Lands,
|
|
which daily become more valuable by the Increase of People, afford a
|
|
solid Prospect of ample Fortunes thereafter for those Children. The
|
|
Writer of this has known several Instances of large Tracts of Land,
|
|
bought on what was then the Frontier of Pensilvania, for ten Pounds
|
|
per hundred Acres, which, after twenty Years, when the Settlements
|
|
had been extended far beyond them, sold readily, without any
|
|
Improvement made upon them, for three Pounds per Acre. The Acre in
|
|
America is the same with the English Acre or the Acre of Normandy.
|
|
|
|
Those who desire to understand the State of Government in
|
|
America, would do well to read the Constitutions of the several
|
|
States, and the Articles of Confederation that bind the whole
|
|
together for general Purposes under the Direction of one Assembly
|
|
called the Congress. These Constitutions have been printed by Order
|
|
of Congress in America; two Editions of them have also been printed
|
|
in London, and a good Translation of them into French has lately been
|
|
published at Paris.
|
|
|
|
Several of the Princes of Europe having of late Years, from an
|
|
Opinion of Advantage to arise by producing all Commodities &
|
|
Manufactures within their own Dominions, so as to diminish or render
|
|
useless their Importations, have endeavoured to entice Workmen from
|
|
other Countries, by high Salaries, Privileges, &c. Many Persons
|
|
pretending to be skilled in various great Manufactures, imagining
|
|
that America must be in Want of them, and that the Congress would
|
|
probably be dispos'd to imitate the Princes above mentioned, have
|
|
proposed to go over, on Condition of having their Passages paid,
|
|
Lands given, Salaries appointed, exclusive Privileges for Terms of
|
|
Years, &c. Such Persons on reading the Articles of Confederation
|
|
will find that the Congress have no Power committed to them, or Money
|
|
put into their Hands, for such purposes; and that if any such
|
|
Encouragement is given, it must be by the Government of some separate
|
|
State. This however has rarely been done in America; and when it has
|
|
been done it has rarely succeeded, so as to establish a Manufacture
|
|
which the Country was not yet so ripe for as to encourage private
|
|
Persons to set it up; Labour being generally too dear there, & Hands
|
|
difficult to be kept together, every one desiring to be a Master, and
|
|
the Cheapness of Land enclining many to leave Trades for Agriculture.
|
|
Some indeed have met with Success, and are carried on to Advantage;
|
|
but they are generally such as require only a few Hands, or wherein
|
|
great Part of the Work is perform'd by Machines. Goods that are
|
|
bulky, & of so small Value as not well to bear the Expence of
|
|
Freight, may often be made cheaper in the Country than they can be
|
|
imported; and the Manufacture of such Goods will be profitable
|
|
wherever there is a sufficient Demand. The Farmers in America
|
|
produce indeed a good deal of Wool & Flax; and none is exported, it
|
|
is all work'd up; but it is in the Way of Domestic Manufacture for
|
|
the Use of the Family. The buying up Quantities of Wool & Flax with
|
|
the Design to employ Spinners, Weavers, &c. and form great
|
|
Establishments, producing Quantities of Linen and Woollen Goods for
|
|
Sale, has been several times attempted in different Provinces; but
|
|
those Projects have generally failed, Goods of equal Value being
|
|
imported cheaper. And when the Governments have been solicited to
|
|
support such Schemes by Encouragements, in Money, or by imposing
|
|
Duties on Importation of such Goods, it has been generally refused,
|
|
on this Principle, that if the Country is ripe for the Manufacture,
|
|
it may be carried on by private Persons to Advantage; and if not, it
|
|
is a Folly to think of forceing Nature. Great Establishments of
|
|
Manufacture, require great Numbers of Poor to do the Work for small
|
|
Wages; these Poor are to be found in Europe, but will not be found in
|
|
America, till the Lands are all taken up and cultivated, and the
|
|
excess of People who cannot get Land, want Employment. The
|
|
Manufacture of Silk, they say, is natural in France, as that of Cloth
|
|
in England, because each Country produces in Plenty the first
|
|
Material: But if England will have a Manufacture of Silk as well as
|
|
that of Cloth, and France one of Cloth as well as that of Silk, these
|
|
unnatural Operations must be supported by mutual Prohibitions or high
|
|
Duties on the Importation of each others Goods, by which means the
|
|
Workmen are enabled to tax the home-Consumer by greater Prices, while
|
|
the higher Wages they receive makes them neither happier nor richer,
|
|
since they only drink more and work less. Therefore the Governments
|
|
in America do nothing to encourage such Projects. The People by this
|
|
Means are not impos'd on, either by the Merchant or Mechanic; if the
|
|
Merchant demands too much Profit on imported Shoes, they buy of the
|
|
Shoemaker: and if he asks too high a Price, they take them of the
|
|
Merchant: thus the two Professions are Checks on each other. The
|
|
Shoemaker however has on the whole a considerable Profit upon his
|
|
Labour in America, beyond what he had in Europe, as he can add to his
|
|
Price a Sum nearly equal to all the Expences of Freight & Commission,
|
|
Risque or Insurance, &c. necessarily charged by the Merchant. And
|
|
the Case is the same with the Workmen in every other Mechanic Art.
|
|
Hence it is that Artisans generally live better and more easily in
|
|
America than in Europe, and such as are good ;oEconomists make a
|
|
comfortable Provision for Age, & for their Children. Such may
|
|
therefore remove with Advantage to America.
|
|
|
|
In the old longsettled Countries of Europe, all Arts, Trades,
|
|
Professions, Farms, &c. are so full that it is difficult for a poor
|
|
Man who has Children, to place them where they may gain, or learn to
|
|
gain a decent Livelihood. The Artisans, who fear creating future
|
|
Rivals in Business, refuse to take Apprentices, but upon Conditions
|
|
of Money, Maintenance or the like, which the Parents are unable to
|
|
comply with. Hence the Youth are dragg'd up in Ignorance of every
|
|
gainful Art, and oblig'd to become Soldiers or Servants or Thieves,
|
|
for a Subsistance. In America the rapid Increase of Inhabitants
|
|
takes away that Fear of Rivalship, & Artisans willingly receive
|
|
Apprentices from the hope of Profit by their Labour during the
|
|
Remainder of the Time stipulated after they shall be instructed.
|
|
Hence it is easy for poor Families to get their Children instructed;
|
|
for the Artisans are so desirous of Apprentices, that many of them
|
|
will even give Money to the Parents to have Boys from ten to fifteen
|
|
Years of Age bound Apprentices to them till the Age of twenty one;
|
|
and many poor Parents have by that means, on their Arrival in the
|
|
Country, raised Money enough to buy Land sufficient to establish
|
|
themselves, and to subsist the rest of their Family by Agriculture.
|
|
These Contracts for Apprentices are made before a Magistrate, who
|
|
regulates the Agreement according to Reason and Justice; and having
|
|
in view the Formation of a future useful Citizen, obliges the Master
|
|
to engage by a written Indenture, not only that during the time of
|
|
Service stipulated, the Apprentice shall be duly provided with Meat,
|
|
Drink, Apparel, washing & Lodging, and at its Expiration with a
|
|
compleat new suit of Clothes, but also that he shall be taught to
|
|
read, write & cast Accompts, & that he shall be well instructed in
|
|
the Art or Profession of his Master, or some other, by which he may
|
|
afterwards gain a Livelihood, and be able in his turn to raise a
|
|
Family. A Copy of this Indenture is given to the Apprentice or his
|
|
Friends, & the Magistrate keeps a Record of it, to which Recourse may
|
|
be had, in case of Failure by the Master in any Point of Performance.
|
|
This Desire among the Masters to have more Hands employ'd in working
|
|
for them, induces them to pay the Passages of young Persons, of both
|
|
Sexes, who on their Arrival agree to serve them one, two, three or
|
|
four Years; those who have already learnt a Trade agreeing for a
|
|
shorter Term in Proportion to their Skill and the consequent
|
|
immediate Value of their Service; and those who have none, agreeing
|
|
for a longer Term, in Consideration of being taught an Art their
|
|
Poverty would not permit them to acquire in their own Country.
|
|
|
|
The almost general Mediocrity of Fortune that prevails in
|
|
America, obliging its People to follow some Business for Subsistance,
|
|
those Vices that arise usually from Idleness are in a great Measure
|
|
prevented. Industry and constant Employment are great Preservatives
|
|
of the Morals and Virtue of a Nation. Hence bad Examples to Youth
|
|
are more rare in America, which must be a comfortable Consideration
|
|
to Parents. To this may be truly added, that serious Religion under
|
|
its various Denominations, is not only tolerated but respected and
|
|
practised. Atheism is unknown there, Infidelity rare & secret, so
|
|
that Persons may live to a great Age in that Country without having
|
|
their Piety shock'd by meeting with either an Atheist or an Infidel.
|
|
And the Divine Being seems to have manifested his Approbation of the
|
|
mutual Forbearance and Kindness with which the different Sects treat
|
|
each other, by the remarkable Prosperity with which he has been
|
|
pleased to favour the whole Country.
|
|
|
|
Passy, February, 1784
|
|
|
|
_An Economical Project_
|
|
|
|
TO THE AUTHORS OF THE JOURNAL OF PARIS
|
|
|
|
MESSIEURS,
|
|
You often entertain us with accounts of new discoveries.
|
|
Permit me to communicate to the public, through your paper, one that
|
|
has lately been made by myself, and which I conceive may be of great
|
|
utility.
|
|
|
|
I was the other evening in a grand company, where the new lamp
|
|
of Messrs. Quinquet and Lange was introduced, and much admired for
|
|
its splendour; but a general inquiry was made, whether the oil it
|
|
consumed was not in proportion to the light it afforded, in which
|
|
case there would be no saving in the use of it. No one present could
|
|
satisfy us in that point, which all agreed ought to be known, it
|
|
being a very desirable thing to lessen, if possible, the expense of
|
|
lighting our apartments, when every other article of family expense
|
|
was so much augmented.
|
|
|
|
I was pleased to see this general concern for economy, for I
|
|
love economy exceedingly.
|
|
|
|
I went home, and to bed, three or four hours after midnight,
|
|
with my head full of the subject. An accidental sudden noise waked
|
|
me about six in the morning, when I was surprised to find my room
|
|
filled with light; and I imagined at first, that a number of those
|
|
lamps had been brought into it; but, rubbing my eyes, I perceived the
|
|
light came in at the windows. I got up and looked out to see what
|
|
might be the occasion of it, when I saw the sun just rising above the
|
|
horizon, from whence he poured his rays plentifully into my chamber,
|
|
my domestic having negligently omitted, the preceding evening, to
|
|
close the shutters.
|
|
|
|
I looked at my watch, which goes very well, and found that it
|
|
was but six o'clock; and still thinking it something extraordinary
|
|
that the sun should rise so early, I looked into the almanac, where I
|
|
found it to be the hour given for his rising on that day. I looked
|
|
forward, too, and found he was to rise still earlier every day till
|
|
towards the end of June; and that at no time in the year he retarded
|
|
his rising so long as till eight o'clock. Your readers, who with me
|
|
have never seen any signs of sunshine before noon, and seldom regard
|
|
the astronomical part of the almanac, will be as much astonished as I
|
|
was, when they hear of his rising so early; and especially when I
|
|
assure them, _that he gives light as soon as he rises._ I am
|
|
convinced of this. I am certain of my fact. One cannot be more
|
|
certain of any fact. I saw it with my own eyes. And, having
|
|
repeated this observation the three following mornings, I found
|
|
always precisely the same result.
|
|
|
|
Yet it so happens, that when I speak of this discovery to
|
|
others, I can easily perceive by their countenances, though they
|
|
forbear expressing it in words, that they do not quite believe me.
|
|
One, indeed, who is a learned natural philosopher, has assured me
|
|
that I must certainly be mistaken as to the circumstance of the light
|
|
coming into my room; for it being well known, as he says, that there
|
|
could be no light abroad at that hour, it follows that none could
|
|
enter from without; and that of consequence, my windows being
|
|
accidentally left open, instead of letting in the light, had only
|
|
served to let out the darkness; and he used many ingenious arguments
|
|
to show me how I might, by that means, have been deceived. I owned
|
|
that he puzzled me a little, but he did not satisfy me; and the
|
|
subsequent observations I made, as above mentioned, confirmed me in
|
|
my first opinion.
|
|
|
|
This event has given rise in my mind to several serious and
|
|
important reflections. I considered that, if I had not been awakened
|
|
so early in the morning, I should have slept six hours longer by the
|
|
light of the sun, and in exchange have lived six hours the following
|
|
night by candle-light; and, the latter being a much more expensive
|
|
light than the former, my love of economy induced me to muster up
|
|
what little arithmetic I was master of, and to make some
|
|
calculations, which I shall give you, after observing that utility
|
|
is, in my opinion the test of value in matters of invention, and that
|
|
a discovery which can be applied to no use, or is not good for
|
|
something, is good for nothing.
|
|
|
|
I took for the basis of my calculation the supposition that
|
|
there are one hundred thousand families in Paris, and that these
|
|
families consume in the night half a pound of bougies, or candles,
|
|
per hour. I think this is a moderate allowance, taking one family
|
|
with another; for though I believe some consume less, I know that
|
|
many consume a great deal more. Then estimating seven hours per day
|
|
as the medium quantity between the time of the sun's rising and ours,
|
|
he rising during the six following months from six to eight hours
|
|
before noon, and there being seven hours of course per night in which
|
|
we burn candles, the account will stand thus; --
|
|
|
|
In the six months between the 20th of March and the 20th of
|
|
September, there are
|
|
Nights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
|
|
Hours of each night in which we burn
|
|
candles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
|
|
Multiplication gives for the total number of ________
|
|
hours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,281
|
|
These 1,281 hours multiplied by 100,000, the
|
|
number of inhabitants, give . . . . . . . . . 128,100,000
|
|
One hundred twenty-eight millions and one
|
|
hundred thousand hours, spent at Paris by
|
|
candle-light, which, at half a pound of wax
|
|
and tallow per hour, gives the weight of . . . 64,050,000
|
|
Sixty-four millions and fifty thousand of
|
|
pounds, which, estimating the whole at the
|
|
medium price of thirty sols the pound, makes
|
|
the sum of ninety-six millions and
|
|
seventy-five thousand livres tournois . . . . 96,075,000
|
|
|
|
An immense sum! that the city of Paris might save every year,
|
|
by the economy of using sunshine instead of candles.
|
|
|
|
If it should be said, that people are apt to be obstinately
|
|
attached to old customs, and that it will be difficult to induce them
|
|
to rise before noon, consequently my discovery can be of little use;
|
|
I answer, _Nil desperandum._ I believe all who have common sense, as
|
|
soon as they have learnt from this paper that it is daylight when the
|
|
sun rises, will contrive to rise with him; and, to compel the rest, I
|
|
would propose the following regulations;
|
|
|
|
First. Let a tax be laid of a louis per window, on every window
|
|
that is provided with shutters to keep out the light of the sun.
|
|
|
|
Second. Let the same salutary operation of police be made use
|
|
of, to prevent our burning candles, that inclined us last winter to
|
|
be more economical in burning wood; that is, let guards be placed in
|
|
the shops of the wax and tallow chandlers, and no family be permitted
|
|
to be supplied with more than one pound of candles per week.
|
|
|
|
Third. Let guards also be posted to stop all the coaches, &c.
|
|
that would pass the streets after sun-set, except those of
|
|
physicians, surgeons, and midwives.
|
|
|
|
Fourth. Every morning, as soon as the sun rises, let all the
|
|
bells in every church be set ringing; and if that is not sufficient,
|
|
let cannon be fired in every street, to wake the sluggards
|
|
effectually, and make them open their eyes to see their true
|
|
interest.
|
|
|
|
All the difficulty will be in the first two or three days;
|
|
after which the reformation will be as natural and easy as the
|
|
present irregularity; for, _ce n'est que le premier pas qui coute._
|
|
Oblige a man to rise at four in the morning, and it is more than
|
|
probable he will go willingly to bed at eight in the evening; and,
|
|
having had eight hours sleep, he will rise more willingly at four in
|
|
the morning following. But this sum of ninety-six millions and
|
|
seventy-five thousand livres is not the whole of what may be saved by
|
|
my economical project. You may observe, that I have calculated upon
|
|
only one half of the year, and much may be saved in the other, though
|
|
the days are shorter. Besides, the immense stock of wax and tallow
|
|
left unconsumed during the summer, will probably make candles much
|
|
cheaper for the ensuing winter, and continue them cheaper as long as
|
|
the proposed reformation shall be supported.
|
|
|
|
For the great benefit of this discovery, thus freely
|
|
communicated and bestowed by me on the public, I demand neither
|
|
place, pension, exclusive privilege, nor any other reward whatever.
|
|
I expect only to have the honour of it. And yet I know there are
|
|
little, envious minds, who will, as usual, deny me this, and say,
|
|
that my invention was known to the ancients, and perhaps they may
|
|
bring passages out of the old books in proof of it. I will not
|
|
dispute with these people, that the ancients knew not the sun would
|
|
rise at certain hours; they possibly had, as we have, almanacs that
|
|
predicted it; but it does not follow thence, that they knew _he gave
|
|
light as soon as he rose._ This is what I claim as my discovery. If
|
|
the ancients knew it, it might have been long since forgotten; for it
|
|
certainly was unknown to the moderns, at least to the Parisians,
|
|
which to prove, I need use but one plain simple argument. They are
|
|
as well instructed, judicious, and prudent a people as exist anywhere
|
|
in the world, all professing, like myself, to be lovers of economy;
|
|
and, from the many heavy taxes required from them by the necessities
|
|
of the state, have surely an abundant reason to be economical. I say
|
|
it is impossible that so sensible a people, under such circumstances,
|
|
should have lived so long by the smoky, unwholesome, and enormously
|
|
expensive light of candles, if they had really known, that they might
|
|
have had as much pure light of the sun for nothing. I am, &c.
|
|
A SUBSCRIBER.
|
|
|
|
_Journal de Paris_, April 26, 1784
|
|
|
|
_Loose Thoughts on a Universal Fluid_
|
|
|
|
Passy, June 25, 1784.
|
|
Universal Space, as far as we know of it, seems to be filled
|
|
with a subtil Fluid, whose Motion, or Vibration, is called Light.
|
|
|
|
This Fluid may possibly be the same with that, which, being
|
|
attracted by, and entring into other more solid Matter, dilates the
|
|
Substance, by separating the constituent Particles, and so rendering
|
|
some Solids fluid, and maintaining the Fluidity of others; of which
|
|
Fluid when our Bodies are totally deprived, they are said to be
|
|
frozen; when they have a proper Quantity, they are in Health, and fit
|
|
to perform all their Functions; it is then called natural Heat; when
|
|
too much, it is called Fever; and, when forced into the Body in too
|
|
great a Quantity from without, it gives Pain by separating and
|
|
destroying the Flesh, and is then called Burning; and the Fluid so
|
|
entring and acting is called Fire.
|
|
|
|
While organized Bodies, animal or vegetable, are augmenting in
|
|
Growth, or are supplying their continual Waste, is not this done by
|
|
attracting and consolidating this Fluid called Fire, so as to form of
|
|
it a Part of their Substance; and is it not a Separation of the Parts
|
|
of such Substance, which, dissolving its solid State, sets that
|
|
subtil Fluid at Liberty, when it again makes its appearance as Fire?
|
|
|
|
For the Power of Man relative to Matter seems limited to the
|
|
dividing it, or mixing the various kinds of it, or changing its Form
|
|
and Appearance by different Compositions of it; but does not extend
|
|
to the making or creating of new Matter, or annihilating the old.
|
|
Thus, if Fire be an original Element, or kind of Matter, its Quantity
|
|
is fixed and permanent in the Universe. We cannot destroy any Part
|
|
of it, or make addition to it; we can only separate it from that
|
|
which confines it, and so set it at Liberty, as when we put Wood in a
|
|
Situation to be burnt; or transfer it from one Solid to another, as
|
|
when we make Lime by burning Stone, a Part of the Fire dislodg'd from
|
|
the Wood being left in the Stone. May not this Fluid, when at
|
|
Liberty, be capable of penetrating and entring into all Bodies
|
|
organiz'd or not, quitting easily in totality those not organiz'd;
|
|
and quitting easily in part those which are; the part assum'd and
|
|
fix'd remaining till the Body is dissolved?
|
|
|
|
Is it not this Fluid which keeps asunder the Particles of Air,
|
|
permitting them to approach, or separating them more, in proportion
|
|
as its Quantity is diminish'd or augmented? Is it not the greater
|
|
Gravity of the Particles of Air, which forces the Particles of this
|
|
Fluid to mount with the Matters to which it is attach'd, as Smoke or
|
|
Vapour?
|
|
|
|
Does it not seem to have a great Affinity with Water, since it
|
|
will quit a Solid to unite with that Fluid, and go off with it in
|
|
Vapour, leaving the Solid cold to the Touch, and the Degree
|
|
measurable by the Thermometer?
|
|
|
|
The Vapour rises attach'd to this Fluid, but at a certain
|
|
height they separate, and the Vapour descends in Rain, retaining but
|
|
little of it, in Snow or Hail less. What becomes of that Fluid? Does
|
|
it rise above our Atmosphere, and mix with the universal Mass of the
|
|
same kind? Or does a spherical Stratum of it, denser, or less mix'd
|
|
with Air, attracted by this Globe, and repell'd or push'd up only to
|
|
a certain height from its Surface, by the greater Weight of Air,
|
|
remain there, surrounding the Globe, and proceeding with it round the
|
|
Sun?
|
|
|
|
In such case, as there may be a Continuity or Communication of
|
|
this Fluid thro' the Air quite down to the Earth, is it not by the
|
|
Vibrations given to it by the Sun that Light appears to us; and may
|
|
it not be, that every one of the infinitely small Vibrations,
|
|
striking common Matter with a certain Force, enters its Substance, is
|
|
held there by Attraction, and augmented by succeeding Vibrations,
|
|
till the Matter has receiv'd as much as their Force can drive into
|
|
it?
|
|
|
|
Is it not thus, that the Surface of this Globe is continually
|
|
heated by such repeated Vibrations in the Day, and cooled by the
|
|
Escape of the Heat, when those Vibrations are discontinu'd in the
|
|
Night, or intercepted and reflected by Clouds?
|
|
|
|
Is it not thus that Fire is amass'd, and makes the greatest
|
|
Part of the Substance of combustible Bodies?
|
|
|
|
Perhaps, when this Globe was first form'd, and its original
|
|
Particles took their Place at certain Distances from the Centre, in
|
|
proportion to their greater or less Gravity, the fluid Fire,
|
|
attracted towards that Centre, might in great part be oblig'd, as
|
|
lightest, to take place above the rest, and thus form the Sphere of
|
|
Fire above suppos'd, which would afterwards be continually
|
|
diminishing by the Substance it afforded to organiz'd Bodies, and the
|
|
Quantity restor'd to it again by the Burning or other Separating of
|
|
the Parts of those Bodies.
|
|
|
|
Is not the natural Heat of Animals thus produc'd, by separating
|
|
in Digestion the Parts of Food, and setting their Fire at Liberty?
|
|
|
|
Is it not this Sphere of Fire, which kindles the wandring
|
|
Globes that sometimes pass thro' it in our Course round the Sun, have
|
|
their Surface kindled by it, and burst when their included Air is
|
|
greatly rarified by the Heat on their burning Surfaces? May it not
|
|
have been from such Considerations that the ancient Philosophers
|
|
supposed a Sphere of Fire to exist above the Air of our Atmosphere?
|
|
|
|
_The Flies_
|
|
|
|
TO MADAME HELVETIUS
|
|
|
|
The Flies of the Apartments of Mr. Franklin request Permission
|
|
to present their Respects to Madame Helvetius, & to express in their
|
|
best Language their Gratitude for the Protection which she has been
|
|
kind enough to give them,
|
|
|
|
_Bizz izzzz ouizz a ouizzzz izzzzzzzz_, &c.
|
|
|
|
We have long lived under the hospitable Roof of the said Good
|
|
Man Franklin. He has given us free Lodgings; we have also eaten &
|
|
drunk the whole Year at his Expense without its having cost us
|
|
anything. Often, when his Friends & he have emptied a Bowl of Punch,
|
|
he has left us a sufficient Quantity to intoxicate a hundred of us
|
|
Flies. We have drunk freely of it, & after that we have made our
|
|
Sallies, our Circles & our Cotillions very prettily in the Air of his
|
|
Room, & have gaily consummated our little Loves under his Nose. In
|
|
short, we should have been the happiest People in the World, if he
|
|
had not permitted a Number of our declared Enemies to remain at the
|
|
top of his Wainscoting, where they spread their Nets to catch us, &
|
|
tore us pitilessly to pieces. People of a Disposition both subtle &
|
|
ferocious, abominable Combination! You, most excellent Woman, had the
|
|
goodness to order that all these Assassins with their Habitations &
|
|
their Snares should be swept away; & your Orders (as they always
|
|
ought to be) were carried out immediately. Since that Time we live
|
|
happily, & we enjoy the Beneficence of the said Good Man Franklin
|
|
without fear.
|
|
|
|
One Thing alone remains for us to wish in order to assure the
|
|
Permanence of our Good Fortune; permit us to say it,
|
|
|
|
_Bizz izzzz ouizz a ouizzzz izzzzzzzz_, &c.
|
|
|
|
It is to see the two of you henceforth forming a single
|
|
Household.
|
|
|
|
1784?
|
|
|
|
LETTERS
|
|
|
|
"THAT FINE AND NOBLE CHINA VASE THE BRITISH EMPIRE"
|
|
|
|
_To Lord Howe_
|
|
|
|
My Lord, Philada. July 20th. 1776.
|
|
I received safe the Letters your Lordship so kindly forwarded
|
|
to me, and beg you to accept my Thanks.
|
|
|
|
The Official Dispatches to which you refer me, contain nothing
|
|
more than what we had seen in the Act of Parliament, viz. Offers of
|
|
Pardon upon Submission; which I was sorry to find, as it must give
|
|
your Lordship Pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a Business.
|
|
|
|
Directing Pardons to be offered the Colonies, who are the very
|
|
Parties injured, expresses indeed that Opinion of our Ignorance,
|
|
Baseness, and Insensibility which your uninform'd and proud Nation
|
|
has long been pleased to entertain of us; but it can have no other
|
|
Effect than that of increasing our Resentment. It is impossible we
|
|
should think of Submission to a Government, that has with the most
|
|
wanton Barbarity and Cruelty, burnt our defenceless Towns in the
|
|
midst of Winter, excited the Savages to massacre our Farmers, and our
|
|
Slaves to murder their Masters, and is even now bringing foreign
|
|
Mercenaries to deluge our Settlements with Blood. These atrocious
|
|
Injuries have extinguished every remaining Spark of Affection for
|
|
that Parent Country we once held so dear: But were it possible for
|
|
_us_ to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for _you_ (I mean
|
|
the British Nation) to forgive the People you have so heavily
|
|
injured; you can never confide again in those as Fellow Subjects, and
|
|
permit them to enjoy equal Freedom, to whom you know you have given
|
|
such just Cause of lasting Enmity. And this must impel you, were we
|
|
again under your Government, to endeavour the breaking our Sprit by
|
|
the severest Tyranny, and obstructing by every means in your Power
|
|
our growing Strength and Prosperity.
|
|
|
|
But your Lordship mentions "the Kings paternal Solicitude for
|
|
promoting the Establishment of lasting _Peace_ and Union with the
|
|
Colonies." If by _Peace_ is here meant, a Peace to be entered into
|
|
between Britain and America as distinct States now at War, and his
|
|
Majesty has given your Lordship Powers to treat with us of such a
|
|
Peace, I may venture to say, tho' without Authority, that I think a
|
|
Treaty for that purpose not yet quite impracticable, before we enter
|
|
into Foreign Alliances. But I am persuaded you have no such Powers.
|
|
Your Nation, tho' by punishing those American Governors who have
|
|
created and fomented the Discord, rebuilding our burnt Towns, and
|
|
repairing as far as possible the Mischiefs done us, She might yet
|
|
recover a great Share of our Regard and the greatest part of our
|
|
growing Commerce, with all the Advantage of that additional Strength
|
|
to be derived from a Friendship with us; I know too well her
|
|
abounding Pride and deficient Wisdom, to believe she will ever take
|
|
such Salutary Measures. Her Fondness for Conquest as a Warlike
|
|
Nation, her Lust of Dominion as an Ambitious one, and her Thirst for
|
|
a gainful Monopoly as a Commercial one, (none of them legitimate
|
|
Causes of War) will all join to hide from her Eyes every View of her
|
|
true Interests; and continually goad her on in these ruinous distant
|
|
Expeditions, so destructive both of Lives and Treasure, that must
|
|
prove as perrnicious to her in the End as the Croisades formerly were
|
|
to most of the Nations of Europe.
|
|
|
|
I have not the Vanity, my Lord, to think of intimidating by
|
|
thus predicting the Effects of this War; for I know it will in
|
|
England have the Fate of all my former Predictions, not to be
|
|
believed till the Event shall verify it.
|
|
|
|
Long did I endeavour with unfeigned and unwearied Zeal, to
|
|
preserve from breaking, that fine and noble China Vase the British
|
|
Empire: for I knew that being once broken, the separate Parts could
|
|
not retain even their Share of the Strength or Value that existed in
|
|
the Whole, and that a perfect Re-Union of those Parts could scarce
|
|
even be hoped for. Your Lordship may possibly remember the Tears of
|
|
Joy that wet my Cheek, when, at your good Sister's in London, you
|
|
once gave me Expectations that a Reconciliation might soon take
|
|
place. I had the Misfortune to find those Expectations disappointed,
|
|
and to be treated as the Cause of the Mischief I was labouring to
|
|
prevent. My Consolation under that groundless and malevolent
|
|
Treatment was, that I retained the Friendship of many Wise and Good
|
|
Men in that Country, and among the rest some Share in the Regard of
|
|
Lord Howe.
|
|
|
|
The well founded Esteem, and permit me to say Affection, which
|
|
I shall always have for your Lordship, makes it painful to me to see
|
|
you engag'd in conducting a War, the great Ground of which, as
|
|
expressed in your Letter, is, "the Necessity of preventing the
|
|
American Trade from passing into foreign Channels." To me it seems
|
|
that neither the obtaining or retaining of any Trade, how valuable
|
|
soever, is an Object for which Men may justly Spill each others
|
|
Blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing
|
|
Commerce is the goodness and cheapness of Commodities; and that the
|
|
profits of no Trade can ever be equal to the Expence of compelling
|
|
it, and of holding it, by Fleets and Armies. I consider this War
|
|
against us therefore, as both unjust, and unwise; and I am persuaded
|
|
cool dispassionate Posterity will condemn to Infamy those who advised
|
|
it; and that even Success will not save from some degree of
|
|
Dishonour, those who voluntarily engag'd to conduct it. I know your
|
|
great Motive in coming hither was the Hope of being instrumental in a
|
|
Reconciliation; and I believe when you find _that_ impossible on any
|
|
Terms given you to propose, you will relinquish so odious a Command,
|
|
and return to a more honourable private Station. With the greatest
|
|
and most sincere Respect I have the honour to be, My Lord your
|
|
Lordships most obedient humble Servant
|
|
|
|
"WOMEN . . . OUGHT TO BE FIX'D IN REVOLUTION PRINCIPLES"
|
|
|
|
_To Emma Thompson_
|
|
|
|
Paris, Feb. 8. 1777
|
|
You are too early, Hussy, (as well as too saucy) in calling me
|
|
Rebel; you should wait for the Event, which will determine whether it
|
|
is a Rebellion or only a Revolution. Here the Ladies are more civil;
|
|
they call us _les Insurgens_, a Character that usually pleases them:
|
|
And methinks you, with all other Women who smart or have smarted
|
|
under the Tyranny of a bad Husband, ought to be fix'd in _Revolution_
|
|
Principles, and act accordingly.
|
|
|
|
In my way to Canada last Spring, I saw dear Mrs. Barrow at New
|
|
York. Mr. Barrow had been from her two or three Months, to keep Gov.
|
|
Tryon and other Tories Company, on board the Asia one of the King's
|
|
Ships which lay in the Harbour; and in all that time, naughty Man,
|
|
had not ventur'd once on shore to see her. Our Troops were then
|
|
pouring into the Town, and she was packing up to leave it; fearing as
|
|
she had a large House they would incommode her by quartering Officers
|
|
in it. As she appear'd in great Perplexity, scarce knowing where to
|
|
go I persuaded her to stay, and I went to the General Officers then
|
|
commanding there, and recommended her to their Protection, which they
|
|
promis'd, and perform'd. On my Return from Canada, (where I was a
|
|
Piece of a Governor, and I think a very good one, for a Fortnight;
|
|
and might have been so till this time if your wicked Army, Enemies to
|
|
all good Government, had not come and driven me out) I found her
|
|
still in quiet Possession of her House. I enquired how our People
|
|
had behav'd to her; she spoke in high Terms of the respectful
|
|
Attention they had paid her, and the Quiet and Security they had
|
|
procur'd her. I said I was glad of it; and that if they had us'd her
|
|
ill, I would have turn'd Tory. _Then_, says she, (with that pleasing
|
|
Gaiety so natural to her) _I wish they had._ For you must know she is
|
|
a Toryess as well as you and can as flippantly call Rebel. I drank
|
|
Tea with her; we talk'd affectionately of you and our other Friends
|
|
the Wilkes's, of whom she had receiv'd no late Intelligence. What
|
|
became of her since, I have not heard. The Street she then liv'd in
|
|
was some Months after chiefly burnt down; but as the Town was then,
|
|
and ever since has been in Possession of the King's Troops, I have
|
|
had no Opportunity of knowing whether she suffer'd any Loss in the
|
|
Conflagration. I hope she did not, as if she did, I should wish I
|
|
had not persuaded her to stay there. I am glad to learn from you
|
|
that that unhappy tho' deserving Family the W's are getting into some
|
|
Business that may afford them Subsistence. I pray that God will
|
|
bless them, and that they may see happier Days. Mr. Cheap's and Dr.
|
|
Huck's good Fortunes please me. Pray learn, (if you have not already
|
|
learnt) like me, to be pleas'd with other People's Pleasures, and
|
|
happy with their Happinesses; when none occur of your own; then
|
|
perhaps you will not so soon be weary of the Place you chance to be
|
|
in, and so fond of Rambling to get rid of your _Ennui._ I fancy You
|
|
have hit upon the right Reason of your being weary of St. Omer, viz.
|
|
that you are out of Temper which is the effect of full living and
|
|
idleness. A month in Bridewell, beating Hemp upon Bread and Water,
|
|
would give you Health and Spirits, and subsequent Chearfulness, and
|
|
Contentment with every other Situation. I prescribe that Regimen for
|
|
you my Dear, in pure good Will, without a Fee. And, if you do not
|
|
get into Temper, neither Brussels nor Lisle will suit you. I know
|
|
nothing of the Price of Living in either of those Places; but I am
|
|
sure that a single Woman, as you are, might with Oeconomy, upon two
|
|
hundred Pounds a year, maintain herself comfortably any where, and me
|
|
into the Bargain. Don't invite me in earnest, however, to come and
|
|
live with you; for being posted here I ought not to comply, and I am
|
|
not sure I should be able to refuse. Present my Respects to Mrs.
|
|
Payne and Mrs. Heathcoat, for tho' I have not the Honour of knowing
|
|
them, yet as you say they are Friends to the American Cause, I am
|
|
sure they must be Women of good Understanding. I know you wish you
|
|
could see me, but as you can't, I will describe my self to you.
|
|
Figure me in your mind as jolly as formerly, and as strong and
|
|
hearty, only a few Years older, very plainly dress'd, wearing my thin
|
|
grey strait Hair, that peeps out under my only Coiffure, a fine Fur
|
|
Cap, which comes down my Forehead almost to my Spectacles. Think how
|
|
this must appear among the Powder'd Heads of Paris. I wish every
|
|
Gentleman and Lady in France would only be so obliging as to follow
|
|
my Fashion, comb their own Heads as I do mine, dismiss their
|
|
Friseurs, and pay me half the Money they paid to them. You see the
|
|
Gentry might well afford this; and I could then inlist those
|
|
Friseurs, who are at least 100,000; and with the Money I would
|
|
maintain them, make a Visit with them to England, and dress the Heads
|
|
of your Ministers and Privy Counsellors, which I conceive to be at
|
|
present _un peu derangees._ Adieu, Madcap, and believe me ever Your
|
|
affectionate Friend and humble Servant
|
|
|
|
|
|
PS. Don't be proud of this long Letter. A Fit of the Gout
|
|
which has confin'd me 5 Days, and made me refuse to see any Company,
|
|
has given me a little time to trifle. Otherwise it would have been
|
|
very short. Visitors and Business would have interrupted. And
|
|
perhaps, with Mrs. Barrow, _you wish they had._
|
|
|
|
"WHOEVER WRITES TO A STRANGER SHOULD OBSERVE 3 POINTS"
|
|
|
|
_To -------- Lith
|
|
|
|
Sir, Passy near Paris, April 6. 1777
|
|
I have just been honoured with a Letter from you, dated the
|
|
26th past, in which you express your self as astonished, and appear
|
|
to be angry that you have no Answer to a Letter you wrote me of the
|
|
11th of December, which you are sure was delivered to me.
|
|
|
|
In Exculpation of my self, I assure you that I never receiv'd
|
|
any Letter from you of that date. And indeed being then but 4 Days
|
|
landed at Nantes, I think you could scarce have heard so soon of my
|
|
being in Europe.
|
|
|
|
But I receiv'd one from you of the 8th of January, which I own
|
|
I did not answer. It may displease you if I give you the Reason; but
|
|
as it may be of use to you in your future Correspondences, I will
|
|
hazard that for a Gentleman to whom I feel myself oblig'd, as an
|
|
American, on Account of his Good Will to our Cause.
|
|
|
|
Whoever writes to a Stranger should observe 3 Points; 1. That
|
|
what he proposes be practicable. 2. His Propositions should be made
|
|
in explicit Terms so as to be easily understood. 3. What he desires
|
|
should be in itself reasonable. Hereby he will give a favourable
|
|
Impression of his Understanding, and create a Desire of further
|
|
Acquaintance. Now it happen'd that you were negligent in _all_ these
|
|
Points: for first you desired to have Means procur'd for you of
|
|
taking a Voyage to America _"avec Surete"_; which is not possible, as
|
|
the Dangers of the Sea subsist always, and at present there is the
|
|
additional Danger of being taken by the English. Then you desire
|
|
that this may be _"sans trop grandes Depenses,"_ which is not
|
|
intelligible enough to be answer'd, because not knowing your Ability
|
|
of bearing Expences, one cannot judge what may be _trop grandes._
|
|
Lastly you desire Letters of Address to the Congress and to General
|
|
Washington; which it is not reasonable to ask of _one_ who knows no
|
|
more of you than that your Name is Lith_, and that you live at
|
|
BAYREUTH.
|
|
|
|
In your last, you also express yourself in vague Terms when you
|
|
desire to be inform'd whether you may expect _"d'etre recu d'une
|
|
maniere convenable"_ in our Troops? As it is impossible to know what
|
|
your Ideas are of the _maniere convenable_, how can one answer this?
|
|
And then you demand whether I will support you by my Authority in
|
|
giving you Letters of Recommendation? I doubt not your being a Man
|
|
of Merit; and knowing it yourself, you may forget that it is not
|
|
known to every body; but reflect a Moment, Sir, and you will be
|
|
convinc'd, that if I were to practice giving Letters of
|
|
Recommendation to Persons of whose Character I knew no more than I do
|
|
of yours, my Recommendations would soon be of no Authority at all.
|
|
|
|
I thank you however for your kind Desire of being Serviceable
|
|
to my Countrymen: And I wish in return that I could be of Service to
|
|
you in the Scheme you have form'd of going to America. But Numbers
|
|
of experienc'd Officers here have offer'd to go over and join our
|
|
Army, and I could give them no Encouragement, because I have no
|
|
Orders for that purpose, and I know it extremely difficult to place
|
|
them when they come there. I cannot but think therefore, that it is
|
|
best for you not to make so long, so expensive, and so hazardous a
|
|
Voyage, but to take the Advice of your Friends, and _stay in
|
|
Franconia._ I have the honour to be Sir, &c.
|
|
|
|
"DISPUTES ARE APT TO SOUR ONES TEMPER"
|
|
|
|
_To [Lebegue de Presle]_
|
|
|
|
Sir Passy, Oct. 4 1777
|
|
I am much oblig'd by your Communication of the Letter from
|
|
England. I am of your Opinion that a Translation of it will not be
|
|
proper for Publication here. Our Friend's Expressions concerning Mr.
|
|
Wilson will be thought too angry to be made use of by one Philosopher
|
|
when speaking of another; and on a philosophical Question. He seems
|
|
as much heated about this one Point, as the Jansenists and Molinists
|
|
were about the Five. As to my writing any thing on the Subject,
|
|
which you seem to desire, I think it not necessary; especially as I
|
|
have nothing to add to what I have already said upon it in a Paper
|
|
read to the Committee who ordered the Conductors at Purfleet, which
|
|
Paper is printed in the last French Edition of my Writings. I have
|
|
never entered into any Controversy in defence of my philosophical
|
|
Opinions; I leave them to take their Chance in the World. If they
|
|
are right, Truth and Experience will support them. If wrong, they
|
|
ought to be refuted and rejected. Disputes are apt to sour ones
|
|
Temper and disturb one's Quiet. I have no private Interest in the
|
|
Reception of my Inventions by the World, having never made nor
|
|
proposed to make the least Profit by any of them. The King's
|
|
changing his pointed Conductors for blunt ones is therefore a Matter
|
|
of small Importance to me. If I had a Wish about it, it would be
|
|
that he had rejected them altogether as ineffectual, For it is only
|
|
since he thought himself and Family safe from the Thunder of Heaven,
|
|
that he dared to use his own Thunder in destroying his innocent
|
|
Subjects.
|
|
|
|
Be pleased when you write to present my respectful Compliments
|
|
and Thanks to Mr. Magellans. I have forwarded your Letter to your
|
|
Brother, and am with great Esteem, Sir Your most obedient humble
|
|
Servant
|
|
|
|
"YOUR MAGISTERIAL SNUBBINGS AND REBUKES"
|
|
|
|
_To Arthur Lee_
|
|
|
|
SIR Passy, April 3, 1778
|
|
It is true I have omitted answering some of your Letters. I do
|
|
not like to answer angry Letters. I hate Disputes. I am old, cannot
|
|
have long to live, have much to do and no time for Altercation. If I
|
|
have often receiv'd and borne your Magisterial Snubbings and Rebukes
|
|
without Reply, ascribe it to the right Causes, my Concern for the
|
|
Honour & Success of our Mission, which would be hurt by our
|
|
Quarrelling, my Love of Peace, my Respect for your good Qualities,
|
|
and my Pity of your Sick Mind, which is forever tormenting itself,
|
|
with its Jealousies, Suspicions & Fancies that others mean you ill,
|
|
wrong you, or fail in Respect for you. -- If you do not cure your
|
|
self of this Temper it will end in Insanity, of which it is the
|
|
Symptomatick Forerunner, as I have seen in several Instances. God
|
|
preserve you from so terrible an Evil: and for his sake pray suffer
|
|
me to live in quiet. I have the honour to be very respectfully,
|
|
Sir, etc,
|
|
|
|
"A SORT OF TAR-AND-FEATHER HONOUR"
|
|
|
|
_To Charles de Weissenstein_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, July 1, 1778.
|
|
I received your letter, dated at Brussels the 16th past. My
|
|
vanity might possibly be flattered by your expressions of compliment
|
|
to my understanding, if your _proposals_ did not more clearly
|
|
manifest a mean opinion of it.
|
|
|
|
You conjure me, in the name of the omniscient and just God,
|
|
before whom I must appear, and by my hopes of future fame, to
|
|
consider if some expedient cannot be found to put a stop to the
|
|
desolation of America, and prevent the miseries of a general war. As
|
|
I am conscious of having taken every step in my power to prevent the
|
|
breach, and no one to widen it, I can appear cheerfully before that
|
|
God, fearing nothing from his justice in this particular, though I
|
|
have much occasion for his mercy in many others. As to my future
|
|
fame, I am content to rest it on my past and present conduct, without
|
|
seeking an addition to it in the crooked, dark paths, you propose to
|
|
me, where I should most certainly lose it. This your solemn address
|
|
would therefore have been more properly made to your sovereign and
|
|
his venal Parliament. He and they, who wickedly began, and madly
|
|
continue, a war for the desolation of America, are alone accountable
|
|
for the consequences.
|
|
|
|
You endeavour to impress me with a bad opinion of French faith;
|
|
but the instances of their friendly endeavours to serve a race of
|
|
weak princes, who, by their own imprudence, defeated every attempt to
|
|
promote their interest, weigh but little with me, when I consider the
|
|
steady friendship of France to the Thirteen United States of
|
|
Switzerland, which has now continued inviolate two hundred years.
|
|
You tell me, that she will certainly cheat us, and that she despises
|
|
us already. I do not believe that she will cheat us, and I am not
|
|
certain that she despises us; but I see clearly that you are
|
|
endeavouring to cheat us by your conciliatory bills; that you
|
|
actually despised our understandings, when you flattered yourselves
|
|
those artifices would succeed; and that not only France, but all
|
|
Europe, yourselves included, most certainly and for ever would
|
|
despise us, if we were weak enough to accept your insidious
|
|
propositions.
|
|
|
|
Our expectations of the future grandeur of America are not so
|
|
magnificent, and therefore not so vain or visionary, as you represent
|
|
them to be. The body of our people are not merchants, but humble
|
|
husbandmen, who delight in the cultivation of their lands, which,
|
|
from their fertility and the variety of our climates, are capable of
|
|
furnishing all the necessaries and conveniences of life without
|
|
external commerce; and we have too much land to have the least
|
|
temptation to extend our territory by conquest from peaceable
|
|
neighbours, as well as too much justice to think of it. Our militia,
|
|
you find by experience, are sufficient to defend our lands from
|
|
invasion; and the commerce with us will be defended by all the
|
|
nations who find an advantage in it. We, therefore, have not the
|
|
occasion you imagine, of fleets or standing armies, but may leave
|
|
those expensive machines to be maintained for the pomp of princes,
|
|
and the wealth of ancient states. We propose, if possible, to live
|
|
in peace with all mankind; and after you have been convinced, to your
|
|
cost, that there is nothing to be got by attacking us, we have reason
|
|
to hope, that no other power will judge it prudent to quarrel with
|
|
us, lest they divert us from our own quiet industry, and turn us into
|
|
corsairs preying upon theirs. The weight therefore of an independent
|
|
empire, which you seem certain of our inability to bear, will not be
|
|
so great as you imagine. The expense of our civil government we have
|
|
always borne, and can easily bear, because it is small. A virtuous
|
|
and laborious people may be cheaply governed. Determining, as we do,
|
|
to have no offices of profit, nor any sinecures or useless
|
|
appointments, so common in ancient or corrupted states, we can govern
|
|
ourselves a year, for the sum you pay in a single department, or for
|
|
what one jobbing contractor, by the favour of a minister, can cheat
|
|
you out of in a single article.
|
|
|
|
You think we flatter ourselves, and are deceived into an
|
|
opinion that England _must_ acknowledge our independency. We, on the
|
|
other hand, think you flatter yourselves in imagining such an
|
|
acknowledgment a vast boon, which we strongly desire, and which you
|
|
may gain some great advantage by granting or withholding. We have
|
|
never asked it of you; we only tell you, that you can have no treaty
|
|
with us but as an independent state; and you may please yourselves
|
|
and your children with the rattle of your right to govern us, as long
|
|
as you have done with that of your King's being King of France,
|
|
without giving us the least concern, if you do not attempt to
|
|
exercise it. That this pretended right is indisputable, as you say,
|
|
we utterly deny. Your Parliament never had a right to govern us, and
|
|
your King has forfeited it by his bloody tyranny. But I thank you
|
|
for letting me know a little of your mind, that, even if the
|
|
Parliament should acknowledge our independency, the act would not be
|
|
binding to posterity, and that your nation would resume and prosecute
|
|
the claim as soon as they found it convenient from the influence of
|
|
your passions, and your present malice against us. We suspected
|
|
before, that you would not be actually bound by your conciliatory
|
|
acts, longer than till they had served their purpose of inducing us
|
|
to disband our forces; but we were not certain, that you were knaves
|
|
by principle, and that we ought not to have the least confidence in
|
|
your offers, promises, or treaties, though confirmed by Parliament.
|
|
|
|
I now indeed recollect my being informed, long since, when in
|
|
England, that a certain very great personage, then young, studied
|
|
much a certain book, called _Arcana Imperii._ I had the curiosity to
|
|
procure the book and read it. There are sensible and good things in
|
|
it, but some bad ones; for, if I remember rightly, a particular king
|
|
is applauded for his politically exciting a rebellion among his
|
|
subjects, at a time when they had not strength to support it, that he
|
|
might, in subduing them, take away their privileges, which were
|
|
troublesome to him; and a question is formally stated and discussed,
|
|
_Whether a prince, who, to appease a revolt, makes promises of
|
|
indemnity to the revolters, is obliged to fulfil those promises._
|
|
Honest and good men would say, Ay; but this politician says, as you
|
|
say, No. And he gives this pretty reason, that, though it was right
|
|
to make the promises, because otherwise the revolt would not be
|
|
suppressed, yet it would be wrong to keep them, because revolters
|
|
ought to be punished to deter from future revolts.
|
|
|
|
If these are the principles of your nation, no confidence can
|
|
be placed in you; it is in vain to treat with you; and the wars can
|
|
only end in being reduced to an utter inability of continuing them.
|
|
|
|
One main drift of your letter seems to be, to impress me with
|
|
an idea of your own impartiality, by just censures of your ministers
|
|
and measures, and to draw from me propositions of peace, or
|
|
approbations of those you have enclosed to me which you intimate may
|
|
by your means be conveyed to the King directly, without the
|
|
intervention of those ministers. You would have me give them to, or
|
|
drop them for, a stranger, whom I may find next Monday in the church
|
|
of Notre Dame, to be known by a rose in his hat. You yourself, Sir,
|
|
are quite unknown to me; you have not trusted me with your true name.
|
|
Our taking the least step towards a treaty with England through you,
|
|
might, if you are an enemy, be made use of to ruin us with our new
|
|
and good friends. I may be indiscreet enough in many things; but
|
|
certainly, if I were disposed to make propositions (which I cannot
|
|
do, having none committed to me to make), I should never think of
|
|
delivering them to the Lord knows who, to be carried to the Lord
|
|
knows where, to serve no one knows what purposes. Being at this time
|
|
one of the most remarkable figures in Paris, even my appearance in
|
|
the church of Notre Dame, where I cannot have any conceivable
|
|
business, and especially being seen to leave or drop any letter to
|
|
any person there, would be a matter of some speculation, and might,
|
|
from the suspicions it must naturally give, have very mischievous
|
|
consequences to our credit here.
|
|
|
|
The very proposing of a correspondence so to be managed, in a
|
|
manner not necessary where fair dealing is intended, gives just
|
|
reason to suppose you intend the contrary. Besides, as your court
|
|
has sent Commissioners to treat with the Congress, with all the
|
|
powers that could be given them by the crown under the act of
|
|
Parliament, what good purpose can be served by privately obtaining
|
|
propositions from us? Before those Commissioners went, we might have
|
|
treated in virtue of our general powers, (with the knowledge, advice,
|
|
and approbation of our friends), upon any propositions made to us.
|
|
But, under the present circumstances, for us to make propositions,
|
|
while a treaty is supposed to be actually on foot with the Congress,
|
|
would be extremely improper, highly presumptuous with regard to our
|
|
constituents, and answer no good end whatever.
|
|
|
|
I write this letter to you, notwithstanding; (which I think I
|
|
can convey in a less mysterious manner, and guess it may come to your
|
|
hands;) I write it because I would let you know our sense of your
|
|
procedure, which appears as insidious as that of your conciliatory
|
|
bills. Your true way to obtain peace, if your ministers desire it,
|
|
is, to propose openly to the Congress fair and equal terms, and you
|
|
may possibly come sooner to such a resolution, when you find, that
|
|
personal flatteries, general cajolings, and panegyrics on our
|
|
_virtue_ and _wisdom_ are not likely to have the effect you seem to
|
|
expect; the persuading us to act basely and foolishly, in betraying
|
|
our country and posterity into the hands of our most bitter enemies,
|
|
giving up or selling our arms and warlike stores, dismissing our
|
|
ships of war and troops, and putting those enemies in possession of
|
|
our forts and ports.
|
|
|
|
This proposition of delivering ourselves, bound and gagged,
|
|
ready for hanging, without even a right to complain, and without a
|
|
friend to be found afterwards among all mankind, you would have us
|
|
embrace upon the faith of an act of Parliament! Good God! an act of
|
|
your Parliament! This demonstrates that you do not yet know us, and
|
|
that you fancy we do not know you; but it is not merely this flimsy
|
|
faith, that we are to act upon; you offer us _hope_, the hope of
|
|
PLACES, PENSIONS, and PEERAGES. These, judging from yourselves, you
|
|
think are motives irresistible. This offer to corrupt us, Sir, is
|
|
with me your credential, and convinces me that you are not a private
|
|
volunteer in your application. It bears the stamp of British court
|
|
character. It is even the signature of your King. But think for a
|
|
moment in what light it must be viewed in America. BY PLACES, you
|
|
mean places among us, for you take care by a special article to
|
|
secure your own to yourselves. We must then pay the salaries in
|
|
order to enrich ourselves with these places. But you will give us
|
|
PENSIONS, probably to be paid too out of your expected American
|
|
revenue, and which none of us can accept without deserving, and
|
|
perhaps obtaining, a SUS-_pension._ PEERAGES! alas! Sir, our long
|
|
observation of the vast servile majority of your peers, voting
|
|
constantly for every measure proposed by a minister, however weak or
|
|
wicked, leaves us small respect for that title. We consider it as a
|
|
sort of _tar-and-feather_ honour, or a mixture of foulness and folly,
|
|
which every man among us, who should accept it from your King, would
|
|
be obliged to renounce, or exchange for that conferred by the mobs of
|
|
their own country, or wear it with everlasting infamy. I am, Sir,
|
|
your humble servant,
|
|
|
|
"GOD-SEND OR THE WRECKERS"
|
|
|
|
_To David Hartley_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 3, 1779.
|
|
I have just received your favour of the 23d past, in which you
|
|
mention, "that the alliance between France and America is the great
|
|
StumblingBlock in the way of Making Peace;" and you go on to observe,
|
|
that "whatever Engagements America may have entred into, they may,
|
|
(at least by consent of Parties) _be relinquished_, for the purpose
|
|
of removing so material an Obstacle to any general Treaty of free and
|
|
unengaged Parties" adding, that "if the parties could meet for the
|
|
sake of Peace upon _free_ and _open_ Ground, you should think _that_
|
|
a very fair Proposition to be offered to the People of England, and
|
|
an equitable Proposition in itself."
|
|
|
|
The long, steady, & kind regard you have shown for the Welfare
|
|
of America, by the whole Tenour of your Conduct in Parliament,
|
|
satisfies me, that this Proposition never took its Rise with you, but
|
|
has been suggested from some other quarter; and that your Excess of
|
|
Humanity, your Love of Peace, & your fears for us, that the
|
|
Destruction we are threatened with will certainly be effected, have
|
|
thrown a Mist before your Eyes, which hindred you from seeing the
|
|
Malignity and Mischief of it. We know that your King hates Whigs and
|
|
Presbyterians; that he thirsts for our Blood, of which he has already
|
|
drunk large Draughts; that his servile unprincipled Ministers are
|
|
ready to execute the wickedest of his Orders, and his venal
|
|
Parliament equally ready to vote them just. Not the Smallest
|
|
Appearance of a Reason can be imagined capable of inducing us to
|
|
think of relinquishing a Solid Alliance with one of the most amiable,
|
|
as well as most powerful Princes of Europe, for the Expectation of
|
|
unknown Terms of Peace, to be afterwards offer'd to us by _such a
|
|
government_; a Government, that has already shamefully broke all the
|
|
Compacts it ever made with us! This is worse than advising us to
|
|
drop the Substance for the Shadow. The Dog after he found his
|
|
Mistake, might possibly have recover'd his Mutton; but we could never
|
|
hope to be trusted again by France, or indeed by any other Nation
|
|
under heaven. Nor does there appear any more Necessity for
|
|
dissolving an Alliance with France before you can treat with us, than
|
|
there would of dissolving your alliance with Holland, or your Union
|
|
with Scotland, before we could treat with you. Ours is therefore no
|
|
_material Obstacle_ to a Treaty as you suppose it to be. Had Lord
|
|
North been the Author of such a Proposition, all the World would have
|
|
said it was insidious, and meant only to deceive & divide us from our
|
|
Friends, and then to ruin us; supposing our Fears might be strong
|
|
enough to procure an Acceptance of it; but thanks to God, that is not
|
|
the Case! We have long since settled all the Account in our own
|
|
Minds. We know the worst you can do to us, if you have your Wish, is
|
|
to confiscate our Estates & take our Lives, to rob & murder us; and
|
|
this you have seen we are ready to hazard, rather than come again
|
|
under your detested Government.
|
|
|
|
You must observe, my dear Friend, that I am a little warm. --
|
|
Excuse me. -- 'Tis over. -- Only let me counsel you not to think of
|
|
being sent hither on so fruitless an Errand, as that of making such a
|
|
Proposition.
|
|
|
|
|
|
It puts me in mind of the comick Farce intitled, _God-send or
|
|
The Wreckers._ You may have forgotten it; but I will endeavour to
|
|
amuse you by recollecting a little of it.
|
|
|
|
SCENE. _Mount's Bay._
|
|
|
|
[_A Ship riding at anchor in a great Storm. A Lee Shore full
|
|
of Rocks, and lin'd with people, furnish'd with Axes & Carriages to
|
|
cut up Wrecks, knock the Sailors on the Head, and carry off the
|
|
Plunder; according to Custom._]
|
|
|
|
1_st. Wrecker._ This Ship rides it out longer than I expected.
|
|
She must have good Ground Tackle.
|
|
|
|
2 _Wrecker._ We had better send off a Boat to her, and persuade
|
|
her to take a Pilot, who can afterwards run her ashore, where we can
|
|
best come at her.
|
|
|
|
3 _Wrecker._ I doubt whether the boat can live in this Sea; but
|
|
if there are any brave Fellows willing to hazard themselves for the
|
|
good of the Public, & a double Share, let them say aye.
|
|
|
|
_Several Wreckers._ I, I, I, I.
|
|
|
|
[_The Boat goes off, and comes under the Ship's Stern._]
|
|
|
|
_Spokesman._ So ho, the Ship, ahoa!
|
|
|
|
_Captain._ Hulloa.
|
|
|
|
_Sp._ Wou'd you have a Pilot?
|
|
|
|
_Capt._ No, no!
|
|
|
|
_Sp._ It blows hard, & you are in Danger.
|
|
|
|
_Capt._ I know it.
|
|
|
|
_Sp._ Will you buy a better Cable? We have one in the boat
|
|
here.
|
|
|
|
_Capt._ What do you ask for it?
|
|
|
|
_Sp._ Cut that you have, & then we'll talk about the price of
|
|
this.
|
|
|
|
_Capt._ I shall not do such a foolish Thing. I have liv'd in
|
|
your Parish formerly, & know the Heads of ye too well to trust ye;
|
|
keep off from my Cable there; I see you have a mind to cut it
|
|
yourselves. If you go any nearer to it, I'll fire into you and sink
|
|
you.
|
|
|
|
_Sp._ It is a damn'd rotten French Cable, and will part of
|
|
itself in half an hour. Where will you be then, Captain? You had
|
|
better take our offer.
|
|
|
|
|
|
_Capt._ You offer nothing, you Rogues, but Treachery and
|
|
Mischief. My cable is good & strong, and will hold long enough to
|
|
baulk all your Projects.
|
|
|
|
_Sp._ You talk unkindly, Captain, to People who came here only
|
|
for your Good.
|
|
|
|
_Capt._ I know you come for all our _Goods_, but, by God's
|
|
help, you shall have none of them; you shall not serve us as you did
|
|
the Indiaman.
|
|
|
|
_Sp._ Come, my Lads, let's be gone. This Fellow is not so
|
|
great a Fool as we -- took him to be.
|
|
|
|
"I-DOLL-IZED IN THIS COUNTRY"
|
|
|
|
_To Sarah Bache_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SALLY, Passy, June 3, 1779.
|
|
I have before me your letters of October 22d and January 17th.
|
|
They are the only ones I received from you in the course of eighteen
|
|
months. If you knew how happy your letters make me, and considered
|
|
how many miscarry, I think you would write oftener.
|
|
|
|
I am much obliged to the Miss Cliftons for the kind care they
|
|
took of my house and furniture. Present my thankful acknowledgments
|
|
to them, and tell them I wish them all sorts of happiness.
|
|
|
|
The clay medallion of me you say you gave to Mr. Hopkinson was
|
|
the first of the kind made in France. A variety of others have been
|
|
made since of different sizes; some to be set in the lids of
|
|
snuffboxes, and some so small as to be worn in rings; and the numbers
|
|
sold are incredible. These, with the pictures, busts, and prints,
|
|
(of which copies upon copies are spread everywhere,) have made your
|
|
father's face as well known as that of the moon, so that he durst not
|
|
do any thing that would oblige him to run away, as his phiz would
|
|
discover him wherever he should venture to show it. It is said by
|
|
learned etymologists, that the name _doll_, for the images children
|
|
play with, is derived from the word IDOL. From the number of _dolls_
|
|
now made of him, he may be truly said, _in that sense_, to be
|
|
_i-doll-ized_ in this country.
|
|
|
|
I think you did right to stay out of town till the summer was
|
|
over, for the sake of your child's health. I hope you will get out
|
|
again this summer, during the hot months; for I begin to love the
|
|
dear little creature from your description of her.
|
|
|
|
I was charmed with the account you gave me of your industry,
|
|
the tablecloths of your own spinning, &c.; but the latter part of the
|
|
paragraph, that you had sent for linen from France, because weaving
|
|
and flax were grown dear, alas, that dissolved the charm; and your
|
|
sending for long black pins, and lace, and _feathers!_ disgusted me
|
|
as much as if you had put salt into my strawberries. The spinning, I
|
|
see, is laid aside, and you are to be dressed for the ball! You seem
|
|
not to know, my dear daughter, that, of all the dear things in this
|
|
world, idleness is the dearest, except mischief.
|
|
|
|
The project you mention, of removing Temple from me was an
|
|
unkind one. To deprive an old man, sent to serve his country in a
|
|
foreign one, of the comfort of a child to attend him, to assist him
|
|
in health and take care of him in sickness, would be cruel, if it was
|
|
practicable. In this case it could not be done; for, as the
|
|
pretended suspicions of him are groundless, and his behaviour in
|
|
every respect unexceptionable, I should not part with the child, but
|
|
with the employment. But I am confident, that, whatever may be
|
|
proposed by weak or malicious people, the Congress is too wise and
|
|
too good to think of treating me in that manner.
|
|
|
|
Ben, if I should live long enough to want it, is like to be
|
|
another comfort to me. As I intend him for a Presbyterian as well as
|
|
a republican, I have sent him to finish his education at Geneva. He
|
|
is much grown, in very good health, draws a little, as you will see
|
|
by the enclosed, learns Latin, writing, arithmetic, and dancing, and
|
|
speaks French better than English. He made a translation of your
|
|
last letter to him, so that some of your works may now appear in a
|
|
foreign language. He has not been long from me. I send the accounts
|
|
I have of him, and I shall put him in mind of writing to you. I
|
|
cannot propose to you to part with your own dear Will. I must one of
|
|
these days go back to see him; happy to be once more all together!
|
|
but futurities are uncertain. Teach him, however, in the mean time,
|
|
to direct his worship more properly, for the deity of Hercules is now
|
|
quite out of fashion.
|
|
|
|
The present you mention as sent by me was rather that of a
|
|
merchant at Bordeaux; for he would never give me any account of it,
|
|
and neither Temple nor I know any thing of the particulars.
|
|
|
|
When I began to read your account of the high prices of goods,
|
|
"a pair of gloves, $7; a yard of common gauze, $24, and that it now
|
|
required a fortune to maintain a family in a very plain way," I
|
|
expected you would conclude with telling me, that everybody as well
|
|
as yourself was grown frugal and industrious; and I could scarce
|
|
believe my eyes in reading forward, that "there never was so much
|
|
pleasure and dressing going on;" and that you yourself wanted black
|
|
pins and feathers from France to appear, I suppose, in the mode!
|
|
This leads me to imagine, that perhaps it is not so much that the
|
|
goods are grown dear, as that the money is grown cheap, as every
|
|
thing else will do when excessively plenty; and that people are still
|
|
as easy nearly in their circumstances, as when a pair of gloves might
|
|
be had for half a crown. The war indeed may in some degree raise the
|
|
prices of goods, and the high taxes which are necessary to support
|
|
the war may make our frugality necessary; and, as I am always
|
|
preaching that doctrine, I cannot in conscience or in decency
|
|
encourage the contrary, by my example, in furnishing my children with
|
|
foolish modes and luxuries. I therefore send all the articles you
|
|
desire, that are useful and necessary, and omit the rest; for, as you
|
|
say you should "have great pride in wearing any thing I send, and
|
|
showing it as your father's taste," I must avoid giving you an
|
|
opportunity of doing that with either lace or feathers. If you wear
|
|
your cambric ruffles as I do, and take care not to mend the holes,
|
|
they will come in time to be lace; and feathers, my dear girl, may be
|
|
had in America from every cock's tail.
|
|
|
|
If you happen again to see General Washington, assure him of my
|
|
very great and sincere respect, and tell him, that all the old
|
|
Generals here amuse themselves in studying the accounts of his
|
|
operations, and approve highly of his conduct.
|
|
|
|
Present my affectionate regards to all friends that inquire
|
|
after me, particularly Mr. Duffield and family, and write oftener, my
|
|
dear child, to your loving father,
|
|
|
|
DESIGNS AND MOTTOES FOR COINS
|
|
|
|
_To Edward Bridgen_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, Octo'r 2'd 1779.
|
|
I received your Favor of the 17th past, and the two Samples of
|
|
Copper are since come to hand. The Metal seems to be very good, and
|
|
the price reasonable; but I have not yet received the Orders
|
|
necessary to justify my making the Purchase proposed. There has
|
|
indeed been an intention to strike Copper Coin, that may not only be
|
|
useful as small Change, but serve other purposes.
|
|
|
|
Instead of repeating continually upon every halfpenny the dull
|
|
story that everybody knows, (and what it would have been no loss to
|
|
mankind if nobody had ever known,) that Geo. III is King of Great
|
|
Britain, France, and Ireland, &c. &c., to put on one side, some
|
|
important Proverb of Solomon, some pious moral, prudential or
|
|
economical Precept, the frequent Inculcation of which, by seeing it
|
|
every time one receives a piece of Money, might make an impression
|
|
upon the mind, especially of young Persons, and tend to regulate the
|
|
Conduct; such as, on some, _The fear of the Lord is the beginning of
|
|
Wisdom_; on others, _Honesty is the best Policy_; on others, _He that
|
|
by the Plow would thrive, himself must either hold or drive_; on
|
|
others, _Keep thy Shop, and thy Shop will keep thee_; on others, _A
|
|
penny saved is a penny got_; on others, _He that buys what he has no
|
|
need of, will soon be forced to sell his necessaries_; on others,
|
|
_Early to bed and early to rise, will make a man healthy, wealthy,
|
|
and wise_; and so on, to a great variety.
|
|
|
|
The other side it was proposed to fill with good Designs, drawn
|
|
and engraved by the best artists in France, of all the different
|
|
Species of Barbarity with which the English have carried on the War
|
|
in America, expressing every abominable circumstance of their Cruelty
|
|
and Inhumanity, that figures can express, to make an Impression on
|
|
the minds of Posterity as strong and durable as that on the Copper.
|
|
This Resolution has been a long time forborne; but the late burning
|
|
of defenceless Towns in Connecticut, on the flimsy pretence that the
|
|
people fired from behind their Houses, when it is known to have been
|
|
premeditated and ordered from England, will probably give the
|
|
finishing provocation, and may occasion a vast demand for your Metal.
|
|
|
|
I thank you for your kind wishes respecting my Health. I
|
|
return them most cordially fourfold into your own bosom. Adieu.
|
|
|
|
"SOMEBODY . . . GAVE IT OUT THAT I LOV'D LADIES"
|
|
|
|
_To Elizabeth Partridge_
|
|
|
|
MRS. PARTRIDGE Passy, Oct. 11. 1779.
|
|
Your kind Letter, my dear Friend, was long in coming; but it
|
|
gave me the Pleasure of knowing that you had been well in October and
|
|
January last. The Difficulty, Delay & Interruption of Correspondence
|
|
with those I love, is one of the great Inconveniencies I find in
|
|
living so far from home: but we must bear these & more, with
|
|
Patience, if we can; if not, we must bear them as I do with
|
|
Impatience.
|
|
|
|
You mention the Kindness of the French Ladies to me. I must
|
|
explain that matter. This is the civilest nation upon Earth. Your
|
|
first Acquaintances endeavour to find out what you like, and they
|
|
tell others. If 'tis understood that you like Mutton, dine where you
|
|
will you find Mutton. Somebody, it seems, gave it out that I lov'd
|
|
Ladies; and then every body presented me their Ladies (or the Ladies
|
|
presented themselves) to be _embrac'd_, that is to have their Necks
|
|
kiss'd. For as to kissing of Lips or Cheeks it is not the Mode here,
|
|
the first, is reckon'd rude, & the other may rub off the Paint. The
|
|
French Ladies have however 1000 other ways of rendering themselves
|
|
agreable; by their various Attentions and Civilities, & their
|
|
sensible Conversation. 'Tis a delightful People to live with.
|
|
|
|
|
|
I thank you for the Boston Newspapers, tho' I see nothing so
|
|
clearly in them as that your Printers do indeed want new Letters.
|
|
They perfectly blind me in endeavouring to read them. If you should
|
|
ever have any Secrets that you wish to be well kept, get them printed
|
|
in those Papers. You enquire if Printers Types may be had here? Of
|
|
all Sorts, very good, cheaper than in England, and of harder Metal.
|
|
-- I will see any Orders executed in that way that any of your
|
|
Friends may think fit to send. They will doubtless send Money with
|
|
their Orders. Very good Printing Ink is likewise to be had here. I
|
|
cannot by this opportunity send the miniature you desire, but I send
|
|
you a little Head in China, more like, perhaps, than the Painting
|
|
would be. It may be set in a Locket, if you like it, cover'd with
|
|
Glass, and may serve for the present. When Peace comes we may afford
|
|
to be more extravagant. I send with it a Couple of Fatherly Kisses
|
|
for you & your amiable Daughter, the whole wrapt up together in
|
|
Cotton to be kept warm.
|
|
|
|
Present my respectful Compliments to Mr Partridge.
|
|
Adieu, my dear Child, & believe me ever
|
|
Your affectionate Papah
|
|
|
|
"YOUR COOL CONDUCT AND PERSEVERING BRAVERY"
|
|
|
|
_To John Paul Jones_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, Oct. 15, 1779.
|
|
I received the Account of your Cruize and Engagement with the
|
|
_Serapis_, which you did me the honour to send me from the Texel. I
|
|
have since received your Favor of the 8th, from Amsterdam. For some
|
|
Days after the Arrival of your Express, scarce any thing was talked
|
|
of at Paris and Versailles, but your cool Conduct and persevering
|
|
Bravery during that terrible Conflict. You may believe, that the
|
|
Impression on my Mind was not less strong than on that of others; but
|
|
I do not chuse to say in a letter to yourself all I think on such an
|
|
Occasion.
|
|
|
|
|
|
The Ministry are much dissatisfied with Captain Landais, and M.
|
|
de Sartine has signified to me in writing that it is expected that I
|
|
should send for him to Paris, and call him to Account for his Conduct
|
|
particularly for deferring so long his coming to your Assistance, by
|
|
which Means, it is supposed, the States lost some of their valuable
|
|
Citizens, and the King lost many of his Subjects, Volunteers in your
|
|
Ship, together with the Ship itself.
|
|
|
|
I have, accordingly, written to him this Day, acquainting him
|
|
that he is charged with Disobedience of Orders in the Cruize, and
|
|
Neglect of his Duty in the Engagement; that, a Court-Martial being at
|
|
this Time inconvenient, if not impracticable, I would give him an
|
|
earlier Opportunity of offering what he has to say in his
|
|
Justification, and for that Purpose direct him to render himself
|
|
immediately here, bringing with him such Papers or Testimonies, as he
|
|
may think useful in his Defence. I know not whether he will obey my
|
|
orders, nor what the Ministry will do with him, if he comes; but I
|
|
suspect that they may by some of their concise Operations save the
|
|
Trouble of a Court-Martial. It will be well, however, for you to
|
|
furnish me with what you may judge proper to support the Charges
|
|
against him, that I may be able to give a just and clear Account of
|
|
the Affair to Congress. In the mean time it will be necessary, if he
|
|
should refuse to come, that you should put him under an Arrest, and
|
|
in that Case, as well as if he comes, that you should either appoint
|
|
some Person to command his Ship or take it upon yourself; for I know
|
|
of no Person to recommend to you as fit for that Station.
|
|
|
|
I am uneasy about your Prisoners; I wish they were safe in
|
|
France. You will then have compleated the glorious work of giving
|
|
Liberty to all the Americans that have so long languished for it in
|
|
the British Prisons; for there are not so many there, as you have now
|
|
taken.
|
|
|
|
I have the Pleasure to inform you, that the two Prizes sent to
|
|
Norway are safely arrived at Berghen. With the highest Esteem, I am,
|
|
&c.
|
|
|
|
P.S. I am sorry for your Misunderstanding with M. de Chaumont,
|
|
who has a great Regard for you.
|
|
|
|
"THE GREAT UNCERTAINTY I FOUND IN METAPHYSICAL REASONINGS"
|
|
|
|
_To Benjamin Vaughan_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, Nov. 9. 1779.
|
|
I have received several kind Letters from you, which I have not
|
|
regularly answered. They gave me however great Pleasure, as they
|
|
acquainted me with your Welfare, and that of your Family and other
|
|
Friends; and I hope you will continue writing to me as often as you
|
|
can do it conveniently.
|
|
|
|
I thank you much for the great Care and Pains you have taken in
|
|
regulating and correcting the Edition of those Papers. Your
|
|
Friendship for me appears in almost every Page; and if the
|
|
Preservation of any of them should prove of Use to the Publick, it is
|
|
to you that the Publick will owe the Obligation. In looking them
|
|
over, I have noted some Faults of Impression that hurt the Sense, and
|
|
some other little Matters, which you will find all in a Sheet under
|
|
the title of _Errata._ You can best judge whether it may be worth
|
|
while to add any of them to the Errata already printed, or whether it
|
|
may not be as well to reserve the whole for Correction in another
|
|
Edition, if such should ever be. Inclos'd I send a more perfect copy
|
|
of the _Chapter._
|
|
|
|
If I should ever recover the Pieces that were in the Hands of
|
|
my Son, and those I left among my Papers in America, I think there
|
|
may be enough to make three more such Volumes, of which a great part
|
|
would be more interesting.
|
|
|
|
As to the _Time_ of publishing, of which you ask my Opinion I
|
|
am not furnish'd with any Reasons, or Ideas of Reasons, on which to
|
|
form any Opinion. Naturally I should suppose the Bookseller to be
|
|
from Experience the best Judge, and I should be for leaving it to
|
|
him.
|
|
|
|
I did not write the Pamphlet you mention. I know nothing of
|
|
it. I suppose it is the same, concerning which Dr. Priestley
|
|
formerly asked me the same Question. That for which he took it was
|
|
intitled, _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and
|
|
Pain_, with these Lines in the TitlePage.
|
|
|
|
"Whatever is, is right. But purblind Man
|
|
Sees but a part o' the Chain, the nearest Link;
|
|
His eye not carrying to that equal Beam,
|
|
That poises all above." DRYDEN.
|
|
|
|
_London, Printed M.D.C.C.X.X.V._
|
|
|
|
It was addressed to Mr. J. R., that is, James Ralph, then a
|
|
youth of about my age, and my intimate friend; afterwards a political
|
|
writer and historian. The purport of it was to prove the doctrine of
|
|
fate, from the supposed attributes of God; in some such manner as
|
|
this: that in erecting and governing the world, as he was infinitely
|
|
wise, he knew what would be best; infinitely good, he must be
|
|
disposed, and infinitely powerful, he must be able to execute it:
|
|
consequently all is right. There were only an hundred copies
|
|
printed, of which I gave a few to friends, and afterwards disliking
|
|
the piece, as conceiving it might have an ill tendency, I burnt the
|
|
rest, except one copy, the margin of which was filled with manuscript
|
|
notes by Lyons, author of the Infallibility of Human Judgment, who
|
|
was at that time another of my acquaintance in London. I was not
|
|
nineteen years of age when it was written. In 1730, I wrote a piece
|
|
on the other side of the question, which began with laying for its
|
|
foundation this fact: "That almost all men in all ages and countries,
|
|
have at times made use of prayer." Thence I reasoned, that if all
|
|
things are ordained, prayer must among the rest be ordained. But as
|
|
prayer can produce no change in things that are ordained, praying
|
|
must then be useless and an absurdity. God would therefore not
|
|
ordain praying if everything else was ordained. But praying exists,
|
|
therefore all things are not ordained, etc. This pamphlet was never
|
|
printed, and the manuscript has been long lost. The great
|
|
uncertainty I found in metaphysical reasonings disgusted me, and I
|
|
quitted that kind of reading and study for others more satisfactory.
|
|
|
|
I return the Manuscripts you were so obliging as to send me; I
|
|
am concern'd at your having no other copys, I hope these will get
|
|
safe to your hands. I do not remember the Duke de Chaulnes showing
|
|
me the Letter you mention. I have received Dr. Crawford's book, but
|
|
not your Abstract, which I wait for as you desire.
|
|
|
|
I send you also M. Dupont's _Table Economique_, which I think
|
|
an excellent Thing, as it contains in a clear Method all the
|
|
principles of that new sect, called here _les Economistes._
|
|
|
|
Poor Henley's dying in that manner is inconceivable to me. Is
|
|
any Reason given to account for it, besides insanity?
|
|
|
|
Remember me affectionately to all your good Family, and believe
|
|
me, with great Esteem, my dear Friend, yours, most sincerely,
|
|
|
|
"THAT MEN WOULD CEASE TO BE WOLVES"
|
|
|
|
_To Joseph Priestley_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 8. 1780.
|
|
Your kind Letter of September 27 came to hand but very lately,
|
|
the Bearer having staied long in Holland. I always rejoice to hear
|
|
of your being still employ'd in experimental Researches into Nature,
|
|
and of the Success you meet with. The rapid Progress _true_ Science
|
|
now makes, occasions my regretting sometimes that I was born so soon.
|
|
It is impossible to imagine the Height to which may be carried, in a
|
|
thousand years, the Power of Man over Matter. We may perhaps learn
|
|
to deprive large Masses of their Gravity, and give them absolute
|
|
Levity, for the sake of easy Transport. Agriculture may diminish its
|
|
Labour and double its Produce; all Diseases may by sure means be
|
|
prevented or cured, not excepting even that of Old Age, and our Lives
|
|
lengthened at pleasure even beyond the antediluvian Standard. O that
|
|
moral Science were in as fair a way of Improvement, that Men would
|
|
cease to be Wolves to one another, and that human Beings would at
|
|
length learn what they now improperly call Humanity!
|
|
|
|
I am glad my little Paper on the _Aurora Borealis_ pleased. If
|
|
it should occasion further Enquiry, and so produce a better
|
|
Hypothesis, it will not be wholly useless. I am ever, with the
|
|
greatest and most sincere Esteem, dear Sir, yours very affectionately
|
|
|
|
I have consider'd the Situation of that Person very
|
|
attentively. I think that, with a little help from the _Moral
|
|
Algebra_, he might form a better judgment than any other Person can
|
|
form for him. But, since my Opinion seems to be desired, I give it
|
|
for continuing to the End of the Term, under all the present
|
|
disagreeable Circumstances. The connection will then die a natural
|
|
Death. No Reason will be expected to be given for the Separation,
|
|
and of course no Offence taken at Reasons given; the Friendship may
|
|
still subsist, and in some other way be useful. The Time diminishes
|
|
daily, and is usefully employ'd. All human Situations have their
|
|
Inconveniencies; we _feel_ those that we find in the present, and we
|
|
neither _feel_ nor _see_ those that exist in another. Hence we make
|
|
frequent and troublesome Changes without Amendment, and often for the
|
|
worse.
|
|
|
|
In my Youth, I was Passenger in a little Sloop, descending the
|
|
River Delaware. There being no Wind, we were obliged, when the Ebb
|
|
was spent, to cast anchor, and wait for the next. The Heat of the
|
|
Sun on the Vessel was excessive, the Company Strangers to me, and not
|
|
very agreable. Near the river Side I saw what I took to be a
|
|
pleasant green Meadow, in the middle of which was a large shady Tree,
|
|
where it struck my Fancy I could sit and read, (having a Book in my
|
|
Pocket,) and pass the time agreably till the tide turned. I
|
|
therefore prevail'd with the Captain to put me ashore. Being landed,
|
|
I found the greatest part of my Meadow was really a Marsh, in
|
|
crossing which, to come at my Tree, I was up to my Knees in Mire; and
|
|
I had not placed myself under its Shade five Minutes, before the
|
|
Muskitoes in Swarms found me out, attack'd my Legs, Hands, and Face,
|
|
and made my Reading and my Rest impossible; so that I return'd to the
|
|
Beach, and call'd for the Boat to come and take me aboard again,
|
|
where I was oblig'd to bear the Heat I had strove to quit, and also
|
|
the Laugh of the Company. Similar Cases in the Affairs of Life have
|
|
since frequently fallen under my Observation.
|
|
|
|
I have had Thoughts of a College for him in America. I know no
|
|
one who might be more useful to the Publick in the Instruction of
|
|
Youth. But there are possible Unpleasantnesses in that Situation; it
|
|
cannot be obtain'd but by a too hazardous Voyage at this time for a
|
|
Family; and the Time for Experiments would be all otherwise engaged.
|
|
|
|
"LIKE A FIELD OF YOUNG INDIAN CORN"
|
|
|
|
_To George Washington_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, March 5 1780.
|
|
I have received but lately the Letter your Excellency did me
|
|
the honour of writing to me in Recommendation of the Marquis de la
|
|
Fayette. His modesty detained it long in his own Hands. We became
|
|
acquainted, however, from the time of his Arrival at Paris; and his
|
|
Zeal for the Honour of our Country, his Activity in our Affairs here,
|
|
and his firm Attachment to our Cause and to you, impress'd me with
|
|
the same Regard and Esteem for him that your Excellency's Letter
|
|
would have done, had it been immediately delivered to me.
|
|
|
|
Should peace arrive after another Campaign or two, and afford
|
|
us a little Leisure, I should be happy to see your Excellency in
|
|
Europe, and to accompany you, if my Age and Strength would permit, in
|
|
visiting some of its ancient and most famous Kingdoms. You would, on
|
|
this side of the Sea, enjoy the great Reputation you have acquir'd,
|
|
pure and free from those little Shades that the Jealousy and Envy of
|
|
a Man's Countrymen and Cotemporaries are ever endeavouring to cast
|
|
over living Merit. Here you would know, and enjoy, what Posterity
|
|
will say of Washington. For 1000 Leagues have nearly the same Effect
|
|
with 1000 Years. The feeble Voice of those grovelling Passions
|
|
cannot extend so far either in Time or Distance. At present I enjoy
|
|
that Pleasure for you, as I frequently hear the old Generals of this
|
|
martial Country, (who study the Maps of America, and mark upon them
|
|
all your Operations,) speak with sincere Approbation and great
|
|
Applause of your conduct; and join in giving you the Character of one
|
|
of the greatest Captains of the Age.
|
|
|
|
I must soon quit the Scene, but you may live to see our Country
|
|
flourish, as it will amazingly and rapidly after the War is over.
|
|
Like a Field of young Indian Corn, which long Fair weather and
|
|
Sunshine had enfeebled and discolored, and which in that weak State,
|
|
by a Thunder Gust, of violent Wind, Hail, and Rain, seem'd to be
|
|
threaten'd with absolute Destruction; yet the Storm being past, it
|
|
recovers fresh Verdure, shoots up with double Vigour, and delights
|
|
the Eye, not of its Owner only, but of every observing Traveller.
|
|
|
|
The best Wishes that can be form'd for your Health, Honour, and
|
|
Happiness, ever attend you from your Excellency's most obedient and
|
|
most humble servant
|
|
|
|
"THAN IF YOU HAD SWALLOWED A HANDSPIKE"
|
|
|
|
_To Thomas Bond_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, March 16, 1780.
|
|
I received your kind letter of September the 22d, and I thank
|
|
you for the pleasing account you give me of the health and welfare of
|
|
my old friends, Hugh Roberts, Luke Morris, Philip Syng, Samuel
|
|
Rhoads, &c., with the same of yourself and family. Shake the old
|
|
ones by the hand for me, and give the young ones my blessing. For my
|
|
own part, I do not find that I grow any older. Being arrived at
|
|
seventy, and considering that by travelling further in the same road
|
|
I should probably be led to the grave, I stopped short, turned about,
|
|
and walked back again; which having done these four years, you may
|
|
now call me sixty-six. Advise those old friends of ours to follow my
|
|
example; keep up your spirits, and that will keep up your bodies; you
|
|
will no more stoop under the weight of age, than if you had swallowed
|
|
a handspike.
|
|
|
|
I am glad the Philosophical Society made that compliment to M.
|
|
Gerard. I wish they would do the same to M. Feutry, a worthy
|
|
gentleman here; and to Dr. Ingenhousz, who has made some great
|
|
discoveries lately respecting the leaves of trees in improving air
|
|
for the use of animals. He will send you his book. He is physician
|
|
to the Empress Queen. I have not yet seen your piece on inoculation.
|
|
Remember me respectfully and affectionately to Mrs. Bond, your
|
|
children, and all friends. I am ever, &c.
|
|
|
|
P.S. I have bought some valuable books, which I intend to
|
|
present to the Society; but shall not send them till safer times.
|
|
|
|
"THE MOULIN JOLI IS A LITTLE ISLAND IN THE SEINE"
|
|
|
|
_To William Carmichael_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, June 17, 1780.
|
|
Your favours of the 22d past came duly to hand. Sir John
|
|
Dalrymple has been here some time, but I hear nothing of his
|
|
political operations. The learned talk of the discovery he has made
|
|
in the Escurial Library, of forty Epistles of Brutus, a missing part
|
|
of Tacitus, and a piece of Seneca, that have never yet been printed,
|
|
which excite much curiosity. He has not been with me, and I am told,
|
|
by one of his friends, that, though he wished to see me, he did not
|
|
think it prudent. So I suppose I shall have no communication with
|
|
him; for I shall not seek it. As Count de Vergennes has mentioned
|
|
nothing to me of any memorial from him, I suppose he has not
|
|
presented it; perhaps discouraged by the reception it met with in
|
|
Spain. So I wish, for curiosity's sake, you would send me a copy of
|
|
it.
|
|
|
|
The Marquis de Lafayette arrived safely at Boston on the 28th
|
|
of April, and, it is said, gave expectations of the coming of a
|
|
squadron and troops. The vessel that brings this left New London the
|
|
2d of May; her captain reports, that the siege of Charleston was
|
|
raised, the troops attacked in their retreat, and Clinton killed; but
|
|
this wants confirmation. London has been in the utmost confusion for
|
|
seven or eight days. The beginning of this month, a mob of fanatics,
|
|
joined by a mob of rogues, burnt and destroyed property to the
|
|
amount, it is said, of a million sterling. Chapels of foreign
|
|
ambassadors, houses of members of Parliament that had promoted the
|
|
act for favouring Catholics, and the houses of many private persons
|
|
of that religion, were pillaged and consumed, or pulled down, to the
|
|
number of fifty; among the rest, Lord Mansfield's is burnt, with all
|
|
his furniture, pictures, books, and papers. Thus he, who approved
|
|
the burning of American houses, has had fire brought home to him. He
|
|
himself was horribly scared, and Governor Hutchinson, it is said,
|
|
died outright of the fright. The mob, tired with roaring and rioting
|
|
seven days and nights, were at length suppressed, and quiet restored
|
|
on the 9th, in the evening. Next day Lord George Gordon was
|
|
committed to the tower.
|
|
|
|
Enclosed I send you the little piece you desire. To understand
|
|
it rightly you should be acquainted with some few circumstances. The
|
|
person to whom it was addressed is Madame Brillon, a lady of most
|
|
respectable character and pleasing conversation; mistress of an
|
|
amiable family in this neighbourhood, with which I spend an evening
|
|
twice in every week. She has, among other elegant accomplishments,
|
|
that of an excellent musician; and, with her daughters, who sing
|
|
prettily, and some friends who play, she kindly entertains me and my
|
|
grandson with little concerts, a cup of tea, and a game of chess. I
|
|
call this _my Opera_, for I rarely go to the Opera at Paris.
|
|
|
|
The Moulin Joli is a little island in the Seine about two
|
|
leagues hence, part of the country-seat of another friend, where we
|
|
visit every summer, and spend a day in the pleasing society of the
|
|
ingenious, learned, and very polite persons who inhabit it. At the
|
|
time when the letter was written, all conversations at Paris were
|
|
filled with disputes about the music of Gluck and Picini, a German
|
|
and Italian musician, who divided the town into violent parties. A
|
|
friend of this lady having obtained a copy of it, under a promise not
|
|
to give another, did not observe that promise; so that many have been
|
|
taken, and it is become as public as such a thing can well be, that
|
|
is not printed; but I could not dream of its being heard of at
|
|
Madrid! The thought was partly taken from a little piece of some
|
|
unknown writer, which I met with fifty years since in a newspaper,
|
|
and which the sight of the Ephemera brought to my recollection.
|
|
Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours most affectionately,
|
|
|
|
"MR. ADAMS HAS GIVEN OFFENCE TO THE COURT HERE"
|
|
|
|
_To Samuel Huntington_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, August 9, 1780.
|
|
With this your Excellency will receive a Copy of my last, dated
|
|
May 31st, the Original of which, with Copies of preceding Letters,
|
|
went by the _Alliance_, Capt. Landais, who sailed the Beginning of
|
|
last Month, and who I wish may arrive safe in America, being
|
|
apprehensive, that by her long Delay in Port, from the Mutiny of the
|
|
People, who after she was ready to sail refused to weigh Anchor till
|
|
paid Wages, she may fall in the Way of the English Fleet now out; or
|
|
that her Crew, who have ever been infected with Disorder and Mutiny,
|
|
may carry her into England. She had, on her first coming out, a
|
|
Conspiracy for that purpose; besides which her Officers and Captain
|
|
quarrell'd with each other, the Captain with Comm'e Jones, and there
|
|
have been so many Embroils among them, that it was impossible to get
|
|
the Business forward while she staied, and she is at length gone,
|
|
without taking the Quantity of Stores she was capable of taking, and
|
|
was ordered to take.
|
|
|
|
I suppose the Conduct of that Captain will be enquired into by
|
|
a Court-Martial. Capt. Jones goes home in the _Ariel_, a Ship we
|
|
have borrowed of Government here, and carries 146 Chests of Arms, and
|
|
400 Barrels of Powder. To take the rest of the Stores, and Cloathing
|
|
I have been obliged to freight a Ship, which, being well arm'd and
|
|
well mann'd, will, I hope, get safe. The cloathes for 10,000 Men
|
|
are, I think, all made up; there are also Arms for 15,000, new and
|
|
good, with 2,000 Barrels of Powder. Besides this, there is a great
|
|
Quantity of Cloth I have bought, of which you will have the Invoices,
|
|
sent by Mr. Williams; another large Quantity purchas'd by Mr. Ross;
|
|
all going in the same Ship.
|
|
|
|
The little Authority we have here to govern our armed Ships,
|
|
and the Inconvenience of Distance from the Ports, occasion abundance
|
|
of Irregularities in the Conduct of both Men and Officers. I hope,
|
|
therefore, that no more of those Vessels will be sent hither, till
|
|
our Code of Laws is perfected respecting Ships abroad, and proper
|
|
Persons appointed to manage such Affairs in the SeaPorts. They give
|
|
me infinite Trouble; and, tho' I endeavour to act for the best, it is
|
|
without Satisfaction to myself, being unacquainted with that kind of
|
|
Business. I have often mention'd the Appointment of a Consul or
|
|
Consuls. The Congress have, perhaps, not yet had time to consider
|
|
that Matter.
|
|
|
|
Having already sent you, by different Conveyances, Copies of my
|
|
Proceedings with the Court of Denmark, relative to the three Prizes
|
|
delivered up to the English, and requested the Instructions of
|
|
Congress, I hope soon to receive them. I mention'd a Letter from the
|
|
Congress to that Court, as what I thought might have a good Effect.
|
|
I have since had more Reasons to be of that Opinion.
|
|
|
|
The unexpected Delay of Mr. Dean's Arrival has retarded the
|
|
Settlement of the joint Accounts of the Commission, he having had the
|
|
chief Management of the commercial Part, and being therefore best
|
|
able to explain Difficulties. I have just now the Pleasure to hear
|
|
that the _Fier Rodrique_, with her Convoy from Virginia, arrived at
|
|
Bordeaux, all safe except one Tobacco Ship, that foundered at Sea,
|
|
the Men saved; and I have a letter from Mr. Deane that he is at
|
|
Rochelle, proposes to stop a few Days at Nantes, and then proceed to
|
|
Paris, when I shall endeavour to see that Business completed with all
|
|
possible Expedition.
|
|
|
|
Mr. Adams has given Offence to the Court here, by some
|
|
Sentiments and Expressions contained in several of his Letters
|
|
written to the Count de Vergennes. I mention this with Reluctance,
|
|
tho' perhaps it would have been my Duty to acquaint you with such a
|
|
Circumstance, even were it not required of me by the Minister
|
|
himself. He has sent me Copies of the Correspondence, desiring I
|
|
would communicate them to Congress; and I send them herewith. Mr.
|
|
Adams did not show me his Letters before he sent them. I have, in a
|
|
former Letter to Mr. Lovell, mentioned some of the Inconveniencies,
|
|
that attend the having more than one Minister at the same Court; one
|
|
of which Inconveniencies is, that they do not always hold the same
|
|
Language, and that the Impressions made by one, and intended for the
|
|
Service of his Constituents, may be effaced by the Discourse of the
|
|
other. It is true, that Mr. Adams's proper Business is elsewhere;
|
|
but, the Time not being come for that Business, and having nothing
|
|
else here wherewith to employ himself, he seems to have endeavoured
|
|
to supply what he may suppose my Negociations defective in. He
|
|
thinks, as he tells me himself, that America has been too free in
|
|
Expressions of Gratitude to France; for that she is more oblig'd to
|
|
us than we to her; and that we should show Spirit in our
|
|
Applications. I apprehend, that he mistakes his Ground, and that
|
|
this Court is to be treated with Decency and Delicacy. The King, a
|
|
young and virtuous Prince, has, I am persuaded, a Pleasure in
|
|
reflecting on the generous Benevolence of the Action in assisting an
|
|
oppressed People, and proposes it as a Part of the Glory of his
|
|
Reign. I think it right to encrease this Pleasure by our thankful
|
|
Acknowledgments, and that such an Expression of Gratitude is not only
|
|
our Duty, but our Interest. A different Conduct seems to me what is
|
|
not only improper and unbecoming, but what may be hurtful to us. Mr.
|
|
Adams, on the other hand, who, at the same time means our Welfare and
|
|
Interest as much as I, or any man, can do, seems to think a little
|
|
apparent Stoutness, and greater air of Independence and Boldness in
|
|
our Demands, will procure us more ample Assistance. It is for
|
|
Congress to judge and regulate their Affairs accordingly.
|
|
|
|
M. Vergennes, who appears much offended, told me, yesterday,
|
|
that he would enter into no further Discussions with Mr. Adams, nor
|
|
answer any more of his Letters. He is gone to Holland to try, as he
|
|
told me, whether something might not be done to render us less
|
|
dependent on France. He says, the Ideas of this Court and those of
|
|
the People in America are so totally different, that it is impossible
|
|
for any Minister to please both. He ought to know America better
|
|
than I do, having been there lately, and he may chuse to do what he
|
|
thinks will best please the People of America. But, when I consider
|
|
the Expressions of Congress in many of their public Acts, and
|
|
particularly in their Letter to the Chev. de la Luzerne, of the 24th
|
|
of May last, I cannot but imagine, that he mistakes the Sentiments of
|
|
a few for a general Opinion. It is my Intention, while I stay here,
|
|
to procure what Advantages I can for our Country, by endeavouring to
|
|
please this Court; and I wish I could prevent any thing being said by
|
|
any of our Countrymen here, that may have a contrary Effect, and
|
|
increase an Opinion lately showing itself in Paris, that we seek a
|
|
Difference, and with a view of reconciling ourselves to England.
|
|
Some of them have of late been very indiscreet in their
|
|
Conversations.
|
|
|
|
I received, eight months after their Date, the Instructions of
|
|
Congress relating to a new Article for guaranteeing the Fisheries.
|
|
The expected Negociations for a Peace appearing of late more remote,
|
|
and being too much occupied with other Affairs, I have not hitherto
|
|
proposed that Article. But I purpose doing it next Week. It appears
|
|
so reasonable and equitable, that I do not foresee any Difficulty.
|
|
In my next, I shall give you an Account of what passes on the
|
|
Occasion.
|
|
|
|
The Silver Medal ordered for the Chev'r de Fleury, has been
|
|
delivered to his Order here, he being gone to America. The others,
|
|
for Brigadier-General Wayne and Colonel Stuart, I shall send by the
|
|
next good Opportunity.
|
|
|
|
The Two Thousand Pounds I furnished to Messrs. Adams and Jay,
|
|
agreable to an Order of Congress, for themselves and Secretaries,
|
|
being nearly expended, and no Supplies to them arriving, I have
|
|
thought it my Duty to furnish them with further Sums, hoping the
|
|
Supplies promised will soon arrive to reimburse me, and enable me to
|
|
pay the Bills drawn on Mr. Laurens in Holland, which I have engaged
|
|
for, to save the public Credit, the Holders of those Bills
|
|
threatening otherwise to protest them. Messrs. de Neufville of
|
|
Amsterdam had accepted some of them. I have promised those Gentlemen
|
|
to provide for the Payment before they become due, and to accept such
|
|
others as shall be presented to me. I hear, and hope it is true,
|
|
that the Drawing of such Bills is stopped, and that their Number and
|
|
Value is not very great.
|
|
|
|
The Bills drawn in favour of M. de Beaumarchais for the
|
|
Interest of his Debt are paid.
|
|
|
|
The German Prince, who gave me a Proposal some Months since for
|
|
furnishing Troops to the Congress, has lately desired an Answer. I
|
|
gave no Expectation, that it was likely you would agree to such a
|
|
Proposal; but, being pressed to send it you, it went with some of my
|
|
former Letters.
|
|
|
|
M. Fouquet, who was employ'd by Congress to instruct People in
|
|
making Gunpowder, is arriv'd here, after a long Passage; he has
|
|
requested me to transmit a Memorial to Congress, which I do,
|
|
enclos'd.
|
|
|
|
The great public Event in Europe of this Year is the Proposal,
|
|
by Russia, of an armed Neutrality for protecting the Liberty of
|
|
Commerce. The proposition is accepted now by most of the maritime
|
|
Powers. As it is likely to become the Law of Nations, _that free
|
|
Ships should make free Goods_, I wish the Congress to consider,
|
|
whether it may not be proper to give Orders to their Cruizers not to
|
|
molest Foreign Ships, but conform to the Spirit of that Treaty of
|
|
Neutrality.
|
|
|
|
The English have been much elated with their Success at
|
|
Charlestown. The late News of the Junction of the French and Spanish
|
|
Fleets, has a little abated their Spirits; and I hope that Junction,
|
|
and the Arrival of the French Troops and Ships in N. America, will
|
|
soon produce News, that may afford us also in our Turn some
|
|
Satisfaction.
|
|
|
|
Application has been made to me here, requesting that I would
|
|
solicit Congress to permit the Exchange of William John Mawhood, a
|
|
Lieutenant in the 17th Regiment, taken Prisoner at Stony Point, July
|
|
15th, 1779, and confin'd near Philadelphia; or, if the exchange
|
|
cannot conveniently be made, that he may be permitted to return to
|
|
England on his Parole. By doing this at my Request, the Congress
|
|
will enable me to oblige several Friends of ours, who are Persons of
|
|
Merit and Distinction in this country.
|
|
|
|
Be pleased, Sir, to present my Duty to Congress, and believe me
|
|
to be, with great Respect, &c.
|
|
|
|
P.S. A similar Application has been made to me in favour of
|
|
Richard Croft, Lieutenant in the 20th Regiment, a Prisoner at
|
|
Charlottesville. I shall be much obliged by any Kindness shown to
|
|
that young Gentleman, and so will some Friends of ours in England,
|
|
who respect his Father.
|
|
|
|
"A NEIGHBOUR MIGHT AS WELL ASK ME TO SELL MY STREET DOOR"
|
|
|
|
_To John Jay_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, October 2d, 1780.
|
|
I received duly and in good order the several letters you have
|
|
written to me of August 16th, 19th, September 8th, and 22d. The
|
|
papers that accompanied them of your writing gave me the pleasure of
|
|
seeing the affairs of our country in such good hands, and the
|
|
prospect, from your youth, of its having the service of so able a
|
|
minister for a great number of years. But the little success that
|
|
has attended your late applications for money mortified me
|
|
exceedingly; and the storm of bills which I found coming upon us
|
|
both, has terrified and vexed me to such a degree that I have been
|
|
deprived of sleep, and so much indisposed by continual anxiety, as to
|
|
be rendered almost incapable of writing.
|
|
|
|
At length I got over a reluctance that was almost invincible,
|
|
and made another application to the government here for more money.
|
|
I drew up and presented a state of debts and newly-expected demands,
|
|
and requested its aid to extricate me. Judging from your letters
|
|
that you were not likely to obtain any thing considerable from your
|
|
court, I put down in my estimate the 25,000 dollars drawn upon you,
|
|
with the same sum drawn upon me, as what would probably come to me
|
|
for payment. I have now the pleasure to acquaint you that my
|
|
memorial was received in the kindest and most friendly manner, and
|
|
though the court here is not without its embarrassments on account of
|
|
money, I was told to make myself easy, for that I should be assisted
|
|
with what was necessary. Mr. Searle arriving about this time, and
|
|
assuring me there had been a plentiful harvest, and great crops of
|
|
all kinds; that the Congress had demanded of the several States
|
|
contributions in produce, which would be cheerfully given; that they
|
|
would therefore have plenty of provisions to dispose of; and I being
|
|
much pleased with the generous behaviour just experienced, I
|
|
presented another paper, proposing, in order to ease the government
|
|
here, which had been so willing to ease us, that the Congress might
|
|
furnish their army in America with provisions in part of payment for
|
|
the services lent us. This proposition, I was told, was well taken;
|
|
but it being considered that the States having the enemy in their
|
|
country, and obliged to make great expenses for the present campaign,
|
|
the furnishing so much provisions as the French army might need,
|
|
might straiten and be inconvenient to the Congress, his majesty did
|
|
not at this time think it right to accept the offer. You will not
|
|
wonder at my loving this good prince: he will win the hearts of all
|
|
America.
|
|
|
|
If you are not so fortunate in Spain, continue however the even
|
|
good temper you have hitherto manifested. Spain owes us nothing;
|
|
therefore, whatever friendship she shows us in lending money or
|
|
furnishing clothes, &c. though not equal to our wants and wishes, is
|
|
however _tant de gagne_; those who have begun to assist us, are more
|
|
likely to continue than to decline, and we are still so much obliged
|
|
as their aids amount to. But I hope and am confident, that court
|
|
will be wiser than to take advantage of our distress, and insist on
|
|
our making sacrifices by an agreement, which the circumstances of
|
|
such distress would hereafter weaken, and the very proposition can
|
|
only give disgust at present. Poor as we are, yet as I know we shall
|
|
be rich, I would rather agree with them to buy at a great price the
|
|
whole of their right on the Mississippi, than sell a drop of its
|
|
waters. A neighbour might as well ask me to sell my street door.
|
|
|
|
I wish you could obtain an account of what they have supplied
|
|
us with already in money and goods.
|
|
|
|
Mr. Grand, informing me that one of the bills drawn on you
|
|
having been sent from hence to Madrid, was come back unaccepted, I
|
|
have directed him to pay it; and he has, at my request, undertaken to
|
|
write to the Marquis D'Yranda, to assist you with money to answer
|
|
such bills as you are not otherwise enabled to pay, and to draw on
|
|
him for the amount, which drafts I shall answer here as far as 25,000
|
|
dollars. If you expect more, acquaint me. But pray write to
|
|
Congress as I do, to forbear this practice, which is so extremely
|
|
hazardous, and may, some time or other, prove very mischievous to
|
|
their credit and affairs. I have undertaken, too, for all the bills
|
|
drawn on Mr. Laurens, that have yet appeared. He was to have sailed
|
|
three days after Mr. Searle, that is, the 18th July. Mr. Searle
|
|
begins to be in pain for him, having no good opinion of the little
|
|
vessel he was to embark in.
|
|
|
|
We have letters from America to the 7th August. The spirit of
|
|
our people was never higher. Vast exertions making preparatory for
|
|
some important action. Great harmony and affection between the
|
|
troops of the two nations. The new money in good credit, &c.
|
|
|
|
I will write to you again shortly, and to Mr. Carmichael. I
|
|
shall now be able to pay up your salaries complete for the year; but
|
|
as demands unforeseen are continually coming upon me, I still retain
|
|
the expectations you have given me of being reimbursed out of the
|
|
first remittances you receive.
|
|
|
|
If you find any inclination to hug me for the good news of this
|
|
letter, I constitute and appoint Mrs. Jay my attorney, to receive in
|
|
my behalf your embraces. With great and sincere esteem,
|
|
I have the honour to be, dear sir,
|
|
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
|
|
|
|
RELIGIOUS TESTS
|
|
|
|
_To Richard Price_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, Oct. 9, 1780.
|
|
Besides the Pleasure of their Company, I had the great
|
|
Satisfaction of hearing by your two valuable Friends, and learning
|
|
from your Letter, that you enjoy a good State of Health. May God
|
|
continue it, as well for the Good of Mankind as for your Comfort. I
|
|
thank you much for the second Edition of your excellent Pamphlet. I
|
|
forwarded that you sent to Mr. Dana, he being in Holland. I wish
|
|
also to see the Piece you have written (as Mr. Jones tells me) on
|
|
Toleration. I do not expect that your new Parliament will be either
|
|
wiser or honester than the last. All Projects to procure an honest
|
|
one, by Place Bills, &c., appear to me vain and Impracticable. The
|
|
true Cure, I imagine, is to be found only in rendring all Places
|
|
unprofitable, and the King too poor to give Bribes and Pensions.
|
|
Till this is done, which can only be by a Revolution (and I think you
|
|
have not Virtue enough left to procure one), your Nation will always
|
|
be plundered, and obliged to pay by Taxes the Plunderers for
|
|
Plundering and Ruining. Liberty and Virtue therefore join in the
|
|
call, COME OUT OF HER, MY PEOPLE!
|
|
|
|
I am fully of your Opinion respecting religious Tests; but,
|
|
tho' the People of Massachusetts have not in their new Constitution
|
|
kept quite clear of them, yet, if we consider what that People were
|
|
100 Years ago, we must allow they have gone great Lengths in
|
|
Liberality of Sentiment on religious Subjects; and we may hope for
|
|
greater Degrees of Perfection, when their Constitution, some years
|
|
hence, shall be revised. If Christian Preachers had continued to
|
|
teach as Christ and his Apostles did, without Salaries, and as the
|
|
Quakers now do, I imagine Tests would never have existed; for I think
|
|
they were invented, not so much to secure Religion itself, as the
|
|
Emoluments of it. When a Religion is good, I conceive that it will
|
|
support itself; and, when it cannot support itself, and God does not
|
|
take care to support, so that its Professors are oblig'd to call for
|
|
the help of the Civil Power, it is a sign, I apprehend, of its being
|
|
a bad one. But I shall be out of my Depth, if I wade any deeper in
|
|
Theology, and I will not trouble you with Politicks, nor with News
|
|
which are almost as uncertain; but conclude with a heartfelt Wish to
|
|
embrace you once more, and enjoy your sweet Society in Peace, among
|
|
our honest, worthy, ingenious Friends at the _London._ Adieu,
|
|
|
|
"I THINK A WORTHIER MAN NEVER LIVED"
|
|
|
|
_To Benjamin Waterhouse_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, Jan. 18. 1781.
|
|
I received your obliging Letter of the 16th past, enclosing one
|
|
from my dear Friend, Dr. Fothergill. I was happy to hear from him,
|
|
that he was quite free of the Disorder that had like to have remov'd
|
|
him last summer. But I had soon after a Letter from another Friend,
|
|
acquainting me, that he was again dangerously ill of the same Malady;
|
|
and the newspapers have since announced his Death! I condole with
|
|
you most sincerely on this Occasion. I think a worthier Man never
|
|
lived. For besides his constant Readiness to serve his Friends, he
|
|
was always studying and projecting something for the Good of his
|
|
Country and of Mankind in general, and putting others, who had it in
|
|
their Power, on executing what was out of his own reach; but whatever
|
|
was within it he took care to do himself; and his incredible Industry
|
|
and unwearied Activity enabled him to do much more than can now be
|
|
ever known, his Modesty being equal to his other Virtues.
|
|
|
|
I shall take care to forward his Letter to Mr. Pemberton.
|
|
Enclos'd is one I have just received under Cover from that Gentleman.
|
|
You will take care to convey it by some safe Opportunity to London.
|
|
|
|
With hearty Wishes for your Prosperity and Success in your
|
|
Profession, and that you may be a good Copy of your deceas'd
|
|
Relation, I am, Sir, etc.,
|
|
|
|
"I SHALL BE READY TO BREAK, RUN AWAY, OR GO TO PRISON WITH YOU"
|
|
|
|
_To John Adams_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, Feb. 22. 1781
|
|
I received the Letter your Excell'y did me honour of writing to me
|
|
the 15th Inst. respecting Bills, presented to you for Acceptance drawn by
|
|
Congress in favour of N. Tracey for 10,000 pounds Sterling payable 90 Days
|
|
Sight; and desiring to know if I can furnish Funds for the Payment.
|
|
|
|
I have lately made a fresh & strong Application for more Money.
|
|
I have not yet received a positive Answer. I have however two of the
|
|
Christian Graces, Faith & Hope. But my Faith is only that of which
|
|
the Apostle Speaks, the Evidence of things not seen. For in Truth I
|
|
do not see at present how so many Bills drawn at random on our
|
|
Ministers in France, Spain & Holland, are to be paid. Nor that
|
|
anything but omnipotent Necessity can excuse the Imprudence of it.
|
|
Yet I think Bills drawn upon us by the Congress ought at all Risques
|
|
to be accepted. I shall accordingly use my best Endeavours to
|
|
procure Money for their honourable Discharge against they become due,
|
|
if you should not in the meantime be provided; and if those
|
|
Endeavours fail, I shall be ready to break, run away, or go to prison
|
|
with you, as it shall please God.
|
|
|
|
Sir G. Grand has returned to me the remainder of the Book of
|
|
Promisses, sign'd by us, which his House had not an Opportunity of
|
|
issuing. Perhaps the late Charge of Affairs in that Country may open
|
|
a way for them. If on consulting him you should be of that Opinion,
|
|
I will send them to you. -- With great Respect, I have the honour to
|
|
be
|
|
Sir,
|
|
|
|
P. S. Late Advices from Congress mention that Col. Laurens is
|
|
coming over as Envoy extraordinary to this Court & Col. Palfray as
|
|
Consul General. They may be expected every day.
|
|
|
|
"AS THE INDIANS HAD NO LETTERS, THEY HAD NO ORTHOGRAPHY"
|
|
|
|
_To Court de Gebelin_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, May 7, 1781.
|
|
I am glad the little Book prov'd acceptable. It does not
|
|
appear to me intended for a Grammar to teach the Language. It is
|
|
rather what we call in English a _Spelling Book_, in which the only
|
|
Method observ'd is, to arrange the Words according to their Number of
|
|
Syllables, placing those of one Syllable together, then those of two
|
|
Syllables, and so on. And it is to be observ'd, that _Sa ki ma_, for
|
|
Instance, is not three Words, but one Word of three Syllables; and
|
|
the reason that _Hyphens_ are not plac'd between the Syllables is,
|
|
that the Printer had not enough of them.
|
|
|
|
As the Indians had no Letters, they had no Orthography. The
|
|
Delaware Language being differently spelt from the Virginian may not
|
|
always arise from a Difference in the Languages; for Strangers who
|
|
learn the Language of an Indian Nation, finding no Orthography, are
|
|
at Liberty in writing the Language to use such Compositions of
|
|
Letters as they think will best produce the Sounds of the Words. I
|
|
have observ'd, that our Europeans of different Nations, who learn the
|
|
same Indian Language, form each his own Orthography according to the
|
|
usual Sounds given to the Letters in his own Language. Thus the same
|
|
Words of the Mohawk Language written by an English, a French, and a
|
|
German Interpreter, often differ very much in the Spelling; and,
|
|
without knowing the usual Powers of the Letters in the Language of
|
|
the Interpreter, one cannot come at the Pronunciation of the Indian
|
|
Words. The Spelling Book in question was, I think, written by a
|
|
German.
|
|
|
|
You mention a Virginian Bible. Is it not the Bible of the
|
|
Massachusetts Language, translated by Elliot, and printed in New
|
|
England, about the middle of the last Century? I know this Bible,
|
|
but have never heard of one in the Virginian Language. Your
|
|
Observations of the Similitude between many of the Words, and those
|
|
of the ancient World, are indeed very curious.
|
|
|
|
This Inscription, which you find to be Phenician, is, I think,
|
|
near _Taunton_ (not _Jannston_, as you write it). There is some
|
|
Account of it in the old _Philosophical Transactions._ I have never
|
|
been at the Place, but shall be glad to see your Remarks on it.
|
|
|
|
The Compass appears to have been long known in China, before it
|
|
was known in Europe; unless we suppose it known to Homer, who makes
|
|
the Prince, that lent Ships to Ulysses, boast that they had a
|
|
_spirit_ in them, by whose Directions they could find their way in a
|
|
cloudy Day, or the darkest Night. If any Phenicians arriv'd in
|
|
America, I should rather think it was not by the Accident of a Storm,
|
|
but in the Course of their long and adventurous Voyages; and that
|
|
they coasted from Denmark and Norway, over to Greenland, and down
|
|
Southward by Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, &c., to New England; as the
|
|
Danes themselves certainly did some ages before Columbus.
|
|
|
|
Our new American Society will be happy in the Correspondence
|
|
you mention, and when it is possible for me, I shall be glad to
|
|
attend the Meetings of your Society, which I am sure must be very
|
|
instructive. With great and sincere esteem, I have the honour to be,
|
|
&c.
|
|
|
|
"I HAVE ACTED IMPRUDENTLY"
|
|
|
|
_To Comte de Vergennes_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy. June 10'th. 1781
|
|
I received the letter your Excellency did me the honour of
|
|
writing to me on the 8'th. Inst. in answer to mine of the 4'th.
|
|
|
|
The state of M'r. Laurens's transaction in Holland, as I understood
|
|
it, is this. Capt. Gillon represented to him, that he had bought clothing
|
|
&c. for the troops of South Carolina, to the value of 10,000 pounds sterling,
|
|
which were actually shipp'd in the _Indienne_; that he now wanted money to
|
|
get his ship out, and therefore proposed to M'r. Laurens to take those goods
|
|
of him for the United States. M'r. Laurens agreed to take such as would
|
|
suit their wants, and to pay for the same by Bills upon me at six months'
|
|
sight; and proposed to send in her some other articles that could be bought
|
|
in Holland. His motives were that this fine ship, if she could be got out,
|
|
would be a safe conveyance; and that she would afterwards be useful to the
|
|
Congress on our Coasts. He informed me that he had mentioned to your
|
|
Excellency Capt. Gillon's proposal, and that you seem'd to approve of it. I
|
|
accordingly consented to his ordering those drafts upon me; but this will not
|
|
be any great addition to my difficulty, since in the term of 6 months, I can
|
|
probably receive from Congress the Power which you judge necessary for
|
|
applying any part of the loan opened in Holland, to the discharge of those
|
|
Bills.
|
|
|
|
With regard to the drafts made by Congress on M'r. Jay, in
|
|
expectation of a friendly loan from the Court of Spain, on M'r.
|
|
Laurens and M'r. Adams in Holland, from assurances given by some
|
|
People of that Country that a loan might be easily by them obtained
|
|
there; and large drafts upon myself, exclusive of the Loan Office
|
|
Interest Bills; these all together occasion an embarrassment, which
|
|
it is my duty to lay before your Excellency, and to acquaint you with
|
|
the consequences I apprehend may attend their not being duly
|
|
discharged. Those Bills were occasioned first by the sums necessary
|
|
last year to assemble our army and put it in a condition to act
|
|
vigorously with the King's Sea and Land Forces arrived and expected
|
|
to arrive from France against New York, and to defend the Southern
|
|
Colonies. Our main Army was accordingly put into such a condition as
|
|
to face M'r. Clinton before New York all summer; but the additional
|
|
forces expected from France not arriving, the project was not
|
|
pursued, and the advantage hoped for from that exertion and expence
|
|
was not obtained, tho' the funds of Congress were thereby equally
|
|
exhausted. A second necessity for drawing those Bills, arose from
|
|
the delay of five months in the sailing of M'r. de Chaumont's ship,
|
|
occasioned by the distraction of his affairs, whereby the clothing
|
|
for the army not arriving in time before winter, the Congress were
|
|
obliged to purchase the cloths taken by Privateers from the Quebec
|
|
Fleet; and this could only be done by payment for the same in Bills.
|
|
All these Bills were drawn by solemn resolutions of Congress; and it
|
|
seems to me evident, that if no part of the aids lately resolved on
|
|
by his Majesty can be applied to their discharge, with out an express
|
|
order from Congress for that purpose, the Public Credit of the United
|
|
States instead of being "re-animated" as his Majesty graciously
|
|
intended, will be destroy'd; for the Bills unpaid, must, according to
|
|
the usual Course be returned under protest, long before such order
|
|
can be obtained, which protest will by our laws, entitle the Holders
|
|
to a Damage of 20 p'r cent, whereby the public will incur a net loss
|
|
of one fifth of the whole sum drawn for; an effect, that will be made
|
|
use of by their Enemies to discredit their Government among the
|
|
People, and must weaken their hands much more in that respect, than
|
|
by the mere loss of so much money. On these considerations, and also
|
|
from an opinion that a bill already drawn by order of Congress, was
|
|
as good and clear a declaration of their will with regard to the
|
|
disposition of so much of any funds they might have at their disposal
|
|
in Europe, as any future order of theirs could be, I ventured to
|
|
accept and to promise payment of all the Bills above mention'd. What
|
|
I have requested of your Excellency in my late letter, and what I now
|
|
beg leave to repeat, is only that so much of the intended aid may be
|
|
retained, as shall be necessary to pay those acceptances as they
|
|
become due. I had not the least apprehension that this could meet
|
|
with any difficulty; and I hope on reconsideration, your Excellency
|
|
may still judge, that it will be for the advantage of the common
|
|
cause if this request is granted.
|
|
|
|
I have already paid most of the Bills drawn on M. Jay, which
|
|
the Money furnish'd to him by the Court of Spain did not suffice to
|
|
pay: I have also paid a part of those drawn on M'r Laurens, M'r.
|
|
Adams and myself: To do this I have been obliged to anticipate our
|
|
funds, so that, as our Banker informs me, I shall by the end of this
|
|
month owe him about 400,000 Livres, tho' he has already rec'd from M.
|
|
D'Harvelay for the quarter of August. I have acted imprudently in
|
|
making these acceptances and entering into these engagements without
|
|
first consulting your Excellency and obtaining your explicit
|
|
approbation; but I acted as I thought for the best; I imagined it a
|
|
case of absolute necessity, and relying on assistance from the new
|
|
aids intended us, and considering the fatal consequence of protests,
|
|
I thought at the time that I acted prudently and safely.
|
|
|
|
The supplies I shall want for the payment of these Bills will
|
|
be gradual: If I cannot obtain them but by an order from Congress, I
|
|
must not only stop payment of those not yet become due, but I
|
|
apprehend that I shall be obliged to refuse acceptance of some of the
|
|
interest Bills, having disabled myself from paying them, by paying so
|
|
many others.
|
|
|
|
I therefore beg your Excellency would reconsider this important
|
|
affair. I am sorry to find myself under a necessity of giving you so
|
|
much trouble. I wish rather to diminish your cares than to increase
|
|
them; being with the most perfect Respect, Sir, Your Excellency's
|
|
most
|
|
obedient and most humble servant
|
|
|
|
"THESE SUPERIOR AIRS YOU GIVE YOURSELF, YOUNG GENTLEMAN, OF
|
|
REPROOF TO ME"
|
|
|
|
_To William Jackson_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, July 10, 1781.
|
|
Last Night I received your 4th Letter on the Same Subject. You are
|
|
anxious to carry the Money with you, because it will reanimate the Credit of
|
|
America. My Situation and long Acquaintance with affairs relating to the
|
|
public Credit enables me, I think, to judge better than you can do, who are a
|
|
Novice in them, what Employment of it will most conduce to that End; and I
|
|
imagine the retaining it to pay the Congress Drafts has infinitely the
|
|
Advantage. You repeat that the Ship is detain'd by my Refusal. You forget
|
|
your having written to me expressly that she waited for Convoy. You remind
|
|
me of the great Expence the Detention of the Ship occasions. Who has given
|
|
Orders to stop her? It was not me. I had no Authority to do it. Have you?
|
|
And do you imagine, if you had taken such Authority upon you, that the
|
|
Congress ought to bear the Expence occasion'd by your Imprudence? and that
|
|
the Blame of detaining the necessary Stores the Ship contains will be excus'd
|
|
by your fond Desire of carrying the Money? The Noise you have rashly made
|
|
about this Matter, contrary to the Advice of Mr. Adams, which you ask'd and
|
|
receiv'd, and which was to comply with my Requisition, has already done great
|
|
Mischief to our Credit in Holland. Messrs. Fizeaux have declar'd they will
|
|
advance to him no more Money on his Bills upon me to assist in paying the
|
|
Congress Drafts on him. Your Commodore, too, complains, in a Letter I have
|
|
seen, that he finds it difficult to get Money for my Acceptances of your
|
|
Drafts in order to clear his Ship, tho' before this Proceeding of yours Bills
|
|
on me were, as Mr. Adams assures me, in as good Credit on the Exchange of
|
|
Amsterdam as those of any Banker in Europe. I suppose the Difficulty
|
|
mention'd by the Commodore is the true Reason of the ship's Stay, if in fact
|
|
the Convoy is gone without her. Credit is a delicate thing, capable of being
|
|
blasted with a Breath. The public Talk you have occasion'd about my Stopping
|
|
the Money, and the Conjectures of the Reasons or Necessity of doing it, have
|
|
created Doubts and Suspicions of most pernicious Consequence. It is a Matter
|
|
that should have pass'd in Silence. You repeat as a Reason for your Conduct,
|
|
that the Money was obtain'd by the great Exertions of Col. Laurens. Who
|
|
obtain'd the Grant is of no Importance, tho' the Use I propose to make of it
|
|
is of the greatest. But the Fact is not as you state it. I obtain'd it
|
|
before he came. And if he were here I am sure I could convince him of the
|
|
Necessity of leaving it. Especially after I should have inform'd him that
|
|
you had made in Holland the enormous Purchase of 40,000 pounds Sterling's
|
|
worth of Goods over and above the 10,000 pounds worth, which I had agreed
|
|
should be purchased by him on my Credit, and that you had induc'd me to
|
|
engage for the Payment of your Purchase by showing me a Paper said to contain
|
|
his Orders to you for making it, which I then took to be his Handwriting,
|
|
tho' I afterwards found it to be yours, and not sign'd by him. It would be
|
|
an additional Reason with him, when I should remind him that he himself, to
|
|
induce me to come into the Proposal of Commodore Gillon and the rest of the
|
|
Holland Transaction, to which I was averse, assur'd me that he had mention'd
|
|
it to the Minister, and that it was approv'd of: That on the contrary I find
|
|
the Minister remembers nothing of it, very much dislikes it, and absolutely
|
|
refuses to furnish any Money to discharge that Account. You finish your
|
|
Letter by telling me that, "the daily Enhancement of Expence to the United
|
|
States from these Difficulties is worthy the Attention of those whose _Duty_
|
|
is to oeconomize the Public Money, and to whom the commonWeal is intrusted
|
|
without deranging the special Department of another." The Ship's lying there
|
|
with 5 or 600 Men on board is undoubtedly a great daily Expence, but it is
|
|
you that occasion it; and these Superior Airs you give yourself, young
|
|
Gentleman, of Reproof to me, and Reminding me of my Duty do not become you,
|
|
whose special Department and Employ in public Affairs, of which you are so
|
|
vain, is but of yesterday, and would never have existed but by my
|
|
Concurrence, and would have ended in the Disgrace if I had not supported your
|
|
enormous Purchases by accepting your Drafts. The charging me with want of
|
|
oeconomy is particularly improper in _you_, when the only Instance you know
|
|
of it is my having indiscreetly comply'd with your Demand in advancing you
|
|
120 Louis for the Expence of your Journey to Paris and when the only Instance
|
|
I know of your ;oeconomizing Money is your sending me three Expresses, one
|
|
after another, on the same Day, all the way from Holland to Paris, each with
|
|
a Letter saying the same thing to the same purpose. This Dispute is as
|
|
useless as it is unpleasant. It can only create ill Blood. Pray let us end
|
|
it. I have the honour to be, etc.,
|
|
|
|
"ASSISTING WITH AN EQUAL SUM A STRANGER WHO HAS EQUAL NEED OF
|
|
IT"
|
|
|
|
_To William Nixon_
|
|
|
|
REV'D SIR, Passy, Sept. 5, 1781.
|
|
I duly received the Letter you did me the Honour of writing to
|
|
me the 25th past, together with the valuable little Book, of which
|
|
you are the Author. There can be no doubt, but that a Gentleman of
|
|
your Learning and Abilities might make a very useful Member of
|
|
Society in our new Country, and meet with Encouragement there, either
|
|
as an Instructor in one of our Universities, or as a Clergyman of the
|
|
Church of Ireland. But I am not impowered to engage any Person to go
|
|
over thither, and my Abilities to assist the Distressed are very
|
|
limited. I suppose you will soon be set at Liberty in England by the
|
|
Cartel for the Exchange of Prisoners. In the mean time, if Five
|
|
_Louis-d'ors_ may be of present Service to you, please to draw on me
|
|
for that Sum, and your Bill shall be paid on Sight. Some time or
|
|
other you may have an Opportunity of assisting with an equal Sum a
|
|
stranger who has equal need of it. Do so. By that means you will
|
|
discharge any Obligation you may suppose yourself under to me.
|
|
Enjoin him to do the same on Occasion. By pursuing such a Practice,
|
|
much Good may be done with little money. Let kind Offices go round.
|
|
Mankind are all of a Family. I have the honour to be, Rev'd Sir, &c.
|
|
|
|
ON FINE PRINTING
|
|
|
|
_To William Strahan_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, December 4, 1781.
|
|
Not remembering precisely the address of Mrs. Strange, I beg
|
|
leave to request you would forward the Enclosed to her, which I
|
|
received under my Cover from America.
|
|
|
|
I formerly sent you from Philadelphia part of an Edition of
|
|
"Tully on Old Age," to be sold in London; and you put the Books, if I
|
|
remember right, into the Hands of Mr. Becket for that Purpose.
|
|
Probably he may have some of them still in his Warehouse, as I never
|
|
had an account of their being sold. I shall be much oblig'd by your
|
|
procuring and sending me one of them.
|
|
|
|
A strong Emulation exists at present between Paris and Madrid,
|
|
with regard to beautiful Printing. Here a M. Didot _le jeune_ has a
|
|
Passion for the Art, and besides having procured the best Types, he
|
|
has much improv'd the Press. The utmost Care is taken of his
|
|
Presswork; his Ink is black, and his Paper fine and white. He has
|
|
executed several charming Editions. But the "Salust" and the "Don
|
|
Quixote" of Madrid are thought to excel them. Didot however,
|
|
improves every day, and by his zeal and indefatigable application
|
|
bids fair to carry the Art to a high Pitch of Perfection. I will
|
|
send you a Sample of his Work when I have an opportunity.
|
|
|
|
I am glad to hear that you have married your Daughter happily,
|
|
and that your Prosperity continues. I hope it may never meet with
|
|
any Interruption having still, tho' at present divided by public
|
|
Circumstances, a Remembrance of our ancient private Friendship.
|
|
Please to present my affectionate Respects to Mrs. Strahan, and my
|
|
Love to your Children. With great Esteem and Regard, I am, dear Sir,
|
|
|
|
Your most humble and most obedient Servant,
|
|
|
|
"NOR A SYLLABLE OF APPROBATION"
|
|
|
|
_To John Adams_
|
|
|
|
SIR Passy, Dec. 17, 1781
|
|
I have received the Packet containing the correspondence
|
|
relating to the Goods. I suppose that M'r Barclay is there before
|
|
this time, and the Affair in a way of Accommodation. Young M'r
|
|
Neufville is here; but I have thought it best not to give him as yet
|
|
any Hopes of my paying the Bills unless the Goods are delivered. I
|
|
shall write fully by next Post. This serves chiefly to acquaint you
|
|
that I will endeavour to pay the Bills that have been presented to
|
|
you drawn on M'r Laurens. But you terrify me, by acquainting me that
|
|
there are yet a great number behind. It is hard that I never had any
|
|
information sent me of the Sums drawn, a Line of Order to pay, nor a
|
|
Syllable of Approbation for having paid any of the Bills drawn on M'r
|
|
Laurens, M'r Jay or yourself. As yet I do not see that I can go any
|
|
further, and therefore can engage for no more than you have
|
|
mention'd.
|
|
With great Esteem, I have the honour to be Sir
|
|
Your Excellency's
|
|
most obedient and most
|
|
humble Servant
|
|
|
|
ON THE LIBERTAS MEDAL
|
|
|
|
_To Robert R. Livingston_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, March 4, 1782.
|
|
Since I wrote the two short letters, of which I herewith send
|
|
you copies, I have been honoured with yours, dated the 16th of
|
|
December.
|
|
|
|
Enclosed I send two letters from Count de Vergennes, relating
|
|
to certain complaints from Ostend and Copenhagen against our
|
|
cruisers. I formerly forwarded a similar complaint from Portugal, to
|
|
which I have yet received no answer. The ambassador of that kingdom
|
|
frequently teazes me for it. I hope now, that by your means this
|
|
kind of affairs will be more immediately attended to; ill blood and
|
|
mischief may be thereby sometimes prevented.
|
|
|
|
The Marquis de Lafayette was at his return hither received by
|
|
all ranks with all possible distinction. He daily gains in the
|
|
general esteem and affection, and promises to be a great man here.
|
|
He is warmly attached to our cause; we are on the most friendly and
|
|
confidential footing with each other, and he is really very
|
|
serviceable to me in my applications for additional assistance.
|
|
|
|
I have done what I could in recommending Messieurs Duportail
|
|
and Gouvion, as you desired. I did it with pleasure, as I have much
|
|
esteem for them.
|
|
|
|
I will endeavour to procure a sketch of an emblem for the
|
|
purpose you mention. This puts me in mind of a medal I have had a
|
|
mind to strike, since the late great event you gave me an account of,
|
|
representing the United States by the figure of an infant Hercules in
|
|
his cradle, strangling the two serpents; and France by that of
|
|
Minerva, sitting by as his nurse, with her spear and helmet, and her
|
|
robe specked with a few _fleurs de lis._ The extinguishing of two
|
|
entire armies in one war is what has rarely happened, and it gives a
|
|
presage of the future force of our growing empire.
|
|
|
|
I thank you much for the newspapers you have been so kind as to
|
|
send me. I send also to you, by every opportunity, packets of the
|
|
French, Dutch, and English papers. Enclosed is the last _Courier of
|
|
Europe_, wherein you will find a late curious debate on continuing
|
|
the war with America, which the minister carried in the affirmative
|
|
only by his own vote. It seems the nation is sick of it, but the
|
|
King is obstinate. _There is a change made of the American
|
|
Secretary_, and another is talked of in the room of Lord Sandwich.
|
|
But I suppose we have no reason to desire such changes. If the King
|
|
will have a war with us, his old servants are as well for us as any
|
|
he is likely to put in their places. The ministry, you will see,
|
|
declare, that the war in America is for the future to be only
|
|
_defensive._ I hope we shall be too prudent to have the least
|
|
dependence on this declaration. It is only thrown out to lull us;
|
|
for, depend upon it, the King hates us cordially, and will be content
|
|
with nothing short of our extirpation.
|
|
|
|
I shall be glad to receive the account you are preparing of the
|
|
wanton damages done our possessions. I wish you could also furnish
|
|
me with one, of the barbarities committed on our people. They may
|
|
both be of excellent use on certain occasions. I received the
|
|
duplicate of yours in cipher. Hereafter, I wish you would use that
|
|
in which those instructions were written, that relate to the future
|
|
peace. I am accustomed to that, and I think it very good and more
|
|
convenient in the practice.
|
|
|
|
The friendly disposition of this court towards us continues.
|
|
We have sometimes pressed a little too hard, expecting and demanding,
|
|
perhaps, more than we ought, and have used improper arguments, which
|
|
may have occasioned a little dissatisfaction, but it has not been
|
|
lasting. In my opinion, the surest way to obtain liberal aid from
|
|
others is vigorously to help ourselves. People fear assisting the
|
|
negligent, the indolent, and the careless, lest the aids they afford
|
|
should be lost. I know we have done a great deal; but it is said, we
|
|
are apt to be supine after a little success, and too backward in
|
|
furnishing our contingents. This is really a generous nation, fond
|
|
of glory, and particularly that of protecting the oppressed. Trade
|
|
is not the admiration of their noblesse, who always govern here.
|
|
Telling them, their _commerce_ will be advantaged by our success, and
|
|
that it is their _interest_ to help us, seems as much as to say,
|
|
"Help us, and we shall not be obliged to you." Such indiscreet and
|
|
improper language has been sometimes held here by some of our people,
|
|
and produced no good effects.
|
|
|
|
|
|
The constant harmony, subsisting between the armies of the two
|
|
nations in America, is a circumstance, that has afforded me infinite
|
|
pleasure. It should be carefully cultivated. I hope nothing will
|
|
happen to disturb it. The French officers, who have returned to
|
|
France this winter, speak of our people in the handsomest and kindest
|
|
manner; and there is a strong desire in many of the young noblemen to
|
|
go over to fight for us; there is no restraining some of them; and
|
|
several changes among the officers of their army have lately taken
|
|
place in consequence.
|
|
|
|
You must be so sensible of the utility of maintaining a perfect
|
|
good understanding with the Chevalier de la Luzerne, that I need say
|
|
nothing on that head. The affairs of a distant people in any court
|
|
of Europe will always be much affected by the representations of the
|
|
minister of that court residing among them.
|
|
|
|
We have here great quantities of supplies, of all kinds, ready
|
|
to be sent over, and which would have been on their way before this
|
|
time, if the unlucky loss of the transports, that were under M. de
|
|
Guichen, and other demands for more ships, had not created a
|
|
difficulty to find freight for them. I hope however, that you will
|
|
receive them with the next convoy.
|
|
|
|
The accounts we have of the economy introduced by Mr. Morris
|
|
begin to be of service to us here, and will by degrees obviate the
|
|
inconvenience, that an opinion of our disorders and mismanagements
|
|
had occasioned. I inform him by this conveyance of the money aids we
|
|
shall have this year. The sum is not so great as we could wish; and
|
|
we must so much the more exert ourselves. A small increase of
|
|
industry in every American, male and female, with a small diminution
|
|
of luxury, would produce a sum far superior to all we can hope to beg
|
|
or borrow from all our friends in Europe.
|
|
|
|
There are now near a thousand of our brave fellows prisoners in
|
|
England, many of whom have patiently endured the hardships of that
|
|
confinement several years, resisting every temptation to serve our
|
|
enemies. Will not your late great advantages put it in your power to
|
|
do something for their relief? The slender supply I have been able
|
|
to afford, of a shilling a week to each, for their greater comfort
|
|
during the winter, amounts weekly to fifty pounds sterling. An
|
|
exchange would make so many of our countrymen happy, add to our
|
|
strength, and diminish our expense. But our privateers, who cruise
|
|
in Europe, will not be at the trouble of bringing in their prisoners,
|
|
and I have none to exchange for them.
|
|
|
|
Generals Cornwallis and Arnold are both arrived in England. It
|
|
is reported, that the former, in all his conversations, discourages
|
|
the prosecution of the war in America; if so, he will of course be
|
|
out of favour. We hear much of audiences given to the latter, and of
|
|
his being present at councils.
|
|
|
|
You desire to know, whether any intercepted letters of Mr.
|
|
Deane have been published in Europe? I have seen but one in the
|
|
English papers, that to Mr. Wadsworth, and none in any of the French
|
|
and Dutch papers, but some may have been printed that have not fallen
|
|
in my way. There is no doubt of their being all genuine. His
|
|
conversation, since his return from America, has, as I have been
|
|
informed, gone gradually more and more into that style, and at length
|
|
come to an open vindication of Arnold's conduct; and, within these
|
|
few days, he has sent me a letter of twenty full pages,
|
|
recapitulating those letters, and threatening to write and publish an
|
|
account of the treatment he has received from Congress, &c. He
|
|
resides at Ghent, is distressed both in mind and circumstances, raves
|
|
and writes abundance, and I imagine it will end in his going over to
|
|
join his friend Arnold in England. I had an exceeding good opinion
|
|
of him when he acted with me, and I believe he was then sincere and
|
|
hearty in our cause. But he is changed, and his character ruined in
|
|
his own country and in this, so that I see no other but England to
|
|
which he can now retire. He says, that we owe him about twelve
|
|
thousand pounds sterling; and his great complaint is, that we do not
|
|
settle his accounts and pay him. Mr. Johnston having declined the
|
|
service, I proposed engaging Mr. Searle to undertake it; but Mr.
|
|
Deane objected to him, as being his enemy. In my opinion he was, for
|
|
that reason, even fitter for the service of Mr. Deane; since accounts
|
|
are of a mathematical nature, and cannot be changed by an enemy,
|
|
while that enemy's testimony, that he had found them well supported
|
|
by authentic vouchers, would have weighed more than the same
|
|
testimony from a friend.
|
|
|
|
|
|
With regard to negotiations for a peace, I see but little
|
|
probability of their being entered upon seriously this year, unless
|
|
the English minister has failed in raising his funds, which it is
|
|
said he has secured; so that we must provide for another campaign, in
|
|
which I hope God will continue to favour us, and humble our cruel and
|
|
haughty enemies; a circumstance which, whatever Mr. Deane may say to
|
|
the contrary, will give pleasure to all Europe.
|
|
|
|
This year opens well, by the reduction of Port Mahon, and the
|
|
garrison prisoners of war, and we are not without hopes, that
|
|
Gibraltar may soon follow. A few more signal successes in America
|
|
will do much towards reducing our enemies to reason. Your
|
|
expressions of good opinion with regard to me, and wishes of my
|
|
continuance in this employment, are very obliging. As long as the
|
|
Congress think I can be useful to our affairs, it is my duty to obey
|
|
their orders; but I should be happy to see them better executed by
|
|
another, and myself at liberty, enjoying, before I quit the stage of
|
|
life, some small degree of leisure and tranquillity. With great
|
|
esteem, &c.
|
|
|
|
"A HAPPY NAME FOR A PRINCE AS OBSTINANT AS A MULE"
|
|
|
|
_To John Adams_
|
|
|
|
SIR Passy, April 22, 1782
|
|
Mess'rs. Fizeaux and Grand have lately sent me two accounts of
|
|
which they desire my approbation. As they relate to Payments made by
|
|
those Gentlemen of your Acceptances of Bills of Exchange, your
|
|
Approbation must be of more importance than mine, you having more
|
|
certain knowledge of the Affair. I therefore send them enclos'd to
|
|
you and request you would be pleas'd to compare them with your List
|
|
of Acceptations, and return them to me with your opinion, as they
|
|
will be my Justification for advancing the Money.
|
|
|
|
I am very happy to hear of the rapid progress of your
|
|
affairs. They fear in England that the States will make with us an
|
|
alliance offensive and defensive, and the public Funds which they had
|
|
puff'd up four or five per cent by the hope of a Separate Peace with
|
|
Holland are falling again. They fill their papers continually with
|
|
lies to raise and fall the Stocks. It is not amiss that they should
|
|
thus be left to ruin one another, for they have been very --
|
|
mischievous to the rest of mankind. I send enclosed a paper, of the
|
|
Veracity of which I have some doubt, as to the Form, but none as to
|
|
the Substance, for I believe the Number of People actually scalp'd in
|
|
this murdering war by the Indians to exceed what is mentioned in
|
|
invoice, and that Muley Istmael (a happy name for a prince as
|
|
obstinant as a mule) is full as black a Tyrant as he is represented
|
|
in Paul Jones' pretended letter. These being _substantial_ Truths
|
|
the Form is to be considered as Paper and Packthread. If it were
|
|
republish'd in England it might make them a little asham'd of
|
|
themselves.
|
|
I am very respectfully
|
|
Your Excellency's
|
|
most obedient and most
|
|
humble Servant
|
|
|
|
"MEN I FIND TO BE A SORT OF BEINGS VERY BADLY CONSTRUCTED"
|
|
|
|
_To Joseph Priestley_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy near Paris, June 7, 1782.
|
|
I received your kind Letter of the 7th of April, also one of the
|
|
3d of May. I have always great Pleasure in hearing from you, in
|
|
learning that you are well, and that you continue your Experiments.
|
|
I should rejoice much, if I could once more recover the Leisure to
|
|
search with you into the Works of Nature; I mean the _inanimate_, not
|
|
the _animate_ or moral part of them, the more I discover'd of the
|
|
former, the more I admir'd them; the more I know of the latter, the
|
|
more I am disgusted with them. Men I find to be a Sort of Beings
|
|
very badly constructed, as they are generally more easily provok'd
|
|
than reconcil'd, more disposed to do Mischief to each other than to
|
|
make Reparation, much more easily deceiv'd than undeceiv'd, and
|
|
having more Pride and even Pleasure in killing than in begetting one
|
|
another; for without a Blush they assemble in great armies at NoonDay
|
|
to destroy, and when they have kill'd as many as they can, they
|
|
exaggerate the Number to augment the fancied Glory; but they creep
|
|
into Corners, or cover themselves with the Darkness of night, when
|
|
they mean to beget, as being asham'd of a virtuous Action. A
|
|
virtuous Action it would be, and a vicious one the killing of them,
|
|
if the Species were really worth producing or preserving; but of this
|
|
I begin to doubt.
|
|
|
|
I know you have no such Doubts, because, in your zeal for their
|
|
welfare, you are taking a great deal of pains to save their Souls.
|
|
Perhaps as you grow older, you may look upon this as a hopeless
|
|
Project, or an idle Amusement, repent of having murdered in mephitic
|
|
air so many honest, harmless mice, and wish that to prevent mischief,
|
|
you had used Boys and Girls instead of them. In what Light we are
|
|
viewed by superior Beings, may be gathered from a Piece of late West
|
|
India News, which possibly has not yet reached you. A young Angel of
|
|
Distinction being sent down to this world on some Business, for the
|
|
first time, had an old courier-spirit assigned him as a Guide. They
|
|
arriv'd over the Seas of Martinico, in the middle of the long Day of
|
|
obstinate Fight between the Fleets of Rodney and De Grasse. When,
|
|
thro' the Clouds of smoke, he saw the Fire of the Guns, the Decks
|
|
covered with mangled Limbs, and Bodies dead or dying; the ships
|
|
sinking, burning, or blown into the Air; and the Quantity of Pain,
|
|
Misery, and Destruction, the Crews yet alive were thus with so much
|
|
Eagerness dealing round to one another; he turn'd angrily to his
|
|
Guide, and said, "You blundering Blockhead, you are ignorant of your
|
|
Business; you undertook to conduct me to the Earth, and you have
|
|
brought me into Hell!" "No, Sir," says the Guide, "I have made no
|
|
mistake; this is really the Earth, and these are men. Devils never
|
|
treat one another in this cruel manner; they have more Sense, and
|
|
more of what Men (vainly) call _Humanity._"
|
|
|
|
But to be serious, my dear old Friend, I love you as much as
|
|
ever, and I love all the honest Souls that meet at the London
|
|
Coffee-House. I only wonder how it happen'd, that they and my other
|
|
Friends in England came to be such good Creatures in the midst of so
|
|
perverse a Generation. I long to see them and you once more, and I
|
|
labour for Peace with more Earnestness, that I may again be happy in
|
|
your sweet society.
|
|
|
|
I show'd your letter to the Duke de Larochefoucault, who thinks
|
|
with me, the new Experiments you have made are extremely curious; and
|
|
he has given me thereupon a Note, which I inclose, and I request you
|
|
would furnish me with the answer desired.
|
|
|
|
Yesterday the Count du Nord was at the Academy of Sciences,
|
|
when sundry Experiments were exhibited for his Entertainment; among
|
|
them, one by M. Lavoisier, to show that the strongest Fire we yet
|
|
know, is made in a Charcoal blown upon with dephlogisticated air. In
|
|
a Heat so produced, he melted Platina presently, the Fire being much
|
|
more powerful than that of the strongest burning mirror. Adieu, and
|
|
believe me ever, yours most affectionately,
|
|
|
|
"BY THE PRESS WE CAN SPEAK TO NATIONS"
|
|
|
|
_To Richard Price_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, June 13, 1782.
|
|
I congratulate you on the late revolution in your public
|
|
affairs. Much good may arise from it, though possibly not all, that
|
|
good men and even the new ministers themselves may have wished or
|
|
expected. The change, however, in the sentiments of the nation, in
|
|
which I see evident effects of your writings, with those of our
|
|
deceased friend Mr. Burgh, and others of our valuable Club, should
|
|
encourage you to proceed.
|
|
|
|
The ancient Roman and Greek orators could only speak to the
|
|
number of citizens capable of being assembled within the reach of
|
|
their voice. Their _writings_ had little effect, because the bulk of
|
|
the people could not read. Now by the press we can speak to nations;
|
|
and good books and well written pamphlets have great and general
|
|
influence. The facility, with which the same truths may be
|
|
repeatedly enforced by placing them daily in different lights in
|
|
_newspapers_, which are everywhere read, gives a great chance of
|
|
establishing them. And we now find, that it is not only right to
|
|
strike while the iron is hot, but that it may be very practicable to
|
|
heat it by continually striking.
|
|
|
|
I suppose all may now correspond with more freedom, and I shall
|
|
be glad to hear from you as often as may be convenient to you.
|
|
Please to present my best respects to our good old friends of the
|
|
London Coffee-House. I often figure to myself the pleasure I should
|
|
have in being once more seated among them. With the greatest and
|
|
most sincere esteem and affection, I am, my dear friend, yours ever,
|
|
|
|
"I AM COVETOUS, AND LOVE GOOD BARGAINS"
|
|
|
|
_To Miss Alexander_
|
|
|
|
Passy, June 24, 1782.
|
|
-- I am not at all displeas'd, that the Thesis and Dedication,
|
|
with which we were threatned, are blown over, for I dislike much all
|
|
sorts of Mummery. The Republic of Letters has gained no Reputation,
|
|
whatever else it may have gain'd, by the Commerce of Dedications; I
|
|
never made one, and I never desir'd, that one should be made to me.
|
|
When I submitted to receive this, it was from the bad Habit I have
|
|
long had of doing every thing that Ladies desire me to do; there is
|
|
no refusing any thing to Madame la Marck, nor to you. I have been to
|
|
pay my Respects to that amiable lady, not merely because it was a
|
|
Compliment due to her, but because I love her; which induces me to
|
|
excuse her not letting me in; the same Reason I should have for
|
|
excusing your faults, if you had any.
|
|
|
|
I have not seen your Papa since the Receipt of your pleasing
|
|
Letter, so could arrange nothing with him respecting the Carriage.
|
|
During seven or eight days, I shall be very busy; after that you
|
|
shall hear from me, and the Carriage shall be at your Service. How
|
|
could you think of writing to me about Chimneys and Fires, in such
|
|
Weather as this! Now is the time for the frugal Lady you mention to
|
|
save her Wood, obtain _plus de Chaleur_, and lay it up against
|
|
Winter, as people do Ice against Summer. Frugality is an enriching
|
|
Virtue; a Virtue I never could acquire in myself; but I was once
|
|
lucky enough to find it in a Wife, who thereby became a Fortune to
|
|
me. Do you possess it? If you do, and I were 20 Years younger, I
|
|
would give your Father 1,000 Guineas for you. I know you would be
|
|
worth more to me as a _Menagere_, but I am covetous, and love good
|
|
Bargains. Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever yours most
|
|
affectionately,
|
|
|
|
"THE MORE I AM CONVINC'D OF A FUTURE STATE"
|
|
|
|
_To James Hutton_
|
|
|
|
MY OLD AND DEAR FRIEND, Passy, July 7, 1782.
|
|
A Letter written by you to M. Bertin, _Ministre d'Etat_,
|
|
containing an Account of the abominable Murders committed by some of
|
|
the frontier People on the poor Moravian Indians, has given me
|
|
infinite Pain and Vexation. The Dispensations of Providence in this
|
|
World puzzle my weak Reason. I cannot comprehend why cruel Men
|
|
should have been permitted thus to destroy their Fellow Creatures.
|
|
Some of the Indians may be suppos'd to have committed Sins, but one
|
|
cannot think the little Children had committed any worthy of Death.
|
|
Why has a single Man in England, who happens to love Blood and to
|
|
hate Americans, been permitted to gratify that bad Temper by hiring
|
|
German Murderers, and joining them with his own, to destroy in a
|
|
continued Course of bloody Years near 100,000 human Creatures, many
|
|
of them possessed of useful Talents, Virtues and Abilities to which
|
|
he has no Pretension! It is he who has furnished the Savages with
|
|
Hatchets and Scalping Knives, and engages them to fall upon our
|
|
defenceless Farmers, and murder them with their Wives and Children,
|
|
paying for their Scalps, of which the account kept in America already
|
|
amounts, as I have heard, to near _two Thousand_!
|
|
|
|
Perhaps the people of the frontiers, exasperated by the
|
|
Cruelties of the Indians, have been induced to kill all Indians that
|
|
fall into their Hands without Distinction; so that even these horrid
|
|
Murders of our poor Moravians may be laid to his Charge. And yet
|
|
this Man lives, enjoys all the good Things this World can afford, and
|
|
is surrounded by Flatterers, who keep even his Conscience quiet by
|
|
telling him he is the best of Princes! I wonder at this, but I
|
|
cannot therefore part with the comfortable Belief of a Divine
|
|
Providence; and the more I see the Impossibility, from the number &
|
|
extent of his Crimes, of giving equivalent Punishment to a wicked Man
|
|
in this Life, the more I am convinc'd of a future State, in which all
|
|
that here appears to be wrong shall be set right, all that is crooked
|
|
made straight. In this Faith let you & I, my dear Friend, comfort
|
|
ourselves; it is the only Comfort, in the present dark Scene of
|
|
Things, that is allow'd us.
|
|
|
|
I shall not fail to write to the Government of America, urging
|
|
that effectual Care may be taken to protect & save the Remainder of
|
|
those unhappy People.
|
|
|
|
Since writing the above, I have received a Philadelphia Paper,
|
|
containing some Account of the same horrid Transaction, a little
|
|
different, and some Circumstances alledged as Excuses or Palliations,
|
|
but extreamly weak & insufficient. I send it to you inclos'd. With
|
|
great and sincere Esteem, I am ever, my dear Friend, yours most
|
|
affectionately,
|
|
|
|
"TO COOP US UP WITHIN THE ALLEGANY MOUNTAINS"
|
|
|
|
_To Robert R. Livingston_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, August 12, 1782.
|
|
I have lately been honoured with your several letters, of March
|
|
9th, and May 22d, and 30th. The paper, containing a state of the
|
|
commerce in North America, and explaining the necessity and utility
|
|
of convoys for its protection, I have laid before the minister,
|
|
accompanied by a letter, pressing that it be taken into immediate
|
|
consideration; and I hope it may be attended with success.
|
|
|
|
The order of Congress, for liquidating the accounts between
|
|
this court and the United States, was executed before it arrived.
|
|
All the accounts against us for money lent, and stores, arms,
|
|
ammunition, clothing, &c., furnished by government, were brought in
|
|
and examined, and a balance received, which made the debt amount to
|
|
the even sum of eighteen millions, exclusive of the Holland loan, for
|
|
which the King is guarantee. I send a copy of the instrument to Mr.
|
|
Morris. In reading it, you will discover several fresh marks of the
|
|
King's goodness towards us, amounting to the value of near two
|
|
millions. These, added to the free gifts before made to us at
|
|
different times, form an object of at least twelve millions, for
|
|
which no returns but that of gratitude and friendship are expected.
|
|
These, I hope, may be everlasting. The constant good understanding
|
|
between France and the Swiss Cantons, and the steady benevolence of
|
|
this crown towards them, afford us a well grounded hope that our
|
|
alliance may be as durable and as happy for both nations; there being
|
|
strong reasons for our union, and no crossing interests between us.
|
|
I write fully to Mr. Morris on money affairs, who will doubtless
|
|
communicate to you my letter, so that I need say the less to you on
|
|
that subject.
|
|
|
|
The letter to the King was well received; the accounts of your
|
|
rejoicings on the news of the Dauphin's birth gave pleasure here; as
|
|
do the firm conduct of Congress in refusing to treat with General
|
|
Carleton, and the unanimous resolutions of the Assemblies of
|
|
different States on the same subject. All ranks of this nation
|
|
appear to be in good humour with us, and our reputation rises
|
|
throughout Europe. I understand from the Swedish ambassador, that
|
|
their treaty with us will go on as soon as ours with Holland is
|
|
finished; our treaty with France, with such improvements as that with
|
|
Holland may suggest, being intended as the basis.
|
|
|
|
There have been various misunderstandings and mismanagements
|
|
among the parties concerned in the expedition of the _Bon Homme
|
|
Richard_, which have occasioned delay in dividing the prize money.
|
|
M. de Chaumont, who was chosen by the captains of all the vessels in
|
|
the expedition as their agent, has long been in a state little short
|
|
of bankruptcy, and some of the delays have possibly been occasioned
|
|
by the distress of his affairs. He now informs me, that the money is
|
|
in the hands of the minister of the marine. I shall in a few days
|
|
present the memorial you propose, with one relating to the prisoners,
|
|
and will acquaint you with the answer. Mr. Barclay is still in
|
|
Holland; when he returns he may take into his hands what money can be
|
|
obtained on that account.
|
|
|
|
I think your observations respecting the Danish complaints
|
|
through the minister of France perfectly just. I will receive no
|
|
more of them by that channel, and will give your reasons to justify
|
|
my refusal.
|
|
|
|
Your approbation of my idea of a medal, to perpetuate the
|
|
memory of York and Saratoga victories, gives me great pleasure, and
|
|
encourages me to have it struck. I wish you would acquaint me with
|
|
what kind of a monument at York the emblems required are to be fixed
|
|
on; whether an obelisk or a column; its dimensions; whether any part
|
|
of it is to be marble, and the emblems carved on it, and whether the
|
|
work is to be executed by the excellent artists in that way which
|
|
Paris affords; and, if so, to what expense they are to be limited.
|
|
This puts me in mind of a monument I got made here and sent to
|
|
America, by order of Congress, five years since. I have heard of its
|
|
arrival, and nothing more. It was admired here for its elegant
|
|
antique simplicity of design, and the various beautiful marbles used
|
|
in its composition. It was intended to be fixed against a wall in
|
|
the State House of Philadelphia. I know not why it has been so long
|
|
neglected; it would, methinks, be well to inquire after it, and get
|
|
it put up somewhere. Directions for fixing it were sent with it. I
|
|
enclose a print of it. The inscription in the engraving is not on
|
|
the monument; it was merely the fancy of the engraver. There is a
|
|
white plate of marble left smooth to receive such inscription as the
|
|
Congress should think proper.
|
|
|
|
Our countrymen, who have been prisoners in England, are sent
|
|
home, a few excepted, who were sick, and who will be forwarded as
|
|
soon as recovered. This eases us of a very considerable charge.
|
|
|
|
I communicated to the Marquis de Lafayette the paragraph of
|
|
your letter which related to him. He is still here, and, as there
|
|
seems not so much likelihood of an active campaign in America, he is
|
|
probably more useful where he is. His departure, however, though
|
|
delayed, is not absolutely laid aside.
|
|
|
|
The second changes in the ministry of England have occasioned,
|
|
or have afforded, pretences for various delays in the negotiation for
|
|
peace. Mr. Grenville had two successive imperfect commissions. He
|
|
was at length recalled, and Mr. Fitzherbert is now arrived to replace
|
|
him, with a commission in due form to treat with France, Spain, and
|
|
Holland. Mr. Oswald, who is here, is informed by a letter from the
|
|
new Secretary of State, that a commission, empowering him to treat
|
|
with the Commissioners of Congress, will pass the seals, and be sent
|
|
him in a few days; till he arrives, this court will not proceed in
|
|
its own negotiation. I send the _Enabling Act_, as it is called.
|
|
Mr. Jay will acquaint you with what passes between him and the
|
|
Spanish ambassador, respecting the proposed treaty with Spain. I
|
|
will only mention, that my conjecture of that court's design to coop
|
|
us up within the Allegany Mountains is now manifested. I hope
|
|
Congress will insist on the Mississippi as the boundary, and the free
|
|
navigation of the river, from which they could entirely exclude us.
|
|
|
|
An account of a terrible massacre of the Moravian Indians has
|
|
been put into my hands. I send you the papers, that you may see how
|
|
the fact is represented in Europe. I hope measures will be taken to
|
|
secure what is left of those unfortunate people.
|
|
|
|
Mr. Laurens is at Nantes, waiting for a passage with his family
|
|
to America. His state of health is unfortunately very bad. Perhaps
|
|
the sea air may recover him, and restore him well to his country. I
|
|
heartily wish it. He has suffered much by his confinement. Be
|
|
pleased, Sir, to present my duty to the Congress, and assure them of
|
|
my most faithful services. With great esteem, I have the honour to
|
|
be, &c.
|
|
|
|
"TOO HARSH EVEN FOR THE BOYS"
|
|
|
|
_To the Marquis de Lafayette_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR Passy, Sept. 17. 1782.
|
|
I continue to suffer from this cruel Gout: But in the midst of
|
|
my Pain the News of Mad'm de la Fayette's safe Delivery, and your
|
|
Acquisition of a Daughter gives me Pleasure.
|
|
|
|
In naming your Children I think you do well to begin with the
|
|
most antient State. And as we cannot have too many of so good a Race
|
|
I hope you & Me. de la Fayette will go thro the Thirteen. But as
|
|
that may be in the common Way too severe a Task for her delicate
|
|
Frame, and Children of Seven Months may become as Strong as those of
|
|
Nine, I consent to the Abridgement of Two Months for each; and I wish
|
|
her to spend the Twenty-six Months so gained, in perfect Ease, Health
|
|
& Pleasure.
|
|
|
|
While you are proceeding, I hope our States will some of them
|
|
new-name themselves. Miss Virginia, Miss Carolina, & Miss Georgiana
|
|
will sound prettily enough for the Girls; but Massachusetts &
|
|
Connecticut, are too harsh even for the Boys, unless they were to be
|
|
Savages.
|
|
|
|
That God may bless you in the Event of this Day as in every
|
|
other, prays
|
|
Your affectionate Friend & Servant
|
|
|
|
"HOW SUCH A GLOBE WAS FORMED"
|
|
|
|
_To the Abbe Soulavie_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passey, September 22, 1782.
|
|
I return the papers with some corrections. I did not find coal
|
|
mines under the Calcareous rock in Derby Shire. I only remarked that
|
|
at the lowest part of that rocky mountain which was in sight, there
|
|
were oyster shells mixed in the stone; and part of the high county of
|
|
Derby being probably as much above the level of the sea, as the coal
|
|
mines of Whitehaven were below it, seemed a proof that there had been
|
|
a great bouleversement in the surface of that Island, some part of it
|
|
having been depressed under the sea, and other parts which had been
|
|
under it being raised above it. Such changes in the superficial part
|
|
of the globe seemed to me unlikely to happen if the earth were solid
|
|
to the centre. I therefore imagined that the internal part might be
|
|
a fluid more dense, and of greater specific gravity than any of the
|
|
solids we are acquainted with; which therefore might swim in or upon
|
|
that fluid. Thus the surface of the globe would be a shell, capable
|
|
of being broken and disordered by the violent movements of the fluid
|
|
on which it rested. And as air has been compressed by art so as to
|
|
be twice as dense as water, in which case if such air and water could
|
|
be contained in a strong glass vessel, the air would be seen to take
|
|
the lowest place, and the water to float above and upon it; and as we
|
|
know not yet the degree of density to which air may be compressed;
|
|
and M. Amontons calculated, that its density increasing as it
|
|
approached the centre in the same proportion as above the surface, it
|
|
would at the depth of ------ leagues be heavier than gold, possibly
|
|
the dense fluid occupying the internal parts of the globe might be
|
|
air compressed. And as the force of expansion in dense air when
|
|
heated is in proportion to its density; this central air might afford
|
|
another agent to move the surface, as well as be of use in keeping
|
|
alive the subterraneous fires: Though as you observe, the sudden
|
|
rarefaction of water coming into contact with those fires, may also
|
|
be an agent sufficiently strong for that purpose, when acting between
|
|
the incumbent earth and the fluid on which it rests.
|
|
|
|
If one might indulge imagination in supposing how such a globe
|
|
was formed, I should conceive, that all the elements in separate
|
|
particles being originally mixed in confusion and occupying a great
|
|
space, they would as soon as the almighty fiat ordained gravity or
|
|
the mutual attraction of certain parts, and the mutual repulsion of
|
|
other parts to exist, all move towards their common centre: That the
|
|
air being a fluid whose parts repel each other, though drawn to the
|
|
common centre by their gravity, would be densest towards the centre,
|
|
and rarer as more remote; consequently all matters lighter than the
|
|
central part of that air and immersed in it, would recede from the
|
|
centre and rise till they arrived at that region of the air which was
|
|
of the same specific gravity with themselves, where they would rest;
|
|
while other matter, mixed with the lighter air would descend, and the
|
|
two meeting would form the shell of the first earth, leaving the
|
|
upper atmosphere nearly clear. The original movement of the parts
|
|
towards their common centre, would naturally form a whirl there;
|
|
which would continue in the turning of the new formed globe upon its
|
|
axis, and the greatest diameter of the shell would be in its equator.
|
|
If by any accident afterwards the axis should be changed, the dense
|
|
internal fluid by altering its form must burst the shell and throw
|
|
all its substance into the confusion in which we find it.
|
|
|
|
I will not trouble you at present with my fancies concerning
|
|
the manner of forming the rest of our system. Superior beings smile
|
|
at our theories, and at our presumption in making them. I will just
|
|
mention that your observation of the ferruginous nature of the lava
|
|
which is thrown out from the depths of our valcanos, gave me great
|
|
pleasure. It has long been a supposition of mine that the iron
|
|
contained in the substance of this globe, has made it capable of
|
|
becoming as it is a great magnet. That the fluid of magnetism exists
|
|
perhaps in all space; so that there is a magnetical North and South
|
|
of the universe as well as of this globe, and that if it were
|
|
possible for a man to fly from star to star, he might govern his
|
|
course by the compass. That it was by the power of this general
|
|
magnetism this globe became a particular magnet. In soft or hot iron
|
|
the fluid of magnetism is naturally diffused equally; when within the
|
|
influence of a magnet, it is drawn to one end of the iron, made
|
|
denser there, and rarer at the other, while the iron continues soft
|
|
and hot, it is only a temporary magnet: If it cools or grows hard in
|
|
that situation, it becomes a permanent one, the magnetic fluid not
|
|
easily resuming its equilibrium. Perhaps it may be owing to the
|
|
permanent magnetism of this globe, which it had not at first, that
|
|
its axis is at present kept parallel to itself, and not liable to the
|
|
changes it formerly suffered, which occasioned the rupture of its
|
|
shell, the submersions and emersions of its lands and the confusion
|
|
of its seasons. The present polar and equatorial diameters differing
|
|
from each other near ten leagues; it is easy to conceive in case some
|
|
power should shift the axis gradually, and place it in the present
|
|
equator, and make the new equator pass through the present poles,
|
|
what a sinking of the water would happen in the present equatorial
|
|
regions, and what a rising in the present polar regions; so that vast
|
|
tracts would be discovered that now are under water, and others
|
|
covered that now are dry, the water rising and sinking in the
|
|
different extremes near five leagues. -- Such an operation as this,
|
|
possibly, occasioned much of Europe, and among the rest, this
|
|
mountain of Passy, on which I live, and which is composed of lime
|
|
stone, rock and sea shells, to be abandoned by the sea, and to change
|
|
its ancient climate, which seems to have been a hot one. The globe
|
|
being now become a permanent magnet, we are perhaps safe from any
|
|
future change of its axis. But we are still subject to the accidents
|
|
on the surface which are occasioned by a wave in the internal
|
|
ponderous fluid; and such a wave is producible by the sudden violent
|
|
explosion you mention, happening from the junction of water and fire
|
|
under the earth, which not only lifts the incumbent earth that is
|
|
over the explosion, but impressing with the same force the fluid
|
|
under it, creates a wave that may run a thousand leagues lifting and
|
|
thereby shaking successively all the countries under which it passes.
|
|
I know not whether I have expressed myself so clearly, as not to get
|
|
out of your sight in these reveries. If they occasion any new
|
|
enquiries and produce a better hypothesis, they will not be quite
|
|
useless. You see I have given a loose to imagination; but I approve
|
|
much more your method of philosophizing, which proceeds upon actual
|
|
observation, makes a collection of facts, and concludes no farther
|
|
than those facts will warrant. In my present circumstances, that
|
|
mode of studying the nature of this globe is out of my power, and
|
|
therefore I have permitted myself to wander a little in the wilds of
|
|
fancy. With great esteem I have the honour to be, &c.
|
|
|
|
P. S. I have heard that chemists can by their art decompose
|
|
stone and wood, extracting a considerable quantity of water from the
|
|
one, and air from the other. It seems natural to conclude from this,
|
|
that water and air were ingredients in their original composition.
|
|
For men cannot make new matter of any kind. In the same manner may
|
|
we not suppose, that when we consume combustibles of all kinds, and
|
|
produce heat or light, we do not create that heat or light; but only
|
|
decompose a substance which received it originally as a part of its
|
|
composition? Heat may thus be considered as originally in a fluid
|
|
state, but, attracted by organized bodies in their growth, becomes a
|
|
part of the solid. Besides this, I can conceive that in the first
|
|
assemblage of the particles of which this earth is composed each
|
|
brought its portion of the loose heat that had been connected with
|
|
it, and the whole when pressed together produced the internal fire
|
|
that still subsists.
|
|
|
|
"A SINGLE INDISCRETION OF OURS"
|
|
|
|
_To Comte de Vergennes_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, December 17, 1782.
|
|
I received the letter your Excellency did me the honour of
|
|
writing to me on the 15th instant. The proposal of having a passport
|
|
from England was agreed to by me the more willingly, as I at that
|
|
time had hopes of obtaining some money to send in the _Washington_,
|
|
and the passport would have made its transportation safer, with that
|
|
of our despatches, and of yours also, if you had thought fit to make
|
|
use of the occasion. Your Excellency objected, as I understood it,
|
|
that the English ministers, by their letters sent in the same ship,
|
|
might convey inconvenient expectations into America. It was
|
|
therefore I proposed not to press for the passport till your
|
|
preliminaries were also agreed to. They have sent the passport
|
|
without being pressed to do it, and they have sent no letters to go
|
|
under it, and ours will prevent the inconvenience apprehended. In a
|
|
subsequent conversation, your Excellency mentioned your intention of
|
|
sending some of the King's cutters, whence I imagined, that detaining
|
|
the _Washington_ was no longer necessary; and it was certainly
|
|
incumbent on us to give Congress as early an account as possible of
|
|
our proceedings, who will think it extremely strange to hear of them
|
|
by other means, without a line from us. I acquainted your
|
|
Excellency, however, with our intention of despatching that ship,
|
|
supposing you might possibly have something to send by her.
|
|
|
|
Nothing has been agreed in the preliminaries contrary to the
|
|
interests of France; and no peace is to take place between us and
|
|
England, till you have concluded yours. Your observation is,
|
|
however, apparently just, that, in not consulting you before they
|
|
were signed, we have been guilty of neglecting a point of
|
|
_bienseance._ But, as this was not from want of respect for the King,
|
|
whom we all love and honour, we hope it will be excused, and that the
|
|
great work, which has hitherto been so happily conducted, is so
|
|
nearly brought to perfection, and is so glorious to his reign, will
|
|
not be ruined by a single indiscretion of ours. And certainly the
|
|
whole edifice sinks to the ground immediately, if you refuse on that
|
|
account to give us any further assistance.
|
|
|
|
We have not yet despatched the ship, and I beg leave to wait
|
|
upon you on Friday for your answer.
|
|
|
|
It is not possible for any one to be more sensible than I am,
|
|
of what I and every American owe to the King, for the many and great
|
|
benefits and favours he has bestowed upon us. All my letters to
|
|
America are proofs of this; all tending to make the same impressions
|
|
on the minds of my countrymen, that I felt in my own. And I believe,
|
|
that no Prince was ever more beloved and respected by his own
|
|
subjects, than the King is by the people of the United States. _The
|
|
English, I just now learn, flatter themselves they have already
|
|
divided us._ I hope this little misunderstanding will therefore be
|
|
kept a secret, and that they will find themselves totally mistaken.
|
|
With great and sincere respect, I am, Sir, &c.
|
|
|
|
"ALL WARS ARE FOLLIES"
|
|
|
|
_To Mary Hewson_
|
|
|
|
Passy, Jan. 27. 1783.
|
|
-- The Departure of my dearest Friend, which I learn from your
|
|
last Letter, greatly affects me. To meet with her once more in this
|
|
Life was one of the principal Motives of my proposing to visit
|
|
England again, before my Return to America. The last Year carried
|
|
off my Friends Dr. Pringle, and Dr. Fothergill, Lord Kaims, and Lord
|
|
le Despencer. This has begun to take away the rest, and strikes the
|
|
hardest. Thus the Ties I had to that Country, and indeed to the
|
|
World in general, are loosened one by one, and I shall soon have no
|
|
Attachment left to make me unwilling to follow.
|
|
|
|
I intended writing when I sent the 11 Books, but I lost the
|
|
Time in looking for the 12th. I wrote with that; and hope it came to
|
|
hand. I therein ask'd your Counsel about my coming to England. On
|
|
Reflection, I think I can, from my Knowledge of your Prudence,
|
|
foresee what it will be, viz. not to come too soon, lest it should
|
|
seem braving and insulting some who ought to be respected. I shall,
|
|
therefore, omit that Journey till I am near going to America, and
|
|
then just step over to take Leave of my Friends, and spend a few days
|
|
with you. I purpose bringing Ben with me, and perhaps may leave him
|
|
under your Care.
|
|
|
|
At length we are in Peace, God be praised, and long, very long,
|
|
may it continue. All Wars are Follies, very expensive, and very
|
|
mischievous ones. When will Mankind be convinced of this, and agree
|
|
to settle their Differences by Arbitration? Were they to do it, even
|
|
by the Cast of a Dye, it would be better than by Fighting and
|
|
destroying each other.
|
|
|
|
Spring is coming on, when Travelling will be delightful. Can
|
|
you not, when your children are all at School, make a little Party,
|
|
and take a Trip hither? I have now a large House, delightfully
|
|
situated, in which I could accommodate you and two or three Friends,
|
|
and I am but half an Hour's Drive from Paris.
|
|
|
|
In looking forward, Twenty-five Years seems a long Period, but,
|
|
in looking back, how short! Could you imagine, that 'tis now full a
|
|
Quarter of a Century since we were first acquainted? It was in 1757.
|
|
During the greatest Part of the Time, I lived in the same House with
|
|
my dear deceased Friend, your Mother; of course you and I saw and
|
|
convers'd with each other much and often. It is to all our Honours,
|
|
that in all that time we never had among us the smallest
|
|
Misunderstanding. Our Friendship has been all clear Sunshine,
|
|
without the least Cloud in its Hemisphere. Let me conclude by saying
|
|
to you, what I have had too frequent Occasions to say to my other
|
|
remaining old Friends, "The fewer we become, the more let us love one
|
|
another." Adieu, and believe me ever yours most affectionately,
|
|
|
|
"IN SOME THINGS, ABSOLUTELY OUT OF HIS SENSES"
|
|
_To Robert R. Livingston_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, July 22, 1783.
|
|
You have complain'd, sometimes with reason, of not hearing from
|
|
your foreign Ministers; we have had cause to make the same Complaint,
|
|
six full Months having interven'd between the latest date of your
|
|
preceding Letters and the receipt of those by Captain Barney. During
|
|
all this time we were ignorant of the Reception of the Provisional
|
|
Treaty, and the Sentiments of Congress upon it, which, if we had
|
|
received sooner, might have forwarded the Proceedings on the
|
|
Definitive Treaty, and, perhaps, brought them to a Conclusion at a
|
|
time more favourable than the present. But these occasional
|
|
Interruptions of Correspondence are the inevitable Consequences of a
|
|
State of War, and of such remote Situations. Barney had a short
|
|
Passage, and arrived some Days before Colonel Ogden, who also brought
|
|
Dispatches from you, all of which are come safe to hand. We, the
|
|
Commissioners, have in our joint Capacity written a Letter to you,
|
|
which you will receive with this.
|
|
|
|
I shall now answer yours of March 26, May 9, and May 31. It
|
|
gave me great Pleasure to learn by the first, that the News of the
|
|
Peace diffused general Satisfaction. I will not now take upon me to
|
|
justify the apparent Reserve, respecting this Court, at the
|
|
Signature, which you disapprove. We have touch'd upon it in our
|
|
general Letter. I do not see, however, that they have much reason to
|
|
complain of that Transaction. Nothing was stipulated to their
|
|
Prejudice, and none of the Stipulations were to have Force, but by a
|
|
subsequent Act of their own. I suppose, indeed, that they have not
|
|
complain'd of it, or you would have sent us a Copy of the Complaint,
|
|
that we might have answer'd it. I long since satisfi'd Comte de V.
|
|
about it here. We did what appear'd to all of us best at the Time,
|
|
and, if we have done wrong, the Congress will do right, after hearing
|
|
us, to censure us. Their Nomination of Five Persons to the Service
|
|
seems to mark, that they had some Dependence on our joint Judgment,
|
|
since one alone could have made a Treaty by Direction of the French
|
|
Ministry as well as twenty.
|
|
|
|
I will only add, that, with respect to myself, neither the
|
|
Letter from M. Marbois, handed us thro' the British Negociators (a
|
|
suspicious Channel), nor the Conversations respecting the Fishery,
|
|
the Boundaries, the Royalists, &c., recommending Moderation in our
|
|
Demands, are of Weight sufficient in my Mind to fix an Opinion, that
|
|
this Court wish'd to restrain us in obtaining any Degree of Advantage
|
|
we could prevail on our Enemies to accord; since those Discourses are
|
|
fairly resolvable, by supposing a very natural Apprehension, that we,
|
|
relying too much on the Ability of France to continue the War in our
|
|
favour, and supply us constantly with Money, might insist on more
|
|
Advantages than the English would be willing to grant, and thereby
|
|
lose the Opportunity of making Peace, so necessary to all our
|
|
Friends.
|
|
|
|
I ought not, however, to conceal from you, that one of my
|
|
Colleagues is of a very different Opinion from me in these Matters.
|
|
He thinks the French Minister one of the greatest Enemies of our
|
|
Country, that he would have straitned our Boundaries, to prevent the
|
|
Growth of our People; contracted our Fishery, to obstruct the
|
|
Increase of our Seamen; and retained the Royalists among us, to keep
|
|
us divided; that he privately opposes all our Negociations with
|
|
foreign Courts, and afforded us, during the War, the Assistance we
|
|
receiv'd, only to keep it alive, that we might be so much the more
|
|
weaken'd by it; that to think of Gratitude to France is the greatest
|
|
of Follies, and that to be influenc'd by it would ruin us. He makes
|
|
no Secret of his having these Opinions, expresses them publicly,
|
|
sometimes in presence of the English Ministers, and speaks of
|
|
hundreds of Instances which he could produce in Proof of them. None
|
|
of which however, have yet appear'd to me, unless the Conversations
|
|
and Letter above-mentioned are reckoned such.
|
|
|
|
If I were not convinc'd of the real Inability of this Court to
|
|
furnish the further Supplys we ask'd, I should suspect these
|
|
Discourses of a Person in his Station might have influenced the
|
|
Refusal; but I think they have gone no farther than to occasion a
|
|
Suspicion, that we have a considerable Party of Antigallicans in
|
|
America, who are not Tories, and consequently to produce some doubts
|
|
of the Continuance of our Friendship. As such Doubts may hereafter
|
|
have a bad Effect, I think we cannot take too much care to remove
|
|
them; and it is, therefore, I write this, to put you on your guard,
|
|
(believing it my duty, tho' I know that I hazard by it a mortal
|
|
Enmity), and to caution you respecting the Insinuations of this
|
|
Gentleman against this Court, and the Instances he supposes of their
|
|
ill will to us, which I take to be as imaginary as I know his Fancies
|
|
to be, that Count de V. and myself are continually plotting against
|
|
him, and employing the News-Writers of Europe to depreciate his
|
|
Character, &c. But as Shakespear says, "Trifles light as Air," &c.
|
|
I am persuaded, however, that he means well for his Country, is
|
|
always an honest Man, often a wise one, but sometimes, and in some
|
|
things, absolutely out of his senses.
|
|
|
|
When the Commercial Article, mentioned in yours of the 26th was
|
|
struck out of our propos'd Preliminaries by the then British
|
|
Ministry, the reason given was, that sundry Acts of Parliament still
|
|
in force were against it, and must be first repeal'd, which I believe
|
|
was really their Intention, and sundry Bills were accordingly bro't
|
|
in for that purpose; but, new Ministers with different Principles
|
|
succeeding, a commercial Proclamation totally different from those
|
|
Bills has lately appeared. I send enclos'd a Copy of it. We shall
|
|
try what can be done in the Definitive Treaty towards setting aside
|
|
that Proclamation; but, if it should be persisted in, it will then be
|
|
a Matter worthy the attentive Discussion of Congress, whether it will
|
|
be most prudent to retort with a similar Regulation in order to force
|
|
its Repeal (which may possibly tend to bring on another Quarrel), or
|
|
to let it pass without notice, and leave it to its own Inconvenience,
|
|
or rather Impracticability, in the Execution, and to the Complaints
|
|
of the West India Planters, who must all pay much dearer for our
|
|
Produce, under those Restrictions.
|
|
|
|
I am not enough Master of the Course of our Commerce to give an
|
|
Opinion on this particular Question, and it does not behove me to do
|
|
it; yet I have seen so much Embarrassment and so little Advantage in
|
|
all the Restraining and Compulsive Systems, that I feel myself
|
|
strongly inclin'd to believe, that a State, which leaves all her
|
|
Ports open to all the World upon equal Terms, will, by that means,
|
|
have foreign Commodities cheaper, sell its own Productions dearer,
|
|
and be on the whole the most prosperous. I have heard some Merchants
|
|
say, that there is 10 per cent Difference between _Will you buy?_ and
|
|
_Will you sell?_ When Foreigners bring us their Goods, they want to
|
|
part with them speedily, that they may purchase their Cargoes and
|
|
despatch their Ships, which are at constant Charges in our Ports; we
|
|
have then the Advantage of their _Will you buy?_ And when they demand
|
|
our Produce, we have the Advantage of their _Will you sell?_ And the
|
|
concurring Demands of a Number also contribute to raise our Prices.
|
|
Thus both those Questions are in our favour at home, against us
|
|
abroad.
|
|
|
|
The employing, however, of our own Ships and raising a Breed of
|
|
Seamen among us, tho' it should not be a matter of so much private
|
|
Profit as some imagine, is nevertheless of political Importance, and
|
|
must have weight in considering this Subject.
|
|
|
|
The Judgment you make of the Conduct of France in the Peace,
|
|
and the greater Glory acquired by her Moderation than even by her
|
|
Arms, appears to me perfectly just. The Character of this Court and
|
|
Nation seems, of late years, to be considerably changed. The Ideas
|
|
of Aggrandizement by Conquest are out of fashion, and those of
|
|
Commerce are more enlightened and more generous than heretofore. We
|
|
shall soon, I believe, feel something of this in our being admitted
|
|
to a greater Freedom of Trade with their Islands. The Wise here
|
|
think France great enough; and its Ambition at present seems to be
|
|
only that of Justice and Magnanimity towards other Nations, Fidelity
|
|
and Utility to its Allies.
|
|
|
|
The Ambassador of Portugal was much pleas'd with the
|
|
Proceedings relating to their Vessel, which you sent me, and assures
|
|
me they will have a good Effect at his Court. He appears extremely
|
|
desirous of a Treaty with our States; I have accordingly propos'd to
|
|
him the Plan of one (nearly the same with that sent me for Sweden),
|
|
and, after my agreeing to some Alterations, he has sent it to his
|
|
Court for Approbation. He told me at Versailles, last Tuesday, that
|
|
he expected its Return to him on Saturday next, and anxiously desired
|
|
that I would not despatch our Pacquet without it, that Congress might
|
|
consider it, and, if approv'd, send a Commission to me or some other
|
|
Minister to sign it.
|
|
|
|
I venture to go thus far in treating, on the Authority only of
|
|
a kind of general Power, given formerly by a Resolution of Congress
|
|
to Messrs. Franklin, Deane, and Lee; but a special Commission seems
|
|
more proper to compleat a Treaty, and more agreable to the usual
|
|
Forms of such Business.
|
|
|
|
|
|
I am in just the same Situation with Denmark; that Court, by its
|
|
Minister here, has desired a Treaty with us. I have propos'd a Plan formed
|
|
on that sent me for Sweden; it had been under Consideration some time at
|
|
Copenhagen, and is expected here this Week, so that I may possibly send that
|
|
also by this Conveyance. You will have seen by my Letter to the Danish Prime
|
|
Minister, that I did not forget the Affair of the Prizes. What I then wrote,
|
|
produc'd a verbal Offer made me here, of 10,000 pounds Sterling, propos'd to
|
|
be given by his Majesty to the Captors, if I would accept it as a full
|
|
Discharge of our Demand. I could not do this, I said, because it was not
|
|
more than a fifth Part of the Estimated Value. In answer, I was told, that
|
|
the Estimation was probably extravagant, that it would be difficult to come
|
|
at the Knowledge of their true Value, and that, whatever they might be worth
|
|
in themselves, they should not be estimated as of such Value to us when at
|
|
Bergen, since the English probably watched them, and might have retaken them
|
|
in their Way to America; at least, they were at the common Risques of the
|
|
Seas and Enemies, and the Insurance was a considerable Drawback; that this
|
|
Sum might be consider'd as so much sav'd for us by the King's Interference;
|
|
for that, if the English Claimants had been suffered to carry the Cause into
|
|
the common Courts, they must have recovered the Prizes by the Laws of
|
|
Denmark; it was added, that the King's Honour was concern'd, that he
|
|
sincerely desir'd our Friendship, but he would avoid, by giving this Sum in
|
|
the Form of a Present to the Captors, the Appearance of its being exacted
|
|
from him as the Reparation of an Injury, when it was really intended rather
|
|
as a Proof of his strong Disposition to cultivate a good Understanding with
|
|
us.
|
|
|
|
I reply'd, that the Value might possibly be exaggerated; but
|
|
that we did not desire more than should be found just upon Enquiry,
|
|
and that it was not difficult to learn from London what Sums were
|
|
insur'd upon the Ships and Cargoes, which would be some Guide; and
|
|
that a reasonable Abatement might be made for the risque; but that
|
|
the Congress could not, in justice to their Mariners, deprive them of
|
|
any Part that was truly due to those brave Men, whatever Abatement
|
|
they might think fit to make (as a Mark of their Regard for the
|
|
King's Friendship) of the Part belonging to the publick; that I had,
|
|
however, no Instructions or Authority to make any Abatement of any
|
|
kind, and could, therefore, only acquaint Congress with the Offer,
|
|
and the Reasons that accompanied it, which I promised to state fully
|
|
and candidly (as I have now done), and attend their Orders; desiring
|
|
only that it might be observ'd, we had presented our Complaint with
|
|
Decency, that we had charg'd no Fault on the Danish Government, but
|
|
what might arise from Inattention or Precipitancy, and that we had
|
|
intimated no Resentment, but had waited, with Patience and Respect,
|
|
the King's Determination, confiding, that he would follow the
|
|
equitable Disposition of his own Breast, by doing us Justice as soon
|
|
as he could do it with Conveniency; that the best and wisest Princes
|
|
sometimes erred, that it belong'd to the Condition of Man, and was,
|
|
therefore, inevitable, and that the true Honour in such Cases
|
|
consisted, not in disowning or hiding the Error, but in making ample
|
|
Reparation; that, tho' I could not accept what was offered on the
|
|
Terms proposed, our Treaty might go on, and its Articles be prepared
|
|
and considered, and, in the mean time, I hoped his Danish Majesty
|
|
would reconsider the Offer, and make it more adequate to the Loss we
|
|
had sustained. Thus that matter rests; but I hourly expect to hear
|
|
farther, and perhaps may have more to say on it before the Ship's
|
|
Departure.
|
|
|
|
I shall be glad to have the Proceedings you mention respecting
|
|
the Brig _Providentia._ I hope the Equity and Justice of our
|
|
Admiralty Courts respecting the Property of Strangers will always
|
|
maintain their Reputation; and I wish particularly to cultivate the
|
|
Disposition of Friendship towards us, apparent in the late
|
|
Proceedings of Denmark, as the Danish Islands may be of use to our
|
|
West India Commerce, while the English impolitic Restraints continue.
|
|
|
|
The Elector of Saxony, as I understand from his Minister here,
|
|
has thoughts of sending one to Congress, and proposing a Treaty of
|
|
Commerce and Amity with us. Prussia has likewise an Inclination to
|
|
share in a Trade with America, and the Minister of that Court, tho'
|
|
he has not directly propos'd a Treaty, has given me a Pacquet of
|
|
Lists of the several Sorts of Merchandise they can furnish us with,
|
|
which he requests me to send to America for the Information of our
|
|
Merchants.
|
|
|
|
I have received no Answer yet from Congress to my Request of
|
|
being dismiss'd from their Service. They should, methinks, reflect,
|
|
that if they continue me here, the Faults I may henceforth commit,
|
|
thro' the Infirmities of Age, will be rather theirs than mine. I am
|
|
glad my Journal afforded you any Pleasure. I will, as you desire,
|
|
endeavour to continue it. I thank you for the Pamphlet; it contains
|
|
a great deal of Information respecting our Finances. We shall, as
|
|
you advise, avoid publishing it. But I see they are publishing it in
|
|
the English Papers. I was glad I had a copy authenticated by the
|
|
Signature of Secr'y Thomson, by which I could assure M. de Vergennes,
|
|
that the Money Contract I had made with him was ratified by Congress,
|
|
he having just before express'd some uneasiness to me at its being so
|
|
long neglected. I find it was ratified soon after it was receiv'd,
|
|
but the Ratification, except in that Pamphlet, has not yet come to
|
|
hand. I have done my best to procure the farther Loan directed by
|
|
the Resolution of Congress. It was not possible. I have written on
|
|
that Matter to Mr. Morris. I wish the rest of the Estimates of
|
|
Losses and Mischiefs were come to hand; they would still be of Use.
|
|
|
|
Mr. Barclay has in his Hands the Affair of the _Alliance_ and
|
|
_Bon Homme Richard._ I will afford him all the Assistance in my
|
|
Power, but it is a very perplex'd Business. That Expedition, tho'
|
|
for particular Reasons under American Commissions and Colours, was
|
|
carry'd on at the King's expence, and under his Orders. M. de
|
|
Chaumont was the Agent appointed by the Minister of the Marine to
|
|
make the Outfit. He was also chosen by all the Captains of the
|
|
Squadron, as appears by an Instrument under their Hands, to be their
|
|
Agent, receive, sell, and divide Prizes, &c. The Crown bought two of
|
|
them at public Sale, and the Money, I understand, is lodg'd in the
|
|
Hands of a responsible Person at L'Orient. M. de Chaumont says he
|
|
has given in his Accounts to the Marine, and that he has no more to
|
|
do with the Affair, except to receive a Ballance due to him. That
|
|
Account, however, is I believe unsettled, and the Absence of some of
|
|
the Captains is said to make another Difficulty, which retards the
|
|
Completion of the Business. I never paid or receiv'd any thing
|
|
relating to that Expedition, nor had any other Concern in it, than
|
|
barely ordering the _Alliance_ to join the Squadron, at M. de
|
|
Sartine's Request. I know not whether the other Captains will not
|
|
claim a Share in what we may obtain from Denmark, tho' the Prizes
|
|
were made by the _Alliance_, when separate from the Squadron. If so,
|
|
that is another Difficulty in the way of making Abatement in our
|
|
Demand, without their Consent.
|
|
|
|
I am sorry to find, that you have Thoughts of quitting the
|
|
Service. I do not think your Place can be easily well supply'd. You
|
|
mention, that an entire new Arrangement, with respect to foreign
|
|
Affairs, is under Consideration. I wish to know whether any Notice
|
|
is likely to be taken in it of my Grandson. He has now gone through
|
|
an Apprenticeship of near seven Years in the ministerial Business,
|
|
and is very capable of serving the States in that Line, as possessing
|
|
all the Requisites of Knowledge, Zeal, Activity, Language, and
|
|
Address. He is well lik'd here, and Count de Vergennes has express'd
|
|
to me in warm Terms his very good Opinion of him. The late Swedish
|
|
Ambassador, Count de Creutz, who has gone home to be Prime Minister,
|
|
desir'd I would endeavour to procure his being sent to Sweden, with a
|
|
public Character, assuring me, that he should be glad to receive him
|
|
there as our Minister, and that he knew it would be pleasing to the
|
|
King. The present Swedish Ambassador has also propos'd the same
|
|
thing to me, as you will see by a Letter of his, which I enclose.
|
|
One of the Danish Ministers, M. Walterstorff, who will probably be
|
|
sent in a public Character to Congress, has also express'd his Wish,
|
|
that my Grandson may be sent to Denmark. But it is not my Custom to
|
|
solicit Employments for myself, or any of my Family, and I shall not
|
|
do it in this Case. I only hope, that if he is not to be employ'd in
|
|
your new Arrangement, I may be inform'd of it as soon as possible,
|
|
that, while I have Strength left for it, I may accompany him in a
|
|
Tour to Italy, returning thro' Germany, which I think he may make to
|
|
more Advantage with me than alone, and which I have long promis'd to
|
|
afford him, as a Reward for his faithful Service, and his tender
|
|
filial Attachment to me.
|
|
|
|
_July_ 25. While I was writing the above, M. Walterstorff came
|
|
in, and deliver'd me a Pacquet from M. de Rosencrone, the Danish
|
|
Prime Minister, containing the Project of the Treaty with some
|
|
proposed Alterations, and a Paper of Reasons in support of them.
|
|
Fearing that we should not have time to copy them, I send herewith
|
|
the Originals, relying on his Promise to furnish me with Copies in a
|
|
few Days. He seemed to think, that the Interest of the Merchants is
|
|
concern'd in the immediate Conclusion of the Treaty, that they may
|
|
form their Plans of Commerce, and wish'd to know whether I did not
|
|
think my general Power, above mentioned, sufficient for that purpose.
|
|
I told him, I thought a particular Commission more agreable to the
|
|
Forms; but, if his Danish Majesty would be content for the present
|
|
with the general Authority, formerly given me, I believ'd I might
|
|
venture to act upon it, reserving, by a separate Article, to Congress
|
|
a Power of shortning the Term, in Case any Part of the Treaty should
|
|
not be to their mind, unless the Alteration of such Part should
|
|
hereafter be agreed on.
|
|
|
|
The Prince de Deux-Ponts was lately at Paris, and apply'd to me
|
|
for Information respecting a Commerce which is desired between the
|
|
Electorate of Bavaria and America. I have it also from a good Hand
|
|
at the Court of Vienna, that the Emperor is desirous of establishing
|
|
a Commerce with us from Trieste as well as Flanders, and would make a
|
|
Treaty with us, if propos'd to him. Since our Trade is laid open,
|
|
and no longer a Monopoly to England, all Europe seems desirous of
|
|
sharing in it, and for that purpose to cultivate our Friendship.
|
|
That it may be better known everywhere, what sort of People, and what
|
|
kind of Government they will have to treat with, I prevailed with a
|
|
Friend, the Duc de Rochefoucauld, to translate our Book of
|
|
Constitutions into French, and I presented Copies to all the foreign
|
|
Ministers. I send you one herewith. They are much admired by the
|
|
Politicians here, and it is thought will induce considerable
|
|
Emigrations of substantial People from different Parts of Europe to
|
|
America. It is particularly a Matter of Wonder, that, in the Midst
|
|
of a cruel War raging in the Bowels of our Country, our Sages should
|
|
have the Firmness of Mind to sit down calmly and form such compleat
|
|
Plans of Government. They add considerably to the Reputation of the
|
|
United States.
|
|
|
|
I have mentioned above the Port of Trieste, with which we may
|
|
possibly have a Commerce, and I am told that many useful Productions
|
|
and Manufactures of Hungary may be had extreamly cheap there. But it
|
|
becomes necessary first to consider how our Mediterranean Trade is to
|
|
be protected from the Corsaires of Barbary. You will see by the
|
|
enclos'd Copy of a Letter I receiv'd from Algiers, the Danger two of
|
|
our Ships escap'd last Winter. I think it not improbable that those
|
|
Rovers may be privately encouraged by the English to fall upon us, to
|
|
prevent our Interference in the Carrying Trade; for I have in London
|
|
heard it is a Maxim among the Merchants, that, if _there were no
|
|
Algiers, it would be worth England's while to build one_. I wonder,
|
|
however, that the rest of Europe do not combine to destroy those
|
|
Nests, and secure Commerce from their future Piracies.
|
|
|
|
I made the Grand Master of Malta a Present of one of our Medals
|
|
in Silver, writing him a Letter, of which I enclose a Copy; and I
|
|
believe our People will be kindly receiv'd in his Ports; but that is
|
|
not sufficient; and perhaps, now we have Peace, it will be proper to
|
|
send Ministers, with suitable Presents, to establish a Friendship
|
|
with the Emperor of Morocco, and the other Barbary States, if
|
|
possible. Mr. Jay will inform you of some Steps, that have been
|
|
taken by a Person at Alicant, without Authority, towards a Treaty
|
|
with that Emperor. I send you herewith a few more of the
|
|
above-mentioned Medals, which have given great Satisfaction to this
|
|
Court and Nation. I should be glad to know how they are lik'd with
|
|
you.
|
|
|
|
Our People, who were Prisoners in England, are now all
|
|
discharg'd. During the whole War, those who were in Forton prison,
|
|
near Portsmouth, were much befriended by the constant charitable Care
|
|
of Mr. Wren, a Presbyterian Minister there, who spared no Pains to
|
|
assist them in their Sickness and Distress, by procuring and
|
|
distributing among them the Contributions of good Christians, and
|
|
prudently dispensing the Allowance I made them, which gave him a
|
|
great deal of trouble, but he went through it chearfully. I think
|
|
some public Notice should be taken of this good Man. I wish the
|
|
Congress would enable me to make him a Present, and that some of our
|
|
Universities would confer upon him the Degree of Doctor.
|
|
|
|
The Duke of Manchester, who has always been our Friend in the
|
|
House of Lords, is now here as Ambassador from England. I dine with
|
|
him to-day, (26th,) and, if any thing of Importance occurs, I will
|
|
add it in a Postcript. Be pleased to present my dutiful Respects to
|
|
the Congress, assure them of my most faithful Services, and believe
|
|
me to be, with great and sincere Esteem, Sir, &c.
|
|
|
|
"THERE NEVER WAS A GOOD WAR, OR A BAD PEACE"
|
|
|
|
_To Sir Joseph Banks_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, July 27, 1783.
|
|
I received your very kind letter by Dr. Blagden, and esteem
|
|
myself much honoured by your friendly Remembrance. I have been too
|
|
much and too closely engaged in public Affairs, since his being here,
|
|
to enjoy all the Benefit of his Conversation you were so good as to
|
|
intend me. I hope soon to have more Leisure, and to spend a part of
|
|
it in those Studies, that are much more agreable to me than political
|
|
Operations.
|
|
|
|
I join with you most cordially in rejoicing at the return of
|
|
Peace. I hope it will be lasting, and that Mankind will at length,
|
|
as they call themselves reasonable Creatures, have Reason and Sense
|
|
enough to settle their Differences without cutting Throats; for, in
|
|
my opinion, _there never was a good War, or a bad Peace._ What vast
|
|
additions to the Conveniences and Comforts of Living might Mankind
|
|
have acquired, if the Money spent in Wars had been employed in Works
|
|
of public utility! What an extension of Agriculture, even to the
|
|
Tops of our Mountains: what Rivers rendered navigable, or joined by
|
|
Canals: what Bridges, Aqueducts, new Roads, and other public Works,
|
|
Edifices, and Improvements, rendering England a compleat Paradise,
|
|
might have been obtained by spending those Millions in doing good,
|
|
which in the last War have been spent in doing Mischief; in bringing
|
|
Misery into thousands of Families, and destroying the Lives of so
|
|
many thousands of working people, who might have performed the useful
|
|
labour!
|
|
|
|
I am pleased with the late astronomical Discoveries made by our
|
|
Society. Furnished as all Europe now is with Academies of Science,
|
|
with nice Instruments and the Spirit of Experiment, the progress of
|
|
human knowledge will be rapid, and discoveries made, of which we have
|
|
at present no Conception. I begin to be almost sorry I was born so
|
|
soon, since I cannot have the happiness of knowing what will be known
|
|
100 years hence.
|
|
|
|
I wish continued success to the Labours of the Royal Society,
|
|
and that you may long adorn their chair; being, with the highest
|
|
esteem, dear Sir, &c.
|
|
|
|
P. S. Dr. Blagden will acquaint you with the experiment of a
|
|
vast Globe sent up into the Air, much talked of here, and which, if
|
|
prosecuted, may furnish means of new knowledge.
|
|
|
|
FIRST BALLOON EXPERIMENTS
|
|
|
|
_To Sir Joseph Banks_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, Aug. 30. 1783.
|
|
On Wednesday the 27'th Instant, the new aerostatic Experiment,
|
|
invented by Mess'rs. Mongolfier of Annonay was repeated by M'r.
|
|
Charles; Professor of Experimental Philosophy at Paris.
|
|
|
|
A hollow Globe 12 feet diameter was formed of what is called in
|
|
England Oiled Silk, here Taffetas _gommee_, the Silk being
|
|
impregnated with a Solution of Gumelastic in Lint-seed Oil, as is
|
|
said. The Parts were sewed together while wet with the Gum, and some
|
|
of it was afterwards passed over the Seams, to render it as tight as
|
|
possible.
|
|
|
|
It was afterwards filled with the inflammable Air that is
|
|
produced by pouring Oil of Vitriol upon Filings of Iron, when it was
|
|
found to have a Tendency upwards so strong as to be capable of
|
|
lifting a Weight of 39 Pounds, exclusive of its own weight which was
|
|
25 lb, and the Weight of the Air contain'd.
|
|
|
|
It was brought early in the Morning to the _Champ de Mars_, a
|
|
Field in which Reviews are sometimes made, lying between the Military
|
|
School and the River. There it was held down by a Cord, till 5 in
|
|
the Afternoon, when it was to be let loose. Care was taken before
|
|
the Hour to replace what Portion had been lost of the inflammable
|
|
Air, or of its Force, by injecting more.
|
|
|
|
It is supposed that not less than 50,000 People were assembled
|
|
to see the Experiment. The Champ de Mars being surrounded by
|
|
Multitudes, and vast Numbers on the opposite Side of the River.
|
|
|
|
At 5 o Clock Notice was given to the Spectators by the Firing
|
|
of two Cannon, that the Cord was about to be cut. And presently the
|
|
Globe was seen to rise, and that as fast as a Body of 12 feet
|
|
diameter with a force only of 39 pounds, could be suppos'd to move
|
|
the resisting Air out of its way. There was some Wind, but not very
|
|
strong. A little Rain had wet it, so that it shone, and made an
|
|
agreable Appearance. It diminish'd in Apparent Magnitude as it rose,
|
|
till it enter'd the Clouds, when it seem'd to me scarce bigger than
|
|
an Orange, and soon after became invisible, the Clouds concealing it.
|
|
|
|
The Multitude separated, all well satisfied & much delighted
|
|
with the Success of the Experiment, and amusing one another with
|
|
Discourses of the various Uses it may possibly be apply'd to, among
|
|
which many were very extravagant. But possibly it may pave the Way
|
|
to some Discoveries in Natural Philosophy of which at present we have
|
|
no Conception.
|
|
|
|
A Note secur'd from the Weather had been affix'd to the Globe,
|
|
signifying the Time & Place of its Departure, and praying those who
|
|
might happen to find it, to send an Account of its State to certain
|
|
Persons at Paris. No News was heard of it till the next Day, when
|
|
Information was receiv'd, that it fell a little after 6 oClock at
|
|
Gonesse, a Place about 4 Leagues distance; and that it was rent open,
|
|
and some say had Ice in it. It is suppos'd to have burst by the
|
|
Elasticity of the contain'd Air when no longer compress'd by so heavy
|
|
an Atmosphere.
|
|
|
|
|
|
One of 38 feet Diameter is preparing by M. Mongolfier himself
|
|
at the Expence of the Academy, which is to go up in a few Days. I am
|
|
told it is constructed of Linen & Paper, and is to be filled with a
|
|
different Air, not yet made public, but cheaper than that produc'd by
|
|
the Oil of Vitriol of which 200 Paris Pints were consum'd in filling
|
|
the other.
|
|
|
|
It is said that for some Days after its being fill'd, the Ball
|
|
was found to lose an eighth Part of its Force of Levity in 24 Hours:
|
|
Whether this was from Imperfection in the Tightness of the Ball, or a
|
|
Change in the Nature of the Air, Experiments may easily discover.
|
|
|
|
I thought it my Duty, Sir, to send an early Account of this
|
|
extraordinary Fact, to the Society which does me the honour to reckon
|
|
me among its Members; and I will endeavour to make it more perfect,
|
|
as I receive farther Information.
|
|
With great Respect, I am, Sir,
|
|
|
|
P. S. Since writing the above, I am favour'd with your kind
|
|
Letter of the 25'th. I am much oblig'd to you for the Care you have
|
|
taken to forward the Transactions, as well as to the Council for so
|
|
readily ordering them on Application. -- Please to accept and present
|
|
my Thanks.
|
|
|
|
I just now learn, that some Observers say, the Ball was 150
|
|
seconds in rising, from the Cutting of the Cord till hid in the
|
|
Clouds; that its height was then about 500 Toises, but, mov'd out of
|
|
the Perpendicular by the Wind, it had made a Slant so as to form a
|
|
Triangle, whose base on the Earth was about 200 Toises. It is said
|
|
the Country people who saw it fall were frightened, conceiv'd from
|
|
its bounding a little when it touch'd the Ground, that there was some
|
|
living Animal in it, and attack'd it with Stones and Knives, so that
|
|
it was much mangled; but it is now brought to Town & will be
|
|
repaired. --
|
|
|
|
The great one of M. Mongolfier, is to go up as is said, from
|
|
Versailles, in about 8 or 10 Days. It is not a Globe but of a
|
|
different form, more convenient for penetrating the Air. It contains
|
|
50,000 cubic Feet, and is supposed to have a Force of Levity equal to
|
|
1500 pounds weight. A Philosopher here, M. Pilatre de Rozier, has
|
|
seriously apply'd to the Academy for Leave to go up with it, in order
|
|
to make some Experiments. He was complimented on his Zeal and
|
|
Courage for the Promotion of Science, but advis'd to wait till the
|
|
Management of these Balls was made by Experience more certain & safe.
|
|
They say the filling of it in M. Mongolfier's Way will not cost more
|
|
than half a Crown. One is talk'd of to be 110 feet Diameter.
|
|
Several Gentlemen have ordered small ones to be made for their
|
|
Amusement; one has ordered four of 15 feet diameter each; I know not
|
|
with what Purpose; but such is the present Enthusiasm for promoting &
|
|
improving this Discovery, that probably we shall soon make
|
|
considerable Progress in the Art of constructing and Using the
|
|
Machines. --
|
|
|
|
Among the Pleasantries Conversation produces on this Subject,
|
|
some suppose Flying to be now invented, and that since Men may be
|
|
supported in the Air, nothing is wanted but some light handy
|
|
Instruments to give and direct Motion. Some think Progressive Motion
|
|
on the Earth may be advanc'd by it, and that a Running Footman or a
|
|
Horse slung & suspended under such a Globe so as to leave no more of
|
|
Weight pressing the Earth with their Feet, than perhaps 8 or 10
|
|
Pounds, might with a fair Wind run in a straight Line across
|
|
Countries as fast as that Wind, and over Hedges, Ditches, & even
|
|
Waters. It has been even fancied that in time People will keep such
|
|
Globes anchored in the Air, to which by Pullies they may draw up Game
|
|
to be preserved in the Cool, & Water to be frozen when Ice is wanted.
|
|
And that to get Money, it will be contrived to give People an
|
|
extensive view of the Country, by running them upon an Elbow Chair a
|
|
Mile high for a Guinea, &c. &c.
|
|
|
|
A Pamphlet is printing in which we are to have a full and
|
|
perfect Account of the Experiments hitherto made, & I will send it to
|
|
you. M. Mongolfier's Air to fill the Globe has hitherto been kept
|
|
secret. Some suppose it to be only common Air heated by passing
|
|
thro' the Flame of burning Straw, & thereby extreamly rarified. If
|
|
so its Levity will soon be diminished by Condensation when it comes
|
|
into the cooler Regions above.
|
|
|
|
Sept. 2d. -- I add this paper just now given me, B. F. The
|
|
print contains a view of Champ de Mars, and the ball in the air with
|
|
this subscription:
|
|
|
|
|
|
Experience de la machine aerostatique de M'essrs. de
|
|
Montgolfier, d'Anonai en Vivarais, reepetee a Paris le 27 Aout. 1783
|
|
au Champ de Mars, avec un ballon de taffetas enduit de gomme
|
|
elastique, de 36 pieds 6 onces de circonference. Le ballon plein
|
|
d'air inflammable a ete execute par Mons. Robert, en vertu d'une
|
|
souscription nationale, sous la direction de Mr. Faujas de Saint Fond
|
|
(et M. Charles).
|
|
|
|
N. B. -- M. Charles' name is wrote with pen, not engraved.
|
|
|
|
Calculas du Ballon do 12 pieds de diametre enleve le Mercredy
|
|
27 Aout 1783.
|
|
|
|
Circonference du grand cercle. . . . 37 pieds
|
|
Diametre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
|
|
__
|
|
74
|
|
37
|
|
___
|
|
Surface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 444
|
|
Tiers du rayon . . . . . . . . . . . 2
|
|
Solidite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 888 pieds cubes
|
|
Air atm. a 12 gros le pied . . . . . 12
|
|
____
|
|
1776
|
|
888
|
|
____
|
|
Pesanteur de l'air atm. . . . . . 10,656 gros
|
|
|
|
26 { 8 /16
|
|
{ ____ ounces ___
|
|
25,{ 1332 /83 lb., 4 ounces
|
|
6 52
|
|
|
|
L'air atmospherique dont le ballon occupait la place, pesant 83
|
|
lb. 4 onces et sa force pour s'elever etant de 40 lb. il falloit que
|
|
son enveloppe et l'air inflammable qu'elle contenoit ne pesassent que
|
|
42 lb. 4 onces. L'enveloppe en pesoit 25, reste pour l'air
|
|
inflammable 18 lb. 4 onces.
|
|
|
|
En supposant le ballon de 6 pieds de diametre, son volume etant
|
|
le 8me, du ier le poids de l'air dont il occupoit la place seroit le
|
|
8me, de 83 lb., 4 onces = 10 lb., 6 onces, 4 gros. L'air inflammable
|
|
1/8 de 18 lb., 4 onces = 2 lb., 4 onces, 4 gros. L'enveloppe 1/4 de
|
|
25 lb., = 6 lb., 4 onces. Les dernieres valeurs reunies sont 8 lb.,
|
|
8 onces, 4 gros, qui otes de 10 lb., 6 onces, 4 gros pesanteur de
|
|
l'air atmospherique dont le ballon occupoit la place, laisse pour sa
|
|
force d'elevation 1 lb., 14 onces.
|
|
|
|
"FALLS LITTLE SHORT OF TREASON"
|
|
|
|
_To John Jay_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, September 10, 1783.
|
|
I have received a letter from a very respectable person in
|
|
America, containing the following words, viz.
|
|
|
|
"It is confidently reported, propagated, and believed by some
|
|
among us, that the Court of France was at the bottom against our
|
|
obtaining the fishery and territory in that great extent, in which
|
|
both are secured to us by the treaty; that our Minister at that Court
|
|
favored, or did not oppose this design against us; and that it was
|
|
entirely owing to the firmness, sagacity, and disinterestedness of Mr
|
|
Adams, with whom Mr Jay united, that we have obtained these important
|
|
advantages."
|
|
|
|
It is not my purpose to dispute any share of the honor of that
|
|
treaty, which the friends of my colleagues may be disposed to give
|
|
them, but having now spent fifty years of my life in public offices
|
|
and trusts, and having still one ambition left, that of carrying the
|
|
character of fidelity at least to the grave with me, I cannot allow
|
|
that I was behind any of them in zeal and faithfulness. I therefore
|
|
think, that I ought not to suffer an accusation, which falls little
|
|
short of treason to my country, to pass without notice, when the
|
|
means of effectual vindication are at hand. You, Sir, were a witness
|
|
of my conduct in that affair. To you and my other colleagues I
|
|
appeal, by sending to each a similar letter with this, and I have no
|
|
doubt of your readiness to do a brother Commissioner justice, by
|
|
certificates, that will entirely destroy the effect of that
|
|
accusation.
|
|
|
|
I have the honor to be, with much esteem, &c.
|
|
|
|
"ALL PROPERTY . . . SEEMS TO ME TO BE THE CREATURE OF PUBLIC
|
|
CONVENTION"
|
|
|
|
_To Robert Morris_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, Dec. 25, 1783.
|
|
I have received your Favour of the 30'th of September, for
|
|
which I thank you. My Apprehension, that the Union between France
|
|
and our States might be diminished by Accounts from hence, was
|
|
occasioned by the extravagant and violent Language held here by a
|
|
Public Person, in public Company, which had that Tendency; and it was
|
|
natural for me to think his Letters might hold the same Language, in
|
|
which I was right; for I have since had Letters from Boston informing
|
|
me of it. Luckily here, and I hope there, it is imputed to the true
|
|
Cause, a Disorder in the Brain, which, tho' not constant, has its
|
|
Fits too frequent. I will not fill my Letter with an Account of
|
|
those Discourses. Mr. Laurens, when you see him, can give it to you;
|
|
I mean such as he heard in Company with other Persons, for I would
|
|
not have him relate private Conversations. They distress'd me much
|
|
at the time, being then at your earnest Instances soliciting for more
|
|
aids of Money; the Success of which Solicitation such ungrateful and
|
|
provoking Language might, I feared, have had a Tendency to prevent.
|
|
Enough of this at present.
|
|
|
|
I have been exceedingly hurt and afflicted by the Difficulty
|
|
some of your late Bills met with in Holland. As soon as I receiv'd
|
|
the Letter from Messrs. Willinck & Co., which I inclose, I sent for
|
|
Mr. Grand, who brought me a Sketch of his Account with you, by which
|
|
it appear'd that the Demands upon us, existing and expected, would
|
|
more than absorb the Funds in his Hands. We could not indulge the
|
|
smallest Hope of obtaining further Assistance here, the Public
|
|
Finances being in a state of Embarrassment, private Persons full of
|
|
Distrust occasioned by the late Stoppage of Payment at the _Caisse
|
|
d'Escompte_, and money in general extreamly scarce. But he agreed to
|
|
do what I propos'd, lend his Credit in the Way of Drawing and
|
|
Redrawing between Holland and Paris, to gain Time till you could
|
|
furnish Funds to reimburse Messrs. Willenck & Co. I believe he made
|
|
this Proposition to them by the Return of the Express. I know not
|
|
why it was not accepted. Mr. Grand, I suppose, will himself give you
|
|
an Account of all the Transaction, and of his Application to Messrs.
|
|
Couteulx & Co.; therefore, I need not add more upon this disagreable
|
|
Subject.
|
|
|
|
I have found Difficulties in settling the Account of Salaries
|
|
with the other Ministers, that have made it impracticable for me to
|
|
do it. I have, therefore, after keeping the Bills that were to have
|
|
been proportioned among us long in my hands, given them up to Mr.
|
|
Grand, who, finding the same Difficulties, will, I suppose, return
|
|
them to you. None has come to hand for the two or three last
|
|
Quarters, and we are indebted to his Kindness for advancing us Money,
|
|
or we must have run in Debt for our Subsistence. He risques in doing
|
|
this, since he has not for it your Orders.
|
|
|
|
There arise frequently contingent Expences, for which no
|
|
provision has yet been made. In a former letter to the Secretary for
|
|
Foreign Affairs, I gave a List of them, and desired to know the
|
|
Pleasure of Congress concerning them. I have only had for Answer,
|
|
that they were under Consideration, and that he believed House-Rent
|
|
would not be allowed; but I am still in Uncertainty as to that and
|
|
the Rest. I wish some resolutions were taken on this Point of
|
|
Contingencies, that I may know how to settle my Accounts with Mr.
|
|
Barclay. American Ministers in Europe are too remote from their
|
|
Constituents to consult them, and take their Orders on every
|
|
Occasion, as the Ministers here of European Courts can easily do.
|
|
There seems, therefore, a Necessity of allowing more to their
|
|
Discretion, and of giving them a Credit to a certain Amount on some
|
|
Banker, who may answer their Orders; for which, however, they should
|
|
be accountable. I mention this for the sake of other Ministers,
|
|
hoping and expecting soon to be discharg'd myself, and also for the
|
|
Good of the Service.
|
|
|
|
The Remissness of our People in Paying Taxes is highly
|
|
blameable; the Unwillingness to pay them is still more so. I see, in
|
|
some Resolutions of Town Meetings, a Remonstrance against giving
|
|
Congress a Power to take, as they call it, the People's Money out of
|
|
their Pockets, tho' only to pay the Interest and Principal of Debts
|
|
duly contracted. They seem to mistake the Point. Money, justly due
|
|
from the People, is their Creditors' Money, and no longer the Money
|
|
of the People, who, if they withold it, should be compell'd to pay by
|
|
some Law.
|
|
|
|
All Property, indeed, except the Savage's temporary Cabin, his
|
|
Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions, absolutely
|
|
necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of
|
|
public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating
|
|
Descents, and all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting
|
|
the Quantity and the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary
|
|
to a Man, for the Conservation of the Individual and the Propagation
|
|
of the Species, is his natural Right, which none can justly deprive
|
|
him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property
|
|
of the Publick, who, by their Laws, have created it, and who may
|
|
therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the
|
|
Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil
|
|
Society on these Terms, let him retire and live among Savages. He
|
|
can have no right to the benefits of Society, who will not pay his
|
|
Club towards the Support of it.
|
|
|
|
The Marquis de la F., who loves to be employ'd in our Affairs,
|
|
and is often very useful, has lately had several Conversations with
|
|
the Ministers and Persons concern'd in forming new Regulations,
|
|
respecting the Commerce between our two Countries, which are not yet
|
|
concluded. I therefore thought it well to communicate to him a Copy
|
|
of your Letter, which contains so many sensible and just Observations
|
|
on that Subject. He will make a proper Use of them, and perhaps they
|
|
may have more Weight, as appearing to come from a Frenchman, than
|
|
they would have if it were known that they were the Observations of
|
|
an American. I perfectly agree with you in all the Sentiments you
|
|
have express'd on this Occasion.
|
|
|
|
You have made no Answer to the Proposition I sent of furnishing
|
|
Tobacco to the Farmers General. They have since made a Contract with
|
|
Mess'rs Alexander & Williams for the same Purpose but it is such a
|
|
one as does not prevent their making another with you if hereafter it
|
|
should suit you.
|
|
|
|
I am sorry for the Publick's sake, that you are about to quit
|
|
your Office, but on personal Considerations I shall congratulate you;
|
|
for I cannot conceive of a more happy Man, than he, who having been
|
|
long loaded with public Cares, finds himself reliev'd from them, and
|
|
enjoying private repose in the Bosom of his Friends and Family.
|
|
|
|
The Government here has set on foot a new Loan of an Hundred
|
|
Millions. I enclose the Plan.
|
|
|
|
|
|
It is thought very advantageous for the Lenders. You may judge
|
|
by that how much the Money is wanted, and how seasonable the Peace
|
|
was for all concerned.
|
|
|
|
If Mr. Alexander, who is gone to Virginia, should happen to
|
|
come to Philadelphia, I beg leave to recommend him to your Civilities
|
|
as an old Friend of mine whom I very much esteem.
|
|
With sincere Regard & Attachment, I am ever, Dear Sir,
|
|
Your most etc.
|
|
|
|
"A GOOD PEOPLE TO LIVE AMONG"
|
|
|
|
_To ------- _
|
|
|
|
Your Queries concerning the Value of Land in different
|
|
Circumstances & Situations, Modes of Settlement, &c. &c. are quite
|
|
out of my Power to answer; having while I lived in America been
|
|
always an Inhabitant of Capital Cities, and not in the way of
|
|
learning any thing correctly of Country Affairs. There is a Book
|
|
lately published in London, written by Mr. Hector St. John, its
|
|
Title, Letters from an American Farmer, which contains a good deal of
|
|
Information on those Subjects; and as I know the Author to be an
|
|
observing intelligent Man, I suppose the Information to be good as
|
|
far as it goes, and I recommend the Book to your perusal.
|
|
|
|
There is no doubt but great Tracts may be purchased on the Frontiers
|
|
of Virginia, & the Carolinas, at moderate Rates. In Virginia it used to be
|
|
at 5 pounds Sterling the 100 Acres. I know not the present Price, but do not
|
|
see why it should be higher.
|
|
|
|
Emigrants arriving pay no Fine or Premium for being admitted to
|
|
all the Privileges of Citizens. Those are acquired by two Years
|
|
Residence.
|
|
|
|
No Rewards are given to encourage new Settlers to come among
|
|
us, whatever degree of Property they may bring with them, nor any
|
|
Exemptions from common Duties. Our Country offers to Strangers
|
|
nothing but a good Climate, fertile Soil, wholesome Air, Free
|
|
Governments, wise Laws, Liberty, a good People to live among, and a
|
|
hearty Welcome. Those Europeans who have these or greater Advantages
|
|
at home, would do well to stay where they are.
|
|
|
|
January, 1784?
|
|
|
|
"THE TURK'Y IS IN COMPARISON A MUCH MORE RESPECTABLE BIRD"
|
|
|
|
_To Sarah Bache_
|
|
|
|
MY DEAR CHILD, Passy, Jan. 26, 1784.
|
|
Your Care in sending me the Newspapers is very agreable to me.
|
|
I received by Capt. Barney those relating to the _Cincinnati._ My
|
|
Opinion of the Institution cannot be of much Importance; I only
|
|
wonder that, when the united Wisdom of our Nation had, in the
|
|
Articles of Confederation, manifested their Dislike of establishing
|
|
Ranks of Nobility, by Authority either of the Congress or of any
|
|
particular State, a Number of private Persons should think proper to
|
|
distinguish themselves and their Posterity, from their fellow
|
|
Citizens, and form an Order of _hereditary Knights_, in direct
|
|
Opposition to the solemnly declared Sense of their Country! I
|
|
imagine it must be likewise contrary to the Good Sense of most of
|
|
those drawn into it by the Persuasion of its Projectors, who have
|
|
been too much struck with the Ribbands and Crosses they have seen
|
|
among them hanging to the Buttonholes of Foreign Officers. And I
|
|
suppose those, who disapprove of it, have not hitherto given it much
|
|
Opposition, from a Principle somewhat like that of your good Mother,
|
|
relating to punctilious Persons, who are always exacting little
|
|
Observances of Respect; that, _"if People can be pleased with small
|
|
Matters, it is a pity but they should have them."_
|
|
|
|
In this View, perhaps, I should not myself, if my Advice had
|
|
been ask'd, have objected to their wearing their Ribband and Badge
|
|
according to their Fancy, tho' I certainly should to the entailing it
|
|
as an Honour on their Posterity. For Honour, worthily obtain'd (as
|
|
for Example that of our Officers), is in its Nature a _personal_
|
|
Thing, and incommunicable to any but those who had some Share in
|
|
obtaining it. Thus among the Chinese, the most ancient, and from
|
|
long Experience the wisest of Nations, honour does not _descend_, but
|
|
_ascends_. If a man from his Learning, his Wisdom, or his Valour, is
|
|
promoted by the Emperor to the Rank of Mandarin, his Parents are
|
|
immediately entitled to all the same Ceremonies of Respect from the
|
|
People, that are establish'd as due to the Mandarin himself; on the
|
|
supposition that it must have been owing to the Education,
|
|
Instruction, and good Example afforded him by his Parents, that he
|
|
was rendered capable of serving the Publick.
|
|
|
|
This _ascending_ Honour is therefore useful to the State, as it
|
|
encourages Parents to give their Children a good and virtuous
|
|
Education. But the _descending Honour_, to Posterity who could have
|
|
no Share in obtaining it, is not only groundless and absurd, but
|
|
often hurtful to that Posterity, since it is apt to make them proud,
|
|
disdaining to be employ'd in useful Arts, and thence falling into
|
|
Poverty, and all the Meannesses, Servility, and Wretchedness
|
|
attending it; which is the present case with much of what is called
|
|
the _Noblesse_ in Europe. Or if, to keep up the Dignity of the
|
|
Family, Estates are entailed entire on the Eldest male heir, another
|
|
Pest to Industry and Improvement of the Country is introduc'd, which
|
|
will be followed by all the odious mixture of pride and Beggary, and
|
|
idleness, that have half depopulated and _decultivated_ Spain;
|
|
occasioning continual Extinction of Families by the Discouragements
|
|
of Marriage and neglect in the improvement of estates.
|
|
|
|
I wish, therefore, that the Cincinnati, if they must go on with
|
|
their Project, would direct the Badges of their Order to be worn by
|
|
the Parents, instead of handing them down to their Children. It
|
|
would be a good Precedent, and might have good Effects. It would
|
|
also be a kind of Obedience to the Fourth Commandment, in which God
|
|
enjoins us to _honour_ our Father and Mother, but has nowhere
|
|
directed us to honour our Children. And certainly no mode of
|
|
honouring those immediate Authors of our Being can be more effectual,
|
|
than that of doing praiseworthy Actions, which reflect Honour on
|
|
those who gave us our Education; or more becoming, than that of
|
|
manifesting, by some public Expression or Token, that it is to their
|
|
Instruction and Example we ascribe the Merit of those Actions.
|
|
|
|
But the Absurdity of _descending Honours_ is not a mere Matter
|
|
of philosophical Opinion; it is capable of mathematical
|
|
Demonstration. A Man's Son, for instance, is but half of his Family,
|
|
the other half belonging to the Family of his Wife. His Son, too,
|
|
marrying into another Family, his Share in the Grandson is but a
|
|
fourth; in the Great Grandson, by the same Process, it is but an
|
|
Eighth; in the next Generation a Sixteenth; the next a Thirty-second;
|
|
the next a Sixty-fourth; the next an Hundred and twenty-eighth; the
|
|
next a Two hundred and Fifty-sixth; and the next a Five hundred and
|
|
twelfth; thus in nine Generations, which will not require more than
|
|
300 years (no very great Antiquity for a Family), our present
|
|
Chevalier of the Order of Cincinnatus's Share in the then existing
|
|
Knight, will be but a 512th part; which, allowing the present certain
|
|
Fidelity of American Wives to be insur'd down through all those Nine
|
|
Generations, is so small a Consideration, that methinks no reasonable
|
|
Man would hazard for the sake of it the disagreable Consequences of
|
|
the Jealousy, Envy, and Ill will of his Countrymen.
|
|
|
|
Let us go back with our Calculation from this young Noble, the
|
|
512th part of the present Knight, thro' his nine Generations, till we
|
|
return to the year of the Institution. He must have had a Father and
|
|
Mother, they are two. Each of them had a father and Mother, they are
|
|
four. Those of the next preceding Generation will be eight, the next
|
|
Sixteen, the next thirty-two, the next sixty-four, the next one
|
|
hundred and Twenty-eight, the next Two hundred and fifty-six, and the
|
|
ninth in this Retrocession Five hundred and twelve, who must be now
|
|
existing, and all contribute their Proportion of this future
|
|
_Chevalier de Cincinnatus._ These, with the rest, make together as
|
|
follows:
|
|
|
|
2
|
|
4
|
|
8
|
|
16
|
|
32
|
|
64
|
|
128
|
|
256
|
|
512
|
|
____
|
|
Total 1022
|
|
|
|
One Thousand and Twenty-two Men and Women, contributors to the
|
|
formation of one Knight. And, if we are to have a Thousand of these
|
|
future knights, there must be now and hereafter existing One million
|
|
and Twenty-two Thousand Fathers and Mothers, who are to contribute to
|
|
their Production, unless a Part of the Number are employ'd in making
|
|
more Knights than One. Let us strike off then the 22,000, on the
|
|
Supposition of this double Employ, and then consider whether, after a
|
|
reasonable Estimation of the Number of Rogues, and Fools, and
|
|
Royalists and Scoundrels and Prostitutes, that are mix'd with, and
|
|
help to make up necessarily their Million of Predecessors, Posterity
|
|
will have much reason to boast of the noble Blood of the then
|
|
existing Set of Chevaliers de Cincinnatus. The future genealogists,
|
|
too, of these Chevaliers, in proving the lineal descent of their
|
|
honour through so many generations (even supposing honour capable in
|
|
its nature of descending), will only prove the small share of this
|
|
honour, which can be justly claimed by any one of them; since the
|
|
above simple process in arithmetic makes it quite plain and clear
|
|
that, in proportion as the antiquity of the family shall augment, the
|
|
right to the honour of the ancestor will diminish; and a few
|
|
generations more would reduce it to something so small as to be very
|
|
near an absolute nullity. I hope, therefore, that the Order will
|
|
drop this part of their project, and content themselves, as the
|
|
Knights of the Garter, Bath, Thistle, St. Louis, and other Orders of
|
|
Europe do, with a Life Enjoyment of their little Badge and Ribband,
|
|
and let the Distinction die with those who have merited it. This I
|
|
imagine will give no offence. For my own part, I shall think it a
|
|
Convenience, when I go into a Company where there may be Faces
|
|
unknown to me, if I discover, by this Badge, the Persons who merit
|
|
some particular Expression of my Respect; and it will save modest
|
|
Virtue the Trouble of calling for our Regard, by awkward roundabout
|
|
Intimations of having been heretofore employ'd in the Continental
|
|
Service.
|
|
|
|
The Gentleman, who made the Voyage to France to provide the
|
|
Ribands and Medals, has executed his Commission. To me they seem
|
|
tolerably done; but all such Things are criticis'd. Some find Fault
|
|
with the Latin, as wanting classic d Correctness; and, since our Nine
|
|
Universities were not able to furnish better Latin, it was pity, they
|
|
say, that the Mottos had not been in English. Others object to the
|
|
Title, as not properly assumable by any but Gen. Washington, and a
|
|
few others who serv'd without Pay. Others object to the _Bald Eagle_
|
|
as looking too much like a _Dindon_, or Turkey. For my own part, I
|
|
wish the Bald Eagle had not been chosen as the Representative of our
|
|
Country; he is a Bird of bad moral Character; he does not get his
|
|
living honestly; you may have seen him perch'd on some dead Tree,
|
|
near the River where, too lazy to fish for himself, he watches the
|
|
Labour of the Fishing-Hawk; and, when that diligent Bird has at
|
|
length taken a Fish, and is bearing it to his Nest for the support of
|
|
his Mate and young ones, the Bald Eagle pursues him, and takes it
|
|
from him. With all this Injustice he is never in good Case; but,
|
|
like those among Men who live by Sharping and Robbing, he is
|
|
generally poor, and often very lousy. Besides, he is a rank Coward;
|
|
the little _KingBird_, not bigger than a Sparrow, attacks him boldly
|
|
and drives him out of the District. He is therefore by no means a
|
|
proper emblem for the brave and honest Cincinnati of America, who
|
|
have driven all the _Kingbirds_ from our Country; though exactly fit
|
|
for that Order of Knights, which the French call _Chevaliers
|
|
d'Industrie._
|
|
|
|
I am, on this account, not displeas'd that the Figure is not
|
|
known as a Bald Eagle, but looks more like a Turk'y. For in Truth,
|
|
the Turk'y is in comparison a much more respectable Bird, and withal
|
|
a true original Native of America. Eagles have been found in all
|
|
Countries, but the Turk'y was peculiar to ours; the first of the
|
|
Species seen in Europe being brought to France by the Jesuits from
|
|
Canada, and serv'd up at the Wedding Table of Charles the Ninth. He
|
|
is, though a little vain and silly, it is true, but not the worse
|
|
emblem for that, a Bird of Courage, and would not hesitate to attack
|
|
a Grenadier of the British Guards, who should presume to invade his
|
|
FarmYard with a _red_ Coat on.
|
|
|
|
I shall not enter into the Criticisms made upon their Latin.
|
|
The gallant officers of America may not have the merit of being great
|
|
scholars, but they undoubtedly merit much, as brave soldiers, from
|
|
their Country, which should therefore not leave them merely to _Fame_
|
|
for their _"Virtutis Premium,"_ which is one of their Latin Mottos.
|
|
Their _"Esto perpetua,"_ another, is an excellent Wish, if they meant
|
|
it for their Country; bad, if intended for their Order. The States
|
|
should not only restore to them the _Omnia_ of their first Motto,
|
|
which many of them have left and lost, but pay them justly, and
|
|
reward them generously. They should not be suffered to remain, with
|
|
all their new-created Chivalry, _entirely_ in the Situation of the
|
|
Gentleman in the Story, which their _omnia reliquit_ reminds me of.
|
|
You know every thing makes me recollect some Story. He had built a
|
|
very fine House, and thereby much impair'd his Fortune. He had a
|
|
Pride, however, in showing it to his Acquaintance. One of them,
|
|
after viewing it all, remark'd a Motto over the Door, "OIA VANITAS."
|
|
"What," says he, "is the Meaning of this OIA? it is a word I don't
|
|
understand." "I will tell you," said the Gentleman; "I had a mind to
|
|
have the Motto cut on a Piece of smooth Marble, but there was not
|
|
room for it between the Ornaments, to be put in Characters large
|
|
enough to be read. I therefore made use of a Contraction antiently
|
|
very common in Latin Manuscripts, by which the _m_'s and _n_'s in
|
|
Words are omitted, and the Omission noted by a little Dash above,
|
|
which you may see there; so that the Word is _omnia_, OMNIA VANITAS."
|
|
"O," says his Friend, "I now comprehend the Meaning of your motto, it
|
|
relates to your Edifice; and signifies, that, if you have abridged
|
|
your _Omnia_, you have, nevertheless, left your VANITAS legible at
|
|
full length." I am, as ever, your affectionate father,
|
|
|
|
"MY ADVICE `SMELLS OF MADEIRA'"
|
|
|
|
_To William Strahan_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 16, 1784.
|
|
I receiv'd and read with Pleasure your kind Letter of the first
|
|
Inst, as it inform'd me of the Welfare of you and yours. I am glad
|
|
the Accounts you have from your Kinswoman at Philadelphia are
|
|
agreable, and I shall be happy if any Recommendations from me can be
|
|
serviceable to Dr. Ross, or any other friend of yours, going to
|
|
America.
|
|
|
|
|
|
Your arguments, persuading me to come once more to England, are
|
|
very powerful. To be sure, I long to see again my Friends there,
|
|
whom I love abundantly; but there are difficulties and Objections of
|
|
several kinds, which at present I do not see how to get over.
|
|
|
|
I lament with you the political Disorders England at present
|
|
labours under. Your Papers are full of strange Accounts of Anarchy
|
|
and Confusion in America, of which we know nothing, while your own
|
|
Affairs are really in a Situation deplorable. In my humble Opinion,
|
|
the Root of the Evil lies not so much in too long, or too unequally
|
|
chosen Parliaments, as in the enormous Salaries, Emoluments, and
|
|
Patronage of your great Offices; and that you will never be at rest
|
|
till they are all abolish'd, and every place of Honour made at the
|
|
same time, instead of a Place of Profit, a place of Expence and
|
|
burthen.
|
|
|
|
Ambition and avarice are each of them strong Passions, and when
|
|
they are united in the same Persons, and have the same Objects in
|
|
view for their Gratification, they are too strong for Public Spirit
|
|
and Love of Country, and are apt to produce the most violent Factions
|
|
and Contentions. They should therefore be separated, and made to act
|
|
one against the other. Those Places, to speak in our old stile
|
|
(Brother Type), may be for the good of the _Chapel_, but they are bad
|
|
for the Master, as they create constant Quarrels that hinder the
|
|
Business. For example, here are near two Months that your Government
|
|
has been employed in _getting its form to press_; which is not yet
|
|
fit to _work on_, every Page of it being _squabbled_, and the whole
|
|
ready to fall into _pye._ The Founts too must be very scanty, or
|
|
strangely _out of sorts_, since your _Compositors_ cannot find either
|
|
_upper_ or _lower case Letters_ sufficient to set the word
|
|
ADMINISTRATION, but are forc'd to be continually _turning for them._
|
|
However, to return to common (tho' perhaps too saucy) Language, don't
|
|
despair; you have still one resource left, and that not a bad one,
|
|
since it may reunite the Empire. We have some Remains of Affection
|
|
for you, and shall always be ready to receive and take care of you in
|
|
Case of Distress. So if you have not Sense and Virtue enough to
|
|
govern yourselves, e'en dissolve your present old crazy Constitution,
|
|
and _send members to Congress._
|
|
|
|
|
|
You will say my _Advice_ "smells of _Madeira._" You are right.
|
|
This foolish Letter is mere chitchat _between ourselves_ over the
|
|
_second bottle._ If, therefore, you show it to anybody, (except our
|
|
indulgent Friends, Dagge and Lady Strahan) I will positively
|
|
_Solless_ you. Yours ever most affectionately,
|
|
|
|
METHODS OF TREATING DISEASES
|
|
|
|
_To La Sabliere de la Condamine_
|
|
|
|
SIR, Passy, March 19, 1784
|
|
I receiv'd the very obliging Letter you did me honour of
|
|
writing to me the 8'th Inst. with the epigram &c. for which please to
|
|
accept my Thanks.
|
|
|
|
You desire my Sentiments concerning the Cures perform'd by
|
|
Comus & Mesmer. I think that in general, Maladies caus'd by
|
|
Obstructions may be treated by Electricity with Advantage. As to the
|
|
Animal Magnetism, so much talk'd of, I am totally unacquainted with
|
|
it, and must doubt its Existence till I can see or feel some Effect
|
|
of it. None of the Cures said to be perform'd by it, have fallen
|
|
under my Observation; and there being so many Disorders which cure
|
|
themselves and such a Disposition in Mankind to deceive themselves
|
|
and one another on these Occasions; and living long having given me
|
|
frequent Opportunities of seeing certain Remedies cry'd up as curing
|
|
everything, and yet soon after totally laid aside as useless, I
|
|
cannot but fear that the Expectation of great Advantage from the new
|
|
Method of treating Diseases, will prove a Delusion. That Delusion
|
|
may however in some cases be of use while it lasts. There are in
|
|
every great rich City a Number of Persons who are never in health,
|
|
because they are fond of Medicines and always taking them, whereby
|
|
they derange the natural Functions, and hurt their Constitutions. If
|
|
these People can be persuaded to forbear their Drugs in Expectation
|
|
of being cured by only the Physician's Finger or an Iron Rod pointing
|
|
at them, they may possibly find good Effects tho' they mistake the
|
|
Cause. I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.
|
|
|
|
"STOOP, STOOP!"
|
|
|
|
_To Samuel Mather_
|
|
|
|
REV'd SIR, Passy, May 12, 1784.
|
|
I received your kind letter, with your excellent advice to the
|
|
people of the United States, which I read with great pleasure, and
|
|
hope it will be duly regarded. Such writings, though they may be
|
|
lightly passed over by many readers, yet, if they make a deep
|
|
impression on one active mind in a hundred, the effects may be
|
|
considerable. Permit me to mention one little instance, which,
|
|
though it relates to myself, will not be quite uninteresting to you.
|
|
When I was a boy, I met with a book, entitled _"Essays to do Good,"_
|
|
which I think was written by your father. It had been so little
|
|
regarded by a former possessor, that several leaves of it were torn
|
|
out; but the remainder gave me such a turn of thinking, as to have an
|
|
influence on my conduct through life; for I have always set a greater
|
|
value on the character of a _doer of good_, than on any other kind of
|
|
reputation; and if I have been, as you seem to think, a useful
|
|
citizen, the public owes the advantage of it to that book.
|
|
|
|
You mention your being in your 78'th year; I am in my 79'th; we
|
|
are grown old together. It is now more than 60 years since I left
|
|
Boston, but I remember well both your father and grandfather, having
|
|
heard them both in the pulpit, and seen them in their houses. The
|
|
last time I saw your father was in the beginning of 1724, when I
|
|
visited him after my first trip to Pennsylvania. He received me in
|
|
his library, and on my taking leave showed me a shorter way out of
|
|
the house through a narrow passage, which was crossed by a beam over
|
|
head. We were still talking as I withdrew, he accompanying me
|
|
behind, and I turning partly towards him, when he said hastily,
|
|
_"Stoop, stoop!"_ I did not understand him, till I felt my head hit
|
|
against the beam. He was a man that never missed any occasion of
|
|
giving instruction, and upon this he said to me, _"You are young, and
|
|
have the world before you;_ STOOP _as you go through it, and you will
|
|
miss many hard thumps."_ This advice, thus beat into my head, has
|
|
frequently been of use to me; and I often think of it, when I see
|
|
pride mortified, and misfortunes brought upon people by their
|
|
carrying their heads too high.
|
|
|
|
I long much to see again my native place, and to lay my bones
|
|
there. I left it in 1723; I visited it in 1733, 1743, 1753, and
|
|
1763. In 1773 I was in England; in 1775 I had a sight of it, but
|
|
could not enter, it being in possession of the enemy. I did hope to
|
|
have been there in 1783, but could not obtain my dismission from this
|
|
employment here; and now I fear I shall never have that happiness.
|
|
My best wishes however attend my dear country. _Esto perpetua._ It
|
|
is now blest with an excellent constitution; may it last for ever!
|
|
|
|
This powerful monarchy continues its friendship for the United
|
|
States. It is a friendship of the utmost importance to our security,
|
|
and should be carefully cultivated. Britain has not yet well
|
|
digested the loss of its dominion over us, and has still at times
|
|
some flattering hopes of recovering it. Accidents may increase those
|
|
hopes, and encourage dangerous attempts. A breach between us and
|
|
France would infallibly bring the English again upon our backs; and
|
|
yet we have some wild heads among our countrymen, who are
|
|
endeavouring to weaken that connexion! Let us preserve our
|
|
reputation by performing our engagements; our credit by fulfilling
|
|
our contracts; and friends by gratitude and kindness; for we know not
|
|
how soon we may again have occasion for all of them. With great and
|
|
sincere esteem, I have the honour to be, &c.
|
|
|
|
"BEWARE OF BEING LULLED INTO A DANGEROUS SECURITY"
|
|
|
|
_To Charles Thomson_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, May 13, 1784.
|
|
Yesterday evening Mr. Hartley met with Mr. Jay and myself when
|
|
the ratifications of the Definitive Treaty were exchanged. I send a
|
|
copy of the English Ratification to the President.
|
|
|
|
Thus the great and hazardous enterprize we have been engaged in
|
|
is, God be praised, happily compleated; an event I hardly expected I
|
|
should live to see. A few years of Peace, will improve, will restore
|
|
and encrease our strength; but our future safety will depend on our
|
|
union and our virtue. Britain will be long watching for advantages,
|
|
to recover what she has lost. If we do not convince the world, that
|
|
we are a Nation to be depended on for fidelity in Treaties; if we
|
|
appear negligent in paying our Debts, and ungrateful to those who
|
|
have served and befriended us; our reputation, and all the strength
|
|
it is capable of procuring, will be lost, and fresh attacks upon us
|
|
will be encouraged and promoted by better prospects of success. Let
|
|
us therefore beware of being lulled into a dangerous security; and of
|
|
being both enervated and impoverished by luxury; of being weakened by
|
|
internal contentions and divisions; of being shamefully extravagant
|
|
in contracting private debts, while we are backward in discharging
|
|
honorably those of the public; of neglect in military exercises and
|
|
discipline, and in providing stores of arms and munitions of war, to
|
|
be ready on occasion; for all these are circumstances that give
|
|
confidence to enemies, and diffidence to friends; and the expenses
|
|
required to prevent a war are much lighter than those that will, if
|
|
not prevented, be absolutely necessary to maintain it.
|
|
|
|
I am long kept in suspense without being able to learn the
|
|
purpose of Congress respecting my request of recall, and that of some
|
|
employment for my secretary, William Temple Franklin. If I am kept
|
|
here another winter, and as much weakened by it as by the last, I may
|
|
as well resolve to spend the remainder of my days here; for I shall
|
|
be hardly able to bear the fatigues of the voyage in returning.
|
|
During my long absence from America, my friends are continually
|
|
diminishing by death, and my inducements to return in proportion.
|
|
But I can make no preparations either for going conveniently, or
|
|
staying comfortably here, nor take any steps towards making some
|
|
other provision for my grandson, till I know what I am to expect. Be
|
|
so good, my dear friend, as to send me a little private information.
|
|
With great esteem, I am ever yours, most affectionately
|
|
|
|
"`DAMN YOUR SOULS. MAKE TOBACCO_!'"
|
|
|
|
_To Mason Locke Weems and Edward Gant_
|
|
|
|
GENTLEMEN, Passy, July 18, 1784.
|
|
On receipt of your Letter, acquainting me that the Archbishop
|
|
of Canterbury would not permit you to be ordain'd, unless you took
|
|
the Oath of Allegiance, I apply'd to a Clergyman of my Acquaintance
|
|
for Information on the Subject of your obtaining Ordination here.
|
|
His Opinion was, that it could not be done; and that, if it were
|
|
done, you would be requir'd to vow Obedience to the Archbishop of
|
|
Paris. I next inquired of the Pope's Nuncio, whether you might not
|
|
be ordain'd by their Bishop in America, Powers being sent him for
|
|
that purpose, if he has them not already. The answer was, "The Thing
|
|
is impossible, unless the Gentlemen become Catholics."
|
|
|
|
This is an Affair of which I know very little, and therefore I
|
|
may ask Questions and propose means that are improper or
|
|
impracticable. But what is the necessity of your being connected
|
|
with the Church of England? Would it not be as well, if you were of
|
|
the Church of Ireland? The Religion is the same, tho' there is a
|
|
different set of Bishops and Archbishops. Perhaps if you were to
|
|
apply to the Bishop of Derry, who is a man of liberal Sentiments, he
|
|
might give you Orders as of that Church. If both Britain and Ireland
|
|
refuse you, (and I am not sure that the Bishops of Denmark or Sweden
|
|
would ordain you, unless you become Lutherans,) what is to be done?
|
|
Next to becoming Presbyterians, the Episcopalian clergy of America,
|
|
in my humble Opinion, cannot do better than to follow the Example of
|
|
the first Clergy of Scotland, soon after the Conversion of that
|
|
Country to Christianity, who when their King had built the Cathedral
|
|
of St. Andrew's, and requested the King of Northumberland to lend his
|
|
Bishops to ordain one for them, that their Clergy might not as
|
|
heretofore be obliged to go to Northumberland for Orders, and their
|
|
Request was refused; they assembled in the Cathedral; and, the Mitre,
|
|
Crosier, and Robes of a Bishop being laid upon the Altar, they, after
|
|
earnest Prayers for Direction in their Choice, elected one of their
|
|
own Number; when the King said to him, _"Arise, go to the Altar, and
|
|
receive your Office at the Hand of God."_ His brethren led him to the
|
|
Altar, robed him, put the Crozier in his Hand, and the Mitre on his
|
|
Head, and he became the first Bishop of Scotland.
|
|
|
|
If the British Isles were sunk in the Sea (and the Surface of this
|
|
Globe has suffered greater Changes), you would probably take some such Method
|
|
as this; and, if they persist in denying you Ordination, 'tis the same thing.
|
|
An hundred years hence, when People are more enlightened, it will be wondered
|
|
at, that Men in America, qualified by their Learning and Piety to pray for
|
|
and instruct their Neighbors, should not be permitted to do it till they had
|
|
made a Voyage of six thousand Miles out and home, to ask leave of a cross old
|
|
Gentleman at Canterbury; who seems, by your Account, to have as little Regard
|
|
for the Souls of the People of Maryland, as King William's Attorney-General,
|
|
Seymour, had for those of Virginia. The Reverend Commissary Blair, who
|
|
projected the College of that Province, and was in England to solicit
|
|
Benefactions and a Charter, relates, that the Queen, in the King's Absence,
|
|
having ordered Seymour to draw up the Charter, which was to be given, with
|
|
2000 pounds in Money, he oppos'd the Grant; saying that the Nation was
|
|
engag'd in an expensive War, that the Money was wanted for better purposes,
|
|
and he did not see the least Occasion for a College in Virginia. Blair
|
|
represented to him, that its Intention was to educate and qualify young Men
|
|
to be Ministers of the Gospel, much wanted there; and begged Mr. Attorney
|
|
would consider, that the People of Virginia had souls to be saved, as well as
|
|
the People of England. _"Souls!"_ says he, _"damn your Souls. Make
|
|
Tobacco!"_ I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, &c.
|
|
|
|
"OUR OPINIONS ARE NOT IN OUR OWN POWER"
|
|
|
|
_To William Franklin_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SON, Passy, Aug. 16, 1784.
|
|
I received your Letter of the 22d past, and am glad to find
|
|
that you desire to revive the affectionate Intercourse, that formerly
|
|
existed between us. It will be very agreable to me; indeed nothing
|
|
has ever hurt me so much and affected me with such keen Sensations,
|
|
as to find myself deserted in my old Age by my only Son; and not only
|
|
deserted, but to find him taking up Arms against me, in a Cause,
|
|
wherein my good Fame, Fortune and Life were all at Stake. You
|
|
conceived, you say, that your Duty to your King and Regard for your
|
|
Country requir'd this. I ought not to blame you for differing in
|
|
Sentiment with me in Public Affairs. We are Men, all subject to
|
|
Errors. Our Opinions are not in our own Power; they are form'd and
|
|
govern'd much by Circumstances, that are often as inexplicable as
|
|
they are irresistible. Your Situation was such that few would have
|
|
censured your remaining Neuter, _tho' there are Natural Duties which
|
|
precede political ones, and cannot be extinguish'd by them._
|
|
|
|
This is a disagreable Subject. I drop it. And we will
|
|
endeavour, as you propose mutually to forget what has happened
|
|
relating to it, as well as we can. I send your Son over to pay his
|
|
Duty to you. You will find him much improv'd. He is greatly
|
|
esteem'd and belov'd in this Country, and will make his Way anywhere.
|
|
It is my Desire, that he should study the Law, as a necessary Part of
|
|
Knowledge for a public Man, and profitable if he should have occasion
|
|
to practise it. I would have you therefore put into his hands those
|
|
Law-books you have, viz. Blackstone, Coke, Bacon, Viner, &c. He will
|
|
inform you, that he received the Letter sent him by Mr. Galloway, and
|
|
the Paper it enclosed, safe.
|
|
|
|
On my leaving America, I deposited with that Friend for you, a
|
|
Chest of Papers, among which was a Manuscript of nine or ten Volumes,
|
|
relating to Manufactures, Agriculture, Commerce, Finance, etc., which
|
|
cost me in England about 70 Guineas; eight Quire Books, containing
|
|
the Rough Drafts of all my Letters while I liv'd in London. These
|
|
are missing. I hope you have got them, if not, they are lost. Mr.
|
|
Vaughan has publish'd in London a Volume of what he calls my
|
|
Political Works. He proposes a second Edition; but, as the first was
|
|
very incompleat, and you had many Things that were omitted, (for I
|
|
used to send you sometimes the Rough Drafts, and sometimes the
|
|
printed Pieces I wrote in London,) I have directed him to apply to
|
|
you for what may be in your Power to furnish him with, or to delay
|
|
his Publication till I can be at home again, if that may ever happen.
|
|
|
|
I did intend returning this year; but the Congress, instead of
|
|
giving me Leave to do so, have sent me another Commission, which will
|
|
keep me here at least a Year longer; and perhaps I may then be too
|
|
old and feeble to bear the Voyage. I am here among a People that
|
|
love and respect me, a most amiable Nation to live with; and perhaps
|
|
I may conclude to die among them; for my Friends in America are dying
|
|
off, one after another, and I have been so long abroad, that I should
|
|
now be almost a Stranger in my own Country.
|
|
|
|
I shall be glad to see you when convenient, but would not have
|
|
you come here at present. You may confide to your son the Family
|
|
Affairs you wished to confer upon with me, for he is discreet. And I
|
|
trust, that you will prudently avoid introducing him to Company, that
|
|
it may be improper for him to be seen with. I shall hear from you by
|
|
him and any letters to me afterwards, will come safe under Cover
|
|
directed to Mr. Ferdinand Grand, Banker at Paris. Wishing you
|
|
Health, and more Happiness than it seems you have lately experienced,
|
|
I remain your affectionate father,
|
|
|
|
"THE YANKEYS NEVER FELT BOLD"
|
|
|
|
_To William Strahan_
|
|
|
|
DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Aug't 19.'th 1784.
|
|
I received your kind Letter of Ap'l 17th. You will have the
|
|
goodness to place my delay in answering to the Account of
|
|
Indisposition and Business, and excuse it. I have now that letter
|
|
before me; and my Grandson, whom you may formerly remember a little
|
|
Scholar of Mr. Elphinston's, purposing to set out in a day or two on
|
|
a visit to his Father in London, I set down to scribble a little to
|
|
you, first recommending him as a worthy young Man to your Civilities
|
|
and Counsels.
|
|
|
|
You press me much to come to England. I am not without
|
|
strong Inducements to do so; the Fund of Knowledge you promise to
|
|
Communicate to me is an Addition to them, and no small one. At
|
|
present it is impracticable. But, when my Grandson returns, come
|
|
with him. We will then talk the matter over, and perhaps you may
|
|
take me back with you. I have a Bed at your service, and will try to
|
|
make your Residence, while you can stay with us, as agreable to you,
|
|
if possible, as I am sure it will be to me.
|
|
|
|
|
|
You do not "approve the annihilation of profitable Places; for
|
|
you do not see why a Statesman, who does his Business well, should
|
|
not be paid for his Labour as well as any other Workman." Agreed.
|
|
But why more than any other Workman? The less the Salary the greater
|
|
the Honor. In so great a Nation, there are many rich enough to
|
|
afford giving their time to the Public; and there are, I make no
|
|
doubt, many wise and able Men, who would take as much Pleasure in
|
|
governing for nothing, as they do in playing Chess for nothing. It
|
|
would be one of the noblest of Amusements. That this Opinion is not
|
|
Chimerical, the Country I now live in affords a Proof; its whole
|
|
Civil and Criminal Law Administration being done for nothing, or in
|
|
some sense for less than nothing; since the Members of its Judiciary
|
|
Parliaments buy their Places, and do not make more than _three per
|
|
cent_ for their Money by their Fees and Emoluments, while the legal
|
|
Interest is _five_; so that in Fact they give two per cent to be
|
|
allow'd to govern, and all their time and trouble into the Bargain.
|
|
Thus _Profit_, one Motive for desiring Place, being abolish'd, there
|
|
remains only _Ambition_; and that being in some degree ballanced by
|
|
_Loss_, you may easily conceive, that there will not be very violent
|
|
Factions and Contentions for such Places, nor much of the Mischief to
|
|
the Country, that attends your Factions, which have often occasioned
|
|
Wars, and overloaded you with Debts impayable.
|
|
|
|
I allow you all the Force of your Joke upon the Vagrancy of our
|
|
Congress. They have a right to sit _where_ they please, of which
|
|
perhaps they have made too much Use by shifting too often. But they
|
|
have two other Rights; those of sitting _when_ they please, and as
|
|
_long_ as they please, in which methinks they have the advantage of
|
|
your Parliament; for they cannot be dissolved by the Breath of a
|
|
Minister, or sent packing as you were the other day, when it was your
|
|
earnest desire to have remained longer together.
|
|
|
|
You "fairly acknowledge, that the late War terminated quite
|
|
contrary to your Expectation." Your expectation was ill founded; for
|
|
you would not believe your old Friend, who told you repeatedly, that
|
|
by those Measures England would lose her Colonies, as Epictetus
|
|
warned in vain his Master that he would break his Leg. You believ'd
|
|
rather the Tales you heard of our Poltroonery and Impotence of Body
|
|
and Mind. Do you not remember the Story you told me of the Scotch
|
|
sergeant, who met with a Party of Forty American Soldiers, and, tho'
|
|
alone, disarm'd them all, and brought them in Prisoners? A Story
|
|
almost as Improbable as that of the Irishman, who pretended to have
|
|
alone taken and brought in Five of the enemy by _surrounding_ them.
|
|
And yet, my Friend, sensible and Judicious as you are, but partaking
|
|
of the general Infatuation, you seemed to believe it.
|
|
|
|
The Word _general_ puts me in mind of a General, your General
|
|
Clarke, who had the Folly to say in my hearing at Sir John Pringle's,
|
|
that, with a Thousand British grenadiers, he would undertake to go
|
|
from one end of America to the other, and geld all the Males, partly
|
|
by force and partly by a little Coaxing. It is plain he took us for
|
|
a species of Animals very little superior to Brutes. The Parliament
|
|
too believ'd the stories of another foolish General, I forget his
|
|
Name, that the Yankeys never _felt bold._ Yankey was understood to be
|
|
a sort of Yahoo, and the Parliament did not think the Petitions of
|
|
such Creatures were fit to be received and read in so wise an
|
|
Assembly. What was the consequence of this monstrous Pride and
|
|
Insolence? You first sent small Armies to subdue us, believing them
|
|
more than sufficient, but soon found yourselves obliged to send
|
|
greater; these, whenever they ventured to penetrate our Country
|
|
beyond the Protection of their Ships, were either repulsed and
|
|
obliged to scamper out, or were surrounded, beaten, and taken
|
|
Prisoners. An American Planter, who had never seen Europe, was
|
|
chosen by us to Command our Troops, and continued during the whole
|
|
War. This Man sent home to you, one after another, five of your best
|
|
Generals baffled, their Heads bare of Laurels, disgraced even in the
|
|
Opinion of their Employers.
|
|
|
|
Your contempt of our Understandings, in Comparison with your
|
|
own, appeared to be not much better founded than that of our Courage,
|
|
if we may judge by this Circumstance, that, in whatever Court of
|
|
Europe a Yankey negociator appeared, the wise British Minister was
|
|
routed, put in a passion, pick'd a quarrel with your Friends, and was
|
|
sent home with a Flea in his Ear.
|
|
|
|
But after all, my dear Friend, do not imagine that I am vain
|
|
enough to ascribe our Success to any superiority in any of those
|
|
Points. I am too well acquainted with all the Springs and Levers of
|
|
our Machine, not to see, that our human means were unequal to our
|
|
undertaking, and that, if it had not been for the Justice of our
|
|
Cause, and the consequent Interposition of Providence, in which we
|
|
had Faith, we must have been ruined. If I had ever before been an
|
|
Atheist, I should now have been convinced of the Being and Government
|
|
of a Deity! It is he who abases the Proud and favours the Humble.
|
|
May we never forget his Goodness to us, and may our future Conduct
|
|
manifest our Gratitude.
|
|
|
|
But let us leave these serious Reflections and converse with
|
|
our usual Pleasantry. I remember your observing once to me as we sat
|
|
together in the House of Commons, that no two Journeymen Printers,
|
|
within your Knowledge, had met with such Success in the World as
|
|
ourselves. You were then at the head of your Profession, and soon
|
|
afterwards became a Member of Parliament. I was an Agent for a few
|
|
Provinces, and now act for them all. But we have risen by different
|
|
Modes. I, as a Republican Printer, always liked a Form well _plain'd
|
|
down_; being averse to those _overbearing_ Letters that hold their
|
|
Heads so _high_, as to hinder their Neighbours from appearing. You,
|
|
as a Monarchist, chose to work upon _Crown_ Paper, and found it
|
|
profitable; while I work'd upon _pro patria_ (often indeed call'd
|
|
_Fools Cap_) with no less advantage. Both our _Heaps hold out_ very
|
|
well, and we seem likely to make a pretty good day's Work of it.
|
|
With regard to Public Affairs (to continue in the same stile), it
|
|
seems to me that the Compositors in your Chapel do not _cast off
|
|
their Copy_ well, nor perfectly understand _Imposing_; their _Forms_,
|
|
too, are continually pester'd by the _Outs_ and _Doubles_, that are
|
|
not easy to be corrected. And I think they were wrong in laying
|
|
aside some _Faces_, and particularly certain _Head-pieces_, that
|
|
would have been both useful and ornamental. But, Courage! The
|
|
Business may still flourish with good Management; and the Master
|
|
become as rich as any of the Company.
|
|
|
|
By the way, the rapid Growth and extension of the English
|
|
language in America, must become greatly Advantageous to the
|
|
booksellers, and holders of Copy-Rights in England. A vast audience
|
|
is assembling there for English Authors, ancient, present, and
|
|
future, our People doubling every twenty Years; and this will demand
|
|
large and of course profitable Impressions of your most valuable
|
|
Books. I would, therefore, if I possessed such rights, entail them,
|
|
if such a thing be practicable, upon my Posterity; for their Worth
|
|
will be continually augmenting. This may look a little like Advice,
|
|
and yet I have drank no _Madeira_ these Ten Months.
|
|
|
|
The Subject, however, leads me to another Thought, which is,
|
|
that you do wrong to discourage the Emigration of Englishmen to
|
|
America. In my piece on Population, I have proved, I think, that
|
|
Emigration does not diminish but multiplies a Nation. You will not
|
|
have fewer at home for those that go Abroad; and as every Man who
|
|
comes among us, and takes up a piece of Land, becomes a Citizen, and
|
|
by our Constitution has a Voice in Elections, and a share in the
|
|
Government of the Country, why should you be against acquiring by
|
|
this fair Means a Repossession of it, and leave it to be taken by
|
|
Foreigners of all Nations and Languages, who by their Numbers may
|
|
drown and stifle the English, which otherwise would probably become
|
|
in the course of two Centuries the most extensive Language in the
|
|
World, the Spanish only excepted? It is a Fact, that the Irish
|
|
emigrants and their children are now in Possession of the Government
|
|
of Pennsylvania, by their Majority in the Assembly, as well as of a
|
|
great Part of the Territory; and I remember well the first Ship that
|
|
brought any of them over. I am ever, my dear Friend, yours most
|
|
affectionately,
|
|
|
|
ON DIVINE INSPIRATION
|
|
|
|
_To Joseph Priestley_
|
|
|
|
DEAR SIR, Passy, Aug't 21, 1784.
|
|
Understanding that my Letter intended for you by General
|
|
Melvill, was lost at the Hotel d'Espagne, I take this Opportunity by
|
|
my Grandson to give you the purport of it, as well as I can
|
|
recollect. I thank'd you for the Pleasure you had procured me of the
|
|
General's Conversation, whom I found a judicious, sensible, and
|
|
amiable Man. I was glad to hear that you possess'd a comfortable
|
|
Retirement, and more so that you had Thoughts of removing to
|
|
Philadelphia, for that it would make me very happy to have you there.
|
|
Your _Companions_ would be very acceptable to the Library, but I
|
|
hoped you would long live to enjoy their Company yourself. I agreed
|
|
with you in Sentiments concerning the Old Testament, and thought the
|
|
Clause in our Constitution, which required the Members of Assembly to
|
|
declare their belief, _that the whole of it was given by divine
|
|
Inspiration_, had better have been omitted. That I had opposed the
|
|
Clause; but, being overpower'd by Numbers, and fearing more might in
|
|
future Times be grafted on it, I prevailed to have the additional
|
|
Clause, "that _no further or more extended Profession of Faith should
|
|
ever be exacted._" I observ'd to you too, that the Evil of it was the
|
|
less, as _no Inhabitant_, nor any Officer of Government, except the
|
|
Members of Assembly, were oblig'd to make that Declaration.
|
|
|
|
So much for that Letter; to which I may now add, that there are
|
|
several Things in the Old Testament, impossible to be given by
|
|
_divine_ Inspiration; such as the Approbation ascribed to the Angel
|
|
of the Lord, of that abominably wicked and detestable Action of Jael,
|
|
the wife of Heber, the Kenite. If the rest of the Book were like
|
|
that, I should rather suppose it given by Inspiration from another
|
|
Quarter, and renounce the whole.
|
|
|
|
By the way, how goes on the Unitarian Church in Essex Street?
|
|
And the honest Minister of it, is he comfortably supported? Your old
|
|
Colleague, Mr. Radcliff, is he living? And what became of Mr.
|
|
Denham?
|
|
|
|
My Grandson, who will have the honour of delivering this to
|
|
you, may bring me a Line from you; and I hope will bring me an
|
|
Account of your continuing well and happy.
|
|
|
|
I jog on still, with as much Health, and as few of the
|
|
Infirmities of old Age, as I have any Reason to expect. But whatever
|
|
is impair'd in my Constitution, my Regard for my old Friends remains
|
|
firm and entire. You will always have a good Share of it, for I am
|
|
ever with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, &c.
|
|
|
|
"SENSE BEING PREFERABLE TO SOUND"
|
|
|
|
_To Richard Price_
|
|
|
|
DEAR FRIEND, Passy, March 18, 1785.
|
|
My nephew, Mr. Williams, will have the honour of delivering you
|
|
this line. It is to request from you a List of a few good Books, to
|
|
the Value of about Twenty-five Pounds, such as are most proper to
|
|
inculcate Principles of sound Religion and just Government. A New
|
|
Town in the State of Massachusetts having done me the honour of
|
|
naming itself after me, and proposing to build a Steeple to their
|
|
meeting-house if I would give them a Bell, I have advis'd the sparing
|
|
themselves the Expence of a Steeple, for the present, and that they
|
|
would accept of Books instead of a Bell, Sense being preferable to
|
|
Sound. These are therefore intended as the Commencement of a little
|
|
Parochial Library for the Use of a Society of intelligent,
|
|
respectable Farmers, such as our Country People generally consist of.
|
|
Besides your own Works, I would only mention, on the Recommendation
|
|
of my sister, "Stennet's _Discourses on Personal Religion_," which
|
|
may be one Book of the Number, if you know and approve of it.
|
|
|
|
With the highest Esteem and Respect, I am ever, my dear Friend,
|
|
yours most affectionately,
|
|
|
|
ON ANNIHILATION AND BIFOCALS
|
|
|
|
_To George Whatley_
|
|
|
|
DEAR OLD FRIEND, Passy, May 23, 1785.
|
|
I sent you a few Lines the other Day, with the Medallion, when
|
|
I should have written more, but was prevented by the coming in of a
|
|
_Bavard_, who worried me till Evening. I bore with him, and now you
|
|
are to bear with me; for I shall probably _bavarder_ in answering
|
|
your Letter.
|
|
|
|
I am not acquainted with the Saying of Alphonsus, which you
|
|
allude to as a Sanctification of your Rigidity, in refusing to allow
|
|
me the Plea of Old Age, as an Excuse for my Want of Exactness in
|
|
Correspondence. What was that Saying? You do not, it seems, feel
|
|
any occasion for such an Excuse, though you are, as you say, rising
|
|
75. But I am rising (perhaps more properly falling) 80, and I leave
|
|
the Excuse with you till you arrive at that Age; perhaps you may then
|
|
be more sensible of its Validity, and see fit to use it for yourself.
|
|
|
|
I must agree with you, that the Gout is bad, and that the Stone
|
|
is worse. I am happy in not having them both together, and I join in
|
|
your Prayer, that you may live till you die without either. But I
|
|
doubt the Author of the Epitaph you send me was a little mistaken,
|
|
when he, speaking of the World, says, that
|
|
|
|
"he ne'er car'd a pin
|
|
What they said or may say of the Mortal within."
|
|
|
|
It is so natural to wish to be well spoken of, whether alive or
|
|
dead, that I imagine he could not be quite exempt from that Desire;
|
|
and that at least he wish'd to be thought a Wit, or he would not have
|
|
given himself the Trouble of writing so good an Epitaph to leave
|
|
behind him. Was it not as worthy of his Care, that the World should
|
|
say he was an honest and a good Man? I like better the concluding
|
|
Sentiment in the old Song, call'd _The Old Man's Wish_, wherein,
|
|
after wishing for a warm House in a country Town, an easy Horse, some
|
|
good old authors, ingenious and cheerful Companions, a Pudding on
|
|
Sundays, with stout Ale, and a bottle of Burgundy, &c. &c., in
|
|
separate Stanzas, each ending with this burthen,
|
|
|
|
"May I govern my Passions with an absolute sway,
|
|
Grow wiser and better as my Strength wears away,
|
|
Without Gout or Stone, by a gentle Decay;"
|
|
|
|
he adds,
|
|
|
|
"With a Courage undaunted may I face my last day,
|
|
And, when I am gone, may the better Sort say,
|
|
`In the Morning when sober, in the Evening when mellow,
|
|
He's gone, and has not left behind him his Fellow;
|
|
For he governed his Passions, &c.'"
|
|
|
|
But what signifies our Wishing? Things happen, after all, as
|
|
they will happen. I have sung that _wishing Song_ a thousand times,
|
|
when I was young, and now find, at Fourscore, that the three
|
|
Contraries have befallen me, being subject to the Gout and the Stone,
|
|
and not being yet Master of all my Passions. Like the proud Girl in
|
|
my Country, who wished and resolv'd not to marry a Parson, nor a
|
|
Presbyterian, nor an Irishman; and at length found herself married to
|
|
an Irish Presbyterian Parson.
|
|
|
|
You see I have some reason to wish, that, in a future State,
|
|
I may not only be _as well as I was_, but a little better. And I
|
|
hope it; for I, too, with your Poet, _trust in God._ And when I
|
|
observe, that there is great Frugality, as well as Wisdom, in his
|
|
Works, since he has been evidently sparing both of Labour and
|
|
Materials; for by the various wonderful Inventions of Propagation, he
|
|
has provided for the continual peopling his World with Plants and
|
|
Animals, without being at the Trouble of repeated new Creations; and
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|
by the natural Reduction of compound Substances to their original
|
|
Elements, capable of being employ'd in new Compositions, he has
|
|
prevented the Necessity of creating new Matter; so that the Earth,
|
|
Water, Air, and perhaps Fire, which being compounded form Wood, do,
|
|
when the Wood is dissolved, return, and again become Air, Earth,
|
|
Fire, and Water; I say, that, when I see nothing annihilated, and not
|
|
even a Drop of Water wasted, I cannot suspect the Annihilation of
|
|
Souls, or believe, that he will suffer the daily Waste of Millions of
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|
Minds ready made that now exist, and put himself to the continual
|
|
Trouble of making new ones. Thus finding myself to exist in the
|
|
World, I believe I shall, in some Shape or other, always exist; and,
|
|
with all the inconveniencies human Life is liable to, I shall not
|
|
object to a new Edition of mine; hoping, however, that the _Errata_
|
|
of the last may be corrected.
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|
|
|
I return your Note of Children receiv'd in the Foundling
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|
Hospital at Paris, from 1741 to 1755, inclusive; and I have added the
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|
Years preceding as far back as 1710 together with the general
|
|
Christnings of the City, and the Years succeeding down to 1770.
|
|
Those since that Period I have not been able to obtain. I have noted
|
|
in the Margin the gradual Increase, viz. from every tenth Child so
|
|
thrown upon the Public, till it comes to every third! Fifteen Years
|
|
have passed since the last Account, and probably it may now amount to
|
|
one half. Is it right to encourage this monstrous Deficiency of
|
|
natural Affection? A Surgeon I met with here excused the Women of
|
|
Paris, by saying, seriously, that they _could not_ give suck;
|
|
_"Car,"_ dit il, _"elles n'ont point de tetons."_ He assur'd me it
|
|
was a Fact, and bade me look at them, and observe how flat they were
|
|
on the Breast; "they have nothing more there," said he, "than I have
|
|
upon the Back of my hand." I have since thought that there might be
|
|
some Truth in his Observation, and that, possibly, Nature, finding
|
|
they made no use of Bubbies, has left off giving them any. Yet,
|
|
since Rousseau, with admirable Eloquence, pleaded for the Rights of
|
|
Children to their Mother's Milk, the Mode has changed a little; and
|
|
some Ladies of Quality now suckle their Infants and find Milk enough.
|
|
May the Mode descend to the lower Ranks, till it becomes no longer
|
|
the Custom to pack their Infants away, as soon as born, to the
|
|
_Enfans Trouves_, with the careless Observation, that the King is
|
|
better able to maintain them.
|
|
|
|
I am credibly inform'd, that nine-tenths of them die there
|
|
pretty soon, which is said to be a great Relief to the Institution,
|
|
whose Funds would not otherwise be sufficient to bring up the
|
|
Remainder. Except the few Persons of Quality above mentioned, and
|
|
the Multitude who send to the Hospital, the Practice is to hire
|
|
Nurses in the Country to carry out the Children, and take care of
|
|
them there. There is an Office for examining the Health of Nurses,
|
|
and giving them Licenses. They come to Town on certain Days of the
|
|
Week in Companies to receive the Children, and we often meet Trains
|
|
of them on the Road returning to the neighbouring Villages, with each
|
|
a Child in her Arms. But those, who are good enough to try this way
|
|
of raising their Children, are often not able to pay the Expence; so
|
|
that the Prisons of Paris are crowded with wretched Fathers and
|
|
Mothers confined _pour Mois de Nourrice_, tho' it is laudably a
|
|
favorite Charity to pay for them, and set such Prisoners at Liberty.
|
|
I wish Success to the new Project of assisting the Poor to keep their
|
|
Children at home, because I think there is no Nurse like a Mother (or
|
|
not many), and that, if Parents did not immediately send their
|
|
Infants out of their Sight, they would in a few days begin to love
|
|
them, and thence be spurr'd to greater Industry for their
|
|
Maintenance. This is a Subject you understand better than I, and,
|
|
therefore, having perhaps said too much, I drop it. I only add to
|
|
the Notes a Remark, from the _History of the Academy of Sciences_,
|
|
much in favour of the Foundling Institution.
|
|
|
|
The Philadelphia Bank goes on, as I hear, very well. What you
|
|
call the Cincinnati Institution is no Institution of our Government,
|
|
but a private Convention among the Officers of our late Army, and so
|
|
universally dislik'd by the People, that it is supposed it will be
|
|
dropt. It was considered as an Attempt to establish something like
|
|
an hereditary Rank or Nobility. I hold with you, that it was wrong;
|
|
may I add, that all _descending_ Honours are wrong and absurd; that
|
|
the Honour of virtuous Actions appertains only to him that performs
|
|
them, and is in its nature incommunicable. If it were communicable
|
|
by Descent, it must also be divisible among the Descendants; and the
|
|
more ancient the Family, the less would be found existing in any one
|
|
Branch of it; to say nothing of the greater Chance of unlucky
|
|
Interruptions.
|
|
|
|
Our Constitution seems not to be well understood with you. If
|
|
the Congress were a permanent Body, there would be more Reason in
|
|
being jealous of giving it Powers. But its Members are chosen
|
|
annually, cannot be chosen more than three Years successively, nor
|
|
more than three Years in seven; and any of them may be recall'd at
|
|
any time, whenever their Constituents shall be dissatisfied with
|
|
their Conduct. They are of the People, and return again to mix with
|
|
the People, having no more durable preeminence than the different
|
|
Grains of Sand in an Hourglass. Such an Assembly cannot easily
|
|
become dangerous to Liberty. They are the Servants of the People,
|
|
sent together to do the People's Business, and promote the public
|
|
Welfare; their Powers must be sufficient, or their Duties cannot be
|
|
performed. They have no profitable Appointments, but a mere Payment
|
|
of daily Wages, such as are scarcely equivalent to their Expences; so
|
|
that, having no Chance for great Places, and enormous Salaries or
|
|
Pensions, as in some Countries, there is no triguing or bribing for
|
|
Elections.
|
|
|
|
I wish Old England were as happy in its Government, but I do
|
|
not see it. Your People, however, think their Constitution the best
|
|
in the World, and affect to despise ours. It is comfortable to have
|
|
a good Opinion of one's self, and of every thing that belongs to us;
|
|
to think one's own Religion, King, and Wife, the best of all possible
|
|
Wives, Kings, or Religions. I remember three Greenlanders, who had
|
|
travell'd two Years in Europe under the care of some Moravian
|
|
Missionaries, and had visited Germany, Denmark, Holland, and England.
|
|
When I asked them at Philadelphia, where they were in their Way home,
|
|
whether, now they had seen how much more commodiously the white
|
|
People lived by the help of the Arts, they would not choose to remain
|
|
among us; their Answer was, that they were pleased with having had an
|
|
Opportunity of seeing so many fine things, _but they chose to_ live
|
|
_in their own Country._ Which Country, by the way, consisted of rock
|
|
only, for the Moravians were obliged to carry Earth in their Ship
|
|
from New York, for the purpose of making there a Cabbage Garden.
|
|
|
|
By Mr. Dollond's Saying, that my double Spectacles can only
|
|
serve particular Eyes, I doubt he has not been rightly informed of
|
|
their Construction. I imagine it will be found pretty generally
|
|
true, that the same Convexity of Glass, through which a Man sees
|
|
clearest and best at the Distance proper for Reading, is not the best
|
|
for greater Distances. I therefore had formerly two Pair of
|
|
Spectacles, which I shifted occasionally, as in travelling I
|
|
sometimes read, and often wanted to regard the Prospects. Finding
|
|
this Change troublesome, and not always sufficiently ready, I had the
|
|
Glasses cut, and half of each kind associated in the same Circle,
|
|
thus, (Illustration omitted)
|
|
|
|
By this means, as I wear my Spectacles constantly, I have
|
|
only to move my Eyes up or down, as I want to see distinctly far
|
|
or near, the proper Glasses being always ready. This I find more
|
|
particularly convenient since my being in France, the Glasses that
|
|
serve me best at Table to see what I eat, not being the best to see
|
|
the Faces of those on the other Side of the Table who speak to me;
|
|
and when one's Ears are not well accustomed to the Sounds of a
|
|
Language, a Sight of the Movements in the Features of him that speaks
|
|
helps to explain; so that I understand French better by the help of
|
|
my Spectacles.
|
|
|
|
My intended translator of your Piece, the only one I know who
|
|
understands the _Subject_, as well as the two Languages, (which a
|
|
translator ought to do, or he cannot make so good a Translation,) is
|
|
at present occupied in an Affair that prevents his undertaking it;
|
|
but that will soon be over. I thank you for the Notes. I should be
|
|
glad to have another of the printed Pamphlets.
|
|
|
|
We shall always be ready to take your Children, if you send
|
|
them to us. I only wonder, that, since London draws to itself, and
|
|
consumes such Numbers of your Country People, the Country should not,
|
|
to supply their Places, want and willingly receive the Children you
|
|
have to dispose of. That Circumstance, together with the Multitude
|
|
who voluntarily part with their Freedom as Men, to serve for a time
|
|
as Lackeys, or for Life as Soldiers, in consideration of small Wages,
|
|
seems to me a Proof that your Island is over-peopled. And yet it is
|
|
afraid of Emigrations! Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever
|
|
yours very affectionately,
|
|
.
|