94 lines
6.3 KiB
Plaintext
94 lines
6.3 KiB
Plaintext
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The revolution in Cuba was not a result of economic deprivation, nor because
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of high expectations in the economy, it was the political factors and
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expectations which evoked the civilians to revolt. The Cuban economy was
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moving forward at the time before the rebellion but the dominant influence of
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the sugar industry made the economy "assymetrical" and encouraged no "dynamic
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industrial sector". Because of the dependance on sugar, the unemployment rate
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ranged between 16 and 20% rising and falling with sugar prices, ebbing and
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flowing as the season changed. The rural wage levels were incredibly unsteady
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and unpredictable; the standard of living was low. Dependance on the sugar
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industry did not retard the economy of Cuba, just the wages of its workers.
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It was the leaders of the nation who reaped profit from this dependance, and it
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was the leaders of the nation who insisted on keeping the nation the way it
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was. By the mid 1950's, however, the middle class had expanded to 33% of the
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population. Democracy, as we know it, broke down: the large middle class did
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not assert democratic leadership, there was no social militancy in the working
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class ranks, and the people found order preferable to disarray. Batista could
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no longer legitimize his regime . Failure in the elections of 1954 showed the
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discontent of the people, and failure in communications with the United States
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illustrated its discontent. Finally, opposing forces confronted Batista's
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power: there were street protests, confrontations with the police, assault,
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sabotage, and urban violence. This began the revolution in Cuba.
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America, with its stubborn ideas and misjudgements of character, forced
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Castro to turn to the Soviets for alliance and aid. When Castro visited the
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United States in April, 1959, there were different respected individuals
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holding different views of him and his future actions. Nixon believed Castro
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to be naive, some others thought him a welcome change from Batista, still
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others called him an "immature but effective leader, without a well formed view
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of how to lead a revolutionary movement and not overly concerned with abstract
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of philosophical matters" (p. 55). Why, then, did the United States impress
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nit-picky ideals like "there should not be communists in the Army or in labor",
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or "Cuba's approach to the Batista trials is totally unacceptable, too casual,
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too nonchalant" on this "forming" leader? Castro was like an inexperienced
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murderer with a gun in his hand: any rustle in the background could set off
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his nervous trigger finger causing death, destruction, and liaisons with the
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U.S.S.R. When America expressed dislike of the trial procedures Castro was
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holding, of course he (Castro) would try to prove he was able to run his
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country by himself and snub the U.S. ambassador. The United States had so
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much invested in Cuba that it was stupid to think that Cuba could not retaliate
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when the U.S. cut off sugar imports. America was just too sure of itself
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thinking it could get away with criticism and acts like that when an "immature"
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leader was in control. Cuba was not totally dependant on the United States and
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proved itself so. If Cuba could not find help and support in America, it
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sought elsewhere for those who smiled on its actions and ideals. Castro found
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friends in Russia; the United States made this so.
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Succeeding and failing have alot to do with judgement. For the United
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States, the revolution was a failure because the result was a communist nation
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in the Carribean. For the revolutionarie s in Cuba, the revolution
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accomplished many of their goals: capitalism was abolished and socialism
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installed eroding class distinctions and eliminating private property, the
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working conditions improved, women's rights improved, labor unions were
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recogniz ed, the military became more modern and advanced, political order was
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restored, the status of the country improved from dependant to independant, and
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many more. For the people of Cuba, therefore, the revolution can be viewed as
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a success (if communism ca n be seen as acceptable), but for America, the
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result was a failure.
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Latin America is one of the poorest and underdeveloped sections of the world.
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Because of this fact, it is difficult for its nations to compete and thrive in
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the world market with modern nations as they struggle to industrialize and
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improve their status. Capitalism, as a basis for an economy, means that each
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man has to struggle to make a living, that each man may fail and starve, and
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that each man may get a lucky break and thrive. We saw this struggle of the
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lower classes clearly in Mexico during their industrialization. With
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communism, a man may not become of greater status than he is born with, but
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then again that status is no better than his neighbors; this man is, however,
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guaranteed a certain amount of land, for example, and a certain home and a
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certain salary. To the poor, those threatened by the extreme of starving, this
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idea is very appitizing. To a nation undergoing change, where there are many
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poor and these poor co uld get hurt by the industrialization, communism is
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appealing in every way.
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The United States has to learn that it is not in total control. We cannot go
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around condemning countries which hold procedures different than our own. The
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developing count ries in Latin America must struggle through economically and
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politically hard times to reach their own maturity; this means experimentating
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with different styles of government to find out which is best for the specific
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country. If America wants democrac y to reign over the Carribean, Central, and
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South America, it should make the idea appealing, show these countries that it
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can work. America should support strong democratic leaders, encourage
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capitalistic moves they (the countries) make, and advise the nations when they
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need or ask for it. Mexico is an example where democracy worked, in Cuba, it
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didn't. Force will get us nowhere in preventing the spread of communism,
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either will cutting off relations with countries who are still debating U. S.
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A. or U . S. S. R. America has too many interests in Latin America to
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force it into alliance with the Soviets. If America is supportive and acts
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like a friend--not a dictator--these nations will develop naturally and see
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that democracy is the best for them.
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