199 lines
12 KiB
Plaintext
199 lines
12 KiB
Plaintext
Interview with Charlie Baird, Snr. 6th June 1977
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Before the war I'd been sympathetic to the Communist Party, as early as
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1 6 or 17 years of age. It wasn't until the war, when Russia had signed
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the pact with Hitler, that I started to have my doubts about the CP.
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But even prior to that I'd drifted away from them. When the war
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started, I took up the Conscientious Objector position, and finished
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up, of course, in jail. It was in jail - I hadn't been conscious that
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there was such a movement as the libertarian movement, the anarchist
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movement - I thought that the CP was the last thing in left-wing
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movements.
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I met two lads in prison (I also knew one prior to going in, who'd told
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me to look out for these two lads); one was Jimmy Dick. He'd managed to
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get some anarchist literature in. I went through that and discovered
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that was what I'd been looking for. It was what I'd believed, even when
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I was in the CP; I was dissatisfied with the centralised character of
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the movement.
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Then, of course, when we came out, there was an anarchist movement in
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Glasgow at that particular time. We came out of jail and teamed up with
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them. It was around 1942 when I came out of jail,and there were about 40
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active members of the group. By 1944-45 it was probably around 70-80
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members.
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The peculiar thing about the Glasgow group was that there was no such
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thing as recognised members of the group. The only way you could
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recognise a regular member of the group was by his activities; there
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were no things like membership cards or anything like that. The 70 or
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80 would include the lads from Burnbank and Hamilton - miners, the
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small groups out there with 3 or 4 members. They organised meetings
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and we supplied them with speakers.
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Edinburgh was the same. We'd contacts in Edinburgh who organised
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meetings and we supplied them. There was an old diehard there, but you
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couldn't say there was a group. There were many sympathisers, right
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enough, who were always there at the meetings. They were active insofar
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as during the meetings they would go round with literature and a
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collection. They were sympathetic and that was good enough for me.
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There was an Italian lad who was the original contact; he had a cafe on
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Leith Walk, but his father was very reactionary - pro-fascist - while
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the lad was very revolutionary, very keen, but obviously under his
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father's influence. Nevertheless, you went through and saw him, and
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organised the meetings at the Mound in Edinburgh.
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We had the members in Glasgow, plenty of speakers: Jimmy Raeside, Eddie
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Shaw, Jimmy Dick, Sammy Lawson, Frank Leech, Johnny Gartmore. But
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Raeside and Shaw were the main speakers, they seemed to enjoy it. They
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were good propagandists. Shaw was more the humorous type; he was a
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satirist - he ridiculed the system in a humorous fashion which went
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down big with the public. They got entertainment, and at the same time
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they got the message. Raeside was a more serious type, very logical,
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and enjoyed a debate - SPGB, Marxist Study Group. Raeside was the main
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speaker; he'd an extensive knowledge of the movement. Even apart from
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that he was an incredible speaker, very convincing. There were even
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occasions when he was taken up on aspects of the struggle which he
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wasn't aware of. He could carry the audience with him.
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Shaw and Raeside were highly developed social animals. Even in the
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company of opposition they were very friendly - no chip on their
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shoulder. They could walk into the company of Communists or Trotskyists,
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who you'd find would be very careful, but Shaw and Raeside would walk
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in, they wouldn't have to be introduced. Shaw especially - he would
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just wade into a company, any company at all.
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Shaw was called up, but he'd made up his mind that he wasn't going into
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prison. So his case went to the High Court of Appeal in Edinburgh. Even
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the "Evening Citizen" gave him a big front-page write-up "Glasgow
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Anarchist Wins Case in High Court". He defended himself. Incidentally,
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he was briefed by Guy Aldred - Guy prepared the case, but he handled it
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himself. You can have the best case in the world, but you've got to
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face the three highest judges in the land. The "Evening Citizen" said
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he handled the case with force. That would be around 1944-45. I was
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with him when he went to Edinburgh; it must have been about May or
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June.
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His case was very simple. He went through the usual process of being
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called-up. They took you into custody when you were registered as a
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conscript, the next you'd here from them was when you had to go to
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court. If you're political you've no chance. Shaw went to the Sheriff
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Court for sentence. You're called into court twice, the first time
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there was a CID man who was instructed to take you down to Dumbarton Rd
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and the Army Doctor; you' d refuse to go through the medical and they'd
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bring you back to court a month after that. The CID man had been told
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to take him down at 2pm, but he didn't take him down until 4pm - and
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this was Shaw's case. When he got back to court, the judge sentenced
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him to one year and Shaw said "I'm asking for a stated case". The judge
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said "On what basis? You've no basis for a stated case". Shaw said "You
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instructed the CID man to take me before the doctor at 2pm but I didn't
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get to the doctor until 4pm."
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That was the case. It took them over an hour to settle it. Lord Thomson
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presided and, what do you call him? they called him the Bloody Judge at
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the time... Anyway there were the three of them. After Shaw had stated
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his case "Are you going to allow CID men to flout the law; you're going
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to end up like Germany or Italy, where the people have no rights, you
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know..." Lord Thomson said "Look Mr Shaw, you know you've no intention
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of going to the army" and Shaw said "That's right, but it's the facts
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of the case, not whether I'll go to the army". A precedent had been
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set, perhaps during the First World War, and it was Guy Aldred who'd
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dug this one up. He'd told Shaw, if you have any trouble ask for access
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to the court library and you'll be able to get the chapter and page.
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They were about to dismiss him when he did this and the three judges
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hummed and hawed, and Lord Thomson said "All right then". The court
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clerk went down and then handed it on to Thomson. Thomson just looked
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at it with a look of disgust on his face and passed it on and said
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nothing. So the appeal was upheld with expenses and the CID man was
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called into the dock and given a dressing-down. When Shaw had
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mentioned the basis of the case I'd said "Ach, no chance".
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You'd people in the services who were anti-war and at the same time
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were unattached. There was a common danger during the war which was the
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common ground for people with political views like my own. We must
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admit this - we'd huge meetings, particularly in Glasgow and Edinburgh,
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but I think t his was due to the fact that there was always the danger
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of someone being arrested, something violent happening, something
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sensational. It was a very precarious position to take during the
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war, especially in public when you'd troops, etc. You can imagine the
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atmosphere. What did matter was that you recruited members at these
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meetings, and, if not members, at least sympathisers who took papers
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into the factories.
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Judging by the attention that you got from the troops, apart from a few
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hotheads, particularly the Americans and Canadians, the other lads used
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to come and buy the paper and discuss it. We'd contacts with them too,
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mainly the Air Force, I don't know why the Air Force. There was no war
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fever as such during the war, even among the troops and their families.
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My own experience with the public was "Aye, that's right, but what can
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you do about it? The war's there and Hitler's there, and you have to
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face up to him". The usual answer to that one was "You can't beat
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fascism by greater military force; fascism is inherent in the
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capitalist system". It was the Empire, not the fact that Hitler was
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killing the Jews or Poland - they sold Poland.
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"War Commentary" was the paper at that time. It had tremendous sales in
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Glasgow. And we'd all the Freedom Press literature - the pamphlets, the
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books. We'd a bookshop in George St. (originally, I believe, with the
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Marxist Study Group, but that was all over by the time I'd come out of
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prison). Shaw and Leech had broken away, and later linked up with the
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other groups in England and contacts in Scotland. The Anarchist
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Federation of Britain was formed just after that.
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The relations with Guy Aldred were very strained. I think one of the
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main reasons was that Guy was a loner: he was a movement in himself.
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There's no question about the man's integrity. He'd built up his
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movement, made his international contacts. I suppose Guy was afraid
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that someone could infiltrate and take over the movement by a process
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of building up support and them getting a vote. His relationship to the
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Anarchist Federation wasn't very good. In spite of Guy's help, Shaw
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often attacked him, especially on the question of the ballot box. We
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knew that Guy had no intention of going to parliament, but, in my
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opinion it was stupid, you know, there was nothing to gain. He'd built
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up such a reputation of integrity and consistency that I thought it was
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awful foolish that he should sacrifice all this.
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One of Guy's old members was a man by the name of Frank Leech, a
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peculiar character. He was bourgeois through-and-through. He'd a
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good-going business, a general store. He was very friendly with the
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Freedom Press and used to make contact with Freedom Press in a private
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capacity. I was the Secretary of the AFB at that time and all
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correspondence was supposed to go through me, but Leech would never
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accept this. Personally, it didn't matter to me - as long as the
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movement was there and was working. You'd never get a group where that
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wouldn't happen, but it all depends on the extent to which it goes on.
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We were a great source of income to Freedom Press, but they didn't seem
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to put any account on that at all. We thought they had a function, they
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thought we had a function, and that was just to distribute the
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literature and send the proceeds down. This didn't go down at all with
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most of the members.
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When the split took place it wasn't at a business meeting or a
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conference. It's difficult even now to understand how it happened the
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way it did and why it happened. It was just suddenly that a section
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didn't turn up at a business meeting - that was Leech, Shaw, Raeside
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and some followers. That would be around November 1944. The reason was
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a general disillusionment with the way the group was being run. Leech
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was the source of all this and Shaw supported him - he was somewhat
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dependent on Leech. The big fellow had a lot of money and Shaw was
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taking time of work to do meetings up and down the country. Raeside
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had got married and bought a horse-drawn caravan and travelled up and
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down the country. Shaw and Raeside decided to go abroad. Shaw had boys
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of 13 and 15 and for the boys sake he was clearing out, of course
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you'd have conscription in Canada anyway. And Raeside went to
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Australia.
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Anyway we carried on, me and the wife and some other lads, we carried
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on for a year. This must have been shortly after the war. We held
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meetings at the corner of Wellington St. It took a toll on me, the
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outdoor speaking, it's a hell of a strain physically. Mentally it
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didn't bother me, in fact latterly I began to enjoy it. Then one of the
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other speakers, a lad called Bill Gollan, fell into bad health and died
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in Knightswood Hospital of tuberculosis. When the war ended the common
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danger ended too. And finally the wife and I were left... By this time
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the breakaway group were about finished too. They held meetings in
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Maxwell St. Leech died suddenly. He was a big heavy man, he'd heart
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trouble, and Shaw and Raeside went to Canada and that was the end of
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that.
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