193 lines
11 KiB
Plaintext
193 lines
11 KiB
Plaintext
ÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÜ ÜÜÜ ÜÜÜÜ
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛßÛßßßßßÛÛÜ ÜÜßßßßÜÜÜÜ ÜÛÜ ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜÜÜÜÜÛßß ßÛÛ
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ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßÛÛ ÜÛÛÛÜÛÛÜÜÜ ßÛÛÛÛÜ ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜÛÛÜÜÜÛÛÝ Ûß
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ßßßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ÞÝ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛßßÛÜÞÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßßÛÛÛÞß
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Mo.iMP ÜÛÛÜ ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÞÛÛÛÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÝ ßÛß
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛ
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ß ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ÜÛ
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ÜÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß
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ÜÛßÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÜÜ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÛÛÞÛÛÛÛÛÝ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛßß
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ÜÛßÛÛÛÛÛÛÜÛÛÛÛÜÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ÞÛ ßÛÛÛÛÛ Ü ÛÝÛÛÛÛÛ Ü
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ÜÛ ÞÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛ ßÛÜ ßÛÛÛÜÜ ÜÜÛÛÛß ÞÛ ÞÛÛÛÝ ÜÜÛÛ
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ÛÛ ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß ÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßÛÜ ßßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛß ÜÜÜß ÛÛÛÛÜÜÜÜÜÜÜÛÛÛÛÛß
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ßÛÜ ÜÛÛÛß ßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÛÜ ßßÜÜ ßßÜÛÛßß ßÛÛÜ ßßßÛßÛÛÛÛÛÛÛßß
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ßßßßß ßßÛÛß ßßßßß ßßßßßßßßßßßßß
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ARRoGANT CoURiERS WiTH ESSaYS
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Grade Level: Type of Work Subject/Topic is on:
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[ ]6-8 [ ]Class Notes [Essay on Pierre Elliot ]
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[x]9-10 [ ]Cliff Notes [Trudeau ]
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[ ]11-12 [x]Essay/Report [ ]
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[ ]College [ ]Misc [ ]
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Dizzed: o4/95 # of Words:1543 School: ? State: ?
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ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>Chop Here>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ>ÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄÄ
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THE POLITICS OF MY WAY
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Unlike the United States, with its generalissimo politics-Washington,
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Jackson, Grant, Eisehower- the martial arts have been conspicuously absent
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from Canadian politics. But there in one exception: in 1968 Pierre Elliot
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Trudeau became the first Canadian leader to bring the gunslinger-Lone
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Ranger ethos to Canadian politics.
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Trudeau introduced to Canada the refined art of single combat; it was
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the politics of "Doing It My Way"-the politics of going my way or being
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left behind. Single-combat confrontation implied much mor than the loner or
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renegade in power, and far far less than the shaman black tricks of
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Mackenzie King. Trudeau was always far more the solo Philosopher King
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engaged in intellectual trial by combat than the Magus Merlin conjuring up
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solutions by puffs of smoke, sleight of hand or divine intervention.
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Ouijaboard politics was the occult domain of Mackenzie King, a man
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virtually devoid of policy, a political palm reader forever checking the
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whims and moods of his powerful baronial-Ralston Howe, St. Laurent-and
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sometimes Byronian colleagues to see how best he could placate them, or
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calm them, or Heap his beatitudes upon them.
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Trudeau, from day one , was always more samurai than shaman. Even in
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his pre- leadership days, Trudeau's love of trial by combat was
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predominant. Mackenzie King would have never touched the unholy trinity of
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divorce, abortion and homosexuality: each one of these issues is a sleeping
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dog best left to lie; each could only infuriate conservative Canada from
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coast to coast. Since King dared not touch them seriatim he certainly
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would not have touched them together-in an omnibus bill.
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This, Trudeau did joyously. The myths-makers have it at this was
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Trudeau's first deliberated joust, the kingship being the final prize. But
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Trudeau had no leadership aspirations at the time; all that he had, still
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has, was the love of combat for the sake of combat and religious scruples
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be damned. Trudeau the Catholic zealot tackle divorce, abortion and
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homosexuality active Prime Minister in this country's history, liberated
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the homosexual practitioners of black acts totally abhorrent to him;
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ironically, in the process, Trudeau gave irrational Canada a pretext for
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branding him a homosexual too.
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P.E.T. has always hated the consensus building of Mackenzie King;
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even the populist following of a Diefenbaker was an anathema to Trudeau.
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The single-combat warrior "doing it my way" is always alone; he leads the
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people but is not of them; like the prophet he wanders either in dessert or
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lush green pastures and often, like the prophet, he watches his people
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march into the Promised Land without him. For Trudeau, being alone is to
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be free; victory is a consequence of solitude; companionship an act of
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weakness, cronyism even wise.
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It is ironic that Trudeau, a devout Jansenist Roman Catholic,
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emotionally and philosophically opposed to both divorce and abortion,
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should grant Canadians greatly expanded divorce rights and their first
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right to legale abortion.
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Trudeau took the unholy trinity then disturbing the bedrooms of the
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nation because all three were trial combat, all three required one strong
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man to push them through. In this minefield Canada's political loner had
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walked alone and apparently loved it.
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Canada's other solo flyer, John Diefenbaker, may or may not have been
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a renegade in power, but the input his holitics received from Senate
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cronies and Kitchen cabinets was enormous. The letters and advice that
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daily poured in to the chief were a populist input that Diefenbaker
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slavishly adhered to. Trudeau was no Diefenbaker; he was neither a
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populist nor a renegade. Trudeau was simply a man who brilliantly massaged
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and manipulated others so that his single will appeared to be the will of
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many, so that his will be always done.
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The theme of my-way politics sheds much light on the vrai Trudeau,
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the Trudeau that is, rather than the Trudeau people think there is.
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Trudeau has never been the privacy-demanding recluse, the reluctant leader
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that herdsmen of Canadian journalism insist he is.
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In secular life Trudeau is no trinitarian; he has chosen his oneness
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because, from the earliest politics, oneness worked for him so spectacular.
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Trudeau's personal handling of the constriction crisis was a "my way" all
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the way. Trudeau, the self- proclaimed socialist prophet of his people,
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waxed ever so eloquently against the sins of conscription, and yet Trudeau
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seemingly could not see in War measures that potential greater evil of a
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Canadian fascism that surly meant permanent conscription and enslavement of
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all. Equally puzzling is the referral of Trudeau's nationalist compatriots
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and colleagues in the years since to give him any credit for fighting in
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1942 a good nationalist fight on behalf of the anti-conscription,
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quasi-separatist candidacy of Jean Drapeau; not so puzzling in the refusal
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of Angelo Saxon patriots to give Trudeau any credit at all for joining a
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reserve regiment before the war. There was both a typical Trudeau "a plague
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on both your houses" in all this, and even more of the gunslinger spraying
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bullets on both side of the saloon bar.
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The style of the lone gunslinger was already apperant in Trudeau's
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early radical posture. Cite libre was a radical editorial collective run
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completely by Trudeau. Trudeau the then internationalist and socialist
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shared ideological bed and board with David Lewis, Frank Scott, Eugene
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Forsey and Theresa Casgrain, but only Trudeau's CCF and NDP membership
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cards mysteriously do not exist today. Even that minor bit of collectivist
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discipline, the proud possession of a party card, was abhorrent to the
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free-wheeling independent Trudeau.
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The ideologically committed gunslinger found little in the
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democratic process to nourish him. The social democratic Trudeau first
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entered the electoral lists only only in the safest Liberal seat in the
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country. Trudeau knew that group dynamic, group participation, in not
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ideologically and politically effective as when the few shape the many.
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This single-warrior syndrome explains many shifts and patterns in the
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Trudeau character. Diefenbaker revelled in the democratic panorama;
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Diefenbaker failed to keep urban Canada aboard his carousel and never
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really got french Canada aboard in the first place, but the Chief's
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strengths and weakness flowed from the ordinary people who loved him and
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the sophisticates and big city people who hated him. P.E.T. never did
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deal in democratic norms; instead, the elitist Trudeau gave Quebec's
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elitists the first crack at the bilingual club and transformed the federal
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bureaucracy, at least on its highest levels, to be a bilingual workplace in
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which the frankphone would be supreme.
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INTRO
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Canada, and its record of careful middle-of-the-road politics has
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produced leaders who were careful and middle-of-the-road as well, until
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1968 when Canada and the world was introduced to Prime Minister Pierre
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Elliot Trudeau.
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He had walked and cycled through Europe, and been on the wrong side
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of the bars in foreign jails. Not your average guy. Not your average
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Prime Minister.
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The future Prime Minister was the second child and the elder son of
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the family. He was born on October 18th, 1919. At a very young age
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Trudeau was the current, attacking authority and not giving a "DAMN" for
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the public opinion.
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In 1940 Prime Minister Trudeau entered the law faculty at the
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University of Montreal. He says that he hesitated between law &
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psychology, but had to settle for law since Montreal didn't offer
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psychology and the war kept him in Canada.
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As a student he enlisted in the Canadian officers Training Corps. He
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was given a commission on a lieutenant, a rank he held until his retirement
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in 1947.
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LIFE
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Joseph Philippe Pierre Elliote Trudeau to say his names in order was
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born an October 18, 1919. Pierre wasn't the sort of person that you think
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would become one of Canada's longest in office Prime Ministers.
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At home Pierre's mother spoke mainly English, although she was fluent
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in french. His mother provided the English balance. Charles- Emily
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Pierre's father taught him sports as Pierre was very good at them. Pierre
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practised the art of KARATE and soon became a brown belt, one below black
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belt. He also knew how to skin dive and could descend 150 feet off a cliff
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and come out without a scratch. Other than teaching Pierre sports,
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Charles-Emile also put together a franchise of gas stations that grew to
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include 15,000 members and filling $1,400,000 for his stations.
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As a boy, living in Montreal, he favoured the English instead of the
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French and when his friends were unhappy of the French losing, Pierre was
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celebrating. Many of his teachers in primary school said that Pierre was a
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headstrong individualist who involved himself frequently in fights and
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practical jokes. In 1924 or 1925 Charles- Emily, Pierre father died, and
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Pierre was only fourteen years old at the time. Since his parents were so
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rich he got driven to school by a chauffeur and ran with a crowd called LES
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SNOBS. As a student Pierre joined the COTC, Canadian Officers Training
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Corps. Pierre lack of self discipline got him into trouble a lot and he
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was soon kicked out of the COTC. Pierre didn't always get into trouble
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actually as he was a very smart kid and one of his teachers commented that
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Pierre was a pupil who was good at every subject. In 1940 Pierre entered
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the law faculty at the University of Montreal.
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