textfiles/politics/SPUNK/sp000900.txt

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This article recently appeared in FREEDOM (anarchist
fortnightly)
FREEDOM carries at least a page in every issue of international
news of interest to the anarchist movement around the world.
For a free trial edition write to:
FREEDOM PRESS
IN ANGEL ALLEY
84B WHITECHAPEL HIGH STREET
LONDON E1 7QX
MEXICO'S ARISTIDE
In our FOCUS ON... MEXICO towards the end of last year we told
of the attempted assassination of Amado Avendano just prior to
the Mexican elections. Below we reproduce an extract from an
interview with him which was broadcast by the French anarchist
radio station Radio Libertaire on the 1st November 94. We do so
in the interests of furthering the flow of information rather
than as an endorsement of his politics...
I am Amado Avendano, a lawyer by training, journalist by
profession and chance politico. I live in a state to the south
of Mexico - Chiapas - on the border with Guatemala. 900,000 in
digenous people live in the state of Chiapas out of a total
population of some 3,000,000. It is an area of high population
density because, whilst one of the richest areas of Mexico,
it is also the area where the poorest Mexicans live. More than
50% of the countries electricity is produced here. In order to
build the three dams in the area 300,000 hectares of top
quality land were flooded. Thus the peasants of Chiapas have
no lands to cultivate. Chiapas is also an oil producing area
and a pipe connects the area directly to the USA. Of the
production in Chiapas only the pollution is left behind. The
population of Chiapas derive no benefit from all of this and
a large section of the population don't speak the language of
officialdom - Spanish. Such was the situation on 1st Jan 94
when the Zapatistas emerged in the country. The very simple
demands of these people for health, housing, means of
communication... immediately drew the support of the wider
population. This sympathy was indeed so great - demonstrations,
marches - that the Mexican government was forced to suspend
military operations. The government declared a unilateral
amnesty for all those involved. They gathered together in
the cathedral of San Cristobal. Here the archbishop served as
an intermediary between the government and the Zapatistas. A
number of propositions were put forward which the Zapatistas
took back to their supporters in the mountains for consultation
. Two months later the Zapatistas rejected the government's
propositions. A new delegate was sent out to try and rebuild
the dialogue but this proved a non-starter. A month ago the
Zapatistas announced that the dialogue was definitively over.
Meanwhile the electoral dialogue was taking place. The local
people were trying to find a candidate to stand against the
official candidate. They chose me. But I couldn't stand as
I had not the mandate of any party. The Revolutionary
Democratic Party (PRD) agreed to endorse me. The local people
thought that in this instance the government would accept
the ballot box decision. When the government saw the popular
mobilisation which greeted my candidature I was the victim
of an assassination attempt disguised as a road accident.
RL: Tell us about the circumstances surrounding this 'accident'?
The government organised a meal for all the electoral candidates
and were most insistent that I should attend. In the end I accepted
the invitation. The was only one road to the venue for the meal
and on this road a lorry smashed into the tiny car we were travelling
in. Three of my supporters were killed in the crash and I was
hospitalised for two months which physically prevented me from
participating in the election process.
With a sense of solidarity and courage the people continued the
campaign. In my absence with videos, posters, cassettes... the
campaign continued to develop. Fellow journalists gave me their
full support and played an important role in the campaign. On the
21st many people went to vote for me but on the 22nd the government
claimed their own candidate had won and that very few had voted for
Amado Avendano.
Following the electoral farce there was a real mobilisation of the
population who did not fully understand the situation. This civil
resistance takes the form of large scale occupations of large
properties, the blocking off of roads, non payment of taxes and general
bills (particularly electricity), and the prevention of bureaucrats
gaining access to the region. Successive mobilisations were planned
- one in October, two in November and another for December when the
new government are due to take office when the people will attempt to
stop them taking up their positions. Moreover, the Zapatistas announced
that if the government were intent on putting their candidate in office
there would be war in Chiapas and elsewhere. Things have been further
complicated because the Mexican central government intervenes a lot
in Chiapas but is itself split by internal strife. In effect there is a
power vacuum in Mexico because since the outgoing presidents team has
no mandate nobody obeys it and since the incoming bunch is still not
installed a dangerous situation has arisen. Luckily, the Zapatista
army has called on civil society to play a role, the role which had
been usurped by the institutional parties. This group is organising
to take over the decision making process which up until now had been
denied to it. Today it is very hard for it to rebuild the country since
the government and the party controlled everything. The people lack
experience. Currently a democratic national convention is being set up.
We hope to set up a veritable assembly to help organise the country.
Faced with the people trying to organise themselves the powers that be
are hardly queuing up to hand over power and a very real possibility of
confrontation is now on the cards. The situation is so serious that I
fear the incoming government will have no chance at all of governing
the region if only because of the tensions within their own ranks.
Currently, I go around the world calling on NGOs, the universities,
political parties... to pay attention to what is happening in Mexico
and calling on them to be prepared to pressurise the Mexican government
in order to avoid the possibility of war. The Mexican state cares greatly
about its international reputation whilst ignoring the situation at home.
This is why we call for actions to be taken against diplomatic missions...
RL: Can you tell us a little more about what civil society is doing with
regard to the electoral fraud?
In order to denounce the fraud the civil society which has no
political party has set up a kind of electoral tribunal - quite
unofficial - which has shed light on governmental manipulations.
Although all these developments are taking place outside of the
legal process there will come a point when the government will be
forced to recognise that there was manipulation. At the moment all
Mexicans are waiting to see what the outgoing president will say.
The outcome is undecided. If the government goes ahead with its decision
to install the new regime there will probably be renewed violence. The
risk is heightened by the fact that recruitment into the Mexican army has
gone on apace with much more military equipment being installed in the
Zapatista zone. The army has also taken possession of the free zone of
Altamirano and is increasing aerial surveillance of territories where
the Zapatistas are. This gives rise to a fear of escalation.....