1014 lines
42 KiB
Plaintext
1014 lines
42 KiB
Plaintext
This group could do with an FAQ as their is
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a lot of confusion in it with regards
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to anarchism. As there is not one we
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are going to send an explanation of
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anarchism based on our pamphlet Anarchism
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and Ireland to it on a monthly basis.
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Workers Solidarity Movement
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Anarchists are against chaos
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When you hear about anarchists you are led to
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believe that we are mad bombers. Every other
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group that lets off a bomb is immediately labelled
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'anarchist' whether they be nationalists, socialists or
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even fascists. The myth is created that we believe in
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violence for the sake of it. The other myth is that
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anarchism is chaos It is claimed by politicians,
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bosses and their hacks in the media that if there was
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no government there would be chaos. But did you
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ever wonder about society today and come to the
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conclusion that perhaps we are already living in
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chaos. At the moment thousands of builders are on
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the dole yet homeless people need housing to live
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in. The price of butter is scandalously dear yet
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every year the EC has to deal with a butter
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mountain. Thousands of people are dying of
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starvation around the world yet millions of pounds
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are spent every day on nuclear arms which have the
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potential for wiping us and the world out.
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You might ask why is this so? We say that there is
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one big reason - PROFIT! At the moment we live in
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a society in which there are two major classes - the
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bosses and the workers. The bosses own the
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factories, banks, shops, etc. Workers don't. All they
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have is their labour which they use to make a living.
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Workers are compelled to sell their labour to the
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boss for a wage. The boss is interested in squeezing
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as much work out of the worker for as little wages
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as possible so that he/she can maintain high profits.
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Thus the more wages workers get the less profits
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the bosses make. Their interests are in total
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opposition to each other.
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Production is not based on the needs of ordinary
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people. Production is for profit. Therefore although
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there is enough food in the world to feed everyone,
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people starve because profits come first. This is
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capitalism.
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What is the State?
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There are other classes in society such as the self-
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employed and small farmers but fundamentally
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there are workers and bosses whose interests are in
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opposition to each other. For workers needs to be
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fully met we must get rid of the bosses. But this is
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no easy task. The bosses are organised. They have
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the media on their side. They also have the State
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and the force of the army and police that go with it.
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We only have to look at the 1984 miners strike in
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Britain to see how the forces of the state can
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be used against the working class.
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The state (i.e. governments, armies, courts, police,
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etc.) is a direct result of the fact that we live in a
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class society. A society where only 7% of the people
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own 84% of the wealth. (Irish figures c. 1984)
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The state is there to protect the interests of this
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minority, if not by persuasion then by force. Laws
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are made not to protect us but to protect those who
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own the property.
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Compare this with the treatment handed out to the
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multi-nationals who were able to take 500m in
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profits out of the country tax free without the
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government even knowing about it. If you think
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that the state is there to protect you, think about the
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fact that workers pay 88% of all income taxes
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while the rest - farmers, self-employed ,and multi-
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nationals pay only 12% between them.
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(Irish figures c. 1984)
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Elections: Putting numbers on a piece of paper
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We are led to believe that the state is run in our
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interests. Don't we have elections to ensure that any
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government not behaving itself can be brought to
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task? Democracy is about putting numbers on a
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piece of paper every four years. We are given a
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choice all right but between parties who all agree
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with the system of a tiny minority ruling the
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country.
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People often say that if we really want to change
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things we should run in elections. Take a good look
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at this idea and it becomes clear that it cannot be
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done if we are to remain true to our anarchism.
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Electioneering inevitably leads to revolutionaries
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forsaking their revolutionary principles. Look at the
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so-called Labour Party. First of all they do not go to
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the people with a clear socialist message. They go
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for whatever is popular and will ensure that they
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get elected. This becomes more important to them
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than educating people about the meaning of
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socialism. It also means that they look on the mass
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of voters as mere spectators. People are seen as
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voters, not as people who can be actually involved
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in politics and bringing socialism about. We do not
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accept that we should hand over the running of our
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lives to 160 odd people who are not accountable and
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can basically do whatever they like.
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Can socialism come through Congress
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There is another reason why we do not stand for
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election. Socialism cannot come through Congress.
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If we look at a country like Chile we can see why.
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In 1973 the people elected a moderate socialist
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government led by President Allende. This
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democratically elected government was toppled by
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a CIA backed military coup. Repression followed in
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which the workers movement was smashed and
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thousands of militants lost their lives.
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This happened for two reasons. The Chilean
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socialists did not understand that real power is not
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in the parliament but in the boardrooms of the
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multinationals. It is those who have the money who
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hold real power. Socialism does not come through
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electing socialists to Congress but through the direct
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action of workers taking control of the factories and
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land. For us socialism can only come from below,
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not from the top.
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This point is not understood by the so called
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socialist parties of Europe which are in government
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at the moment. In the 80's in France, Spain and
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Greece 'socialist' governments are pushed working
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class peoples living standards down because
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international banks want loans repaid and
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multinationals want to maintain profits.
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The second reason is that the Chileans did not
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smash the state but tried to capture it peacefully.
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We must understand that the army and police are
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against us. They are there to protect the wealth of
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the ruling class. To make a revolution it will be
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necessary to use violence, not because we believe in
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violence for the sake of it, but because we recognise
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that the ruling class will not give up its wealth
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without a fight. Allende refused to arm the workers
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and so made the job of the military much easier.
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How ideas change
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>From the moment we are born we are taught that
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we must give up control of our lives to those more
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capable of running things - that we must put our
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faith and loyalty in government to organise our
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lives. In school, in the papers and on television the
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working class are portrayed as sheep who need to
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be led and governed over. Even in the unions, the
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organisation of the working class, workers are
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discouraged from taking any initiative by
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themselves. Instead they are treated by the union
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bureaucracy supposedly on the workers' behalf.
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However, capitalists in their mad rush for profits
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are forced to keep workers' pay and conditions at
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the lowest possible level. In times of recession
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competition between capitalists increases, and if
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profits are to be maintained capitalists argue that
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workers must accept cuts in their pay and
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conditions. It is when workers are forced into
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conflict with their bosses, when they go on strike,
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that they realise their own strength.
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Without labour all production grinds to a halt. The
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bosses simply cannot run the factories by
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themselves. Workers who go on strike begin to rely
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on their own collective strength, they realise that if
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they are going to win they must stick together.
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They become more aware of what they can achieve
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and they become open to more ideas, new ideas.
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This was seen in the 1984/5 British miners strike.
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Before the strike most miners believed womens' role
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was in the home minding the children. But as the
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strike began, women took the initiative and set up
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support groups to aid the strike. Women actively
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took part in picketing as well as fund-raising. Faced
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with this many miners changed their sexist ideas.
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Their ideas about the police and the courts also
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changed. In conflict, they realised the main purpose
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of the police and courts was to protect the bosses
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and smash the strike.
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This is not to say that workers going on strike set
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out with socialist goals in mind. However when
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workers win on `bread and butter' issues, their
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confidence increases and so does their faith in their
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own ability to organise themselves. That is one of
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the reasons for the WSM being involved in
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supporting strikes - to build the links between
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workers' day-to-day struggles and our aim of a
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truly equal society.
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Socialism from Below
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Central to our politics is the belief that ordinary
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people must make the revolution. Every member of
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the working class (workers, unemployed,
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housewives, etc.) has a role to play. Only by this
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participation can we ensure that anarchism is made
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real. We believe in a revolution that comes from the
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bottom up and is based on factory and community
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councils. Freedom cannot be given, it has to be
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taken.
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This is where we disagree with what is called the
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"revolutionary left". While they say that they agree
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with all this they still hold to a belief that a party is
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necessary to make the revolution for the people.
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Most of them base their ideas on Lenin who
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believed that workers were only capable of
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achieving what he called "trade union
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consciousness". According to him they needed a
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party of professional revolutionaries to make the
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revolution for them. The result of this thinking is to
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be clearly seen in the Eastern Europe of today.
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What we see in Russia has nothing to do with
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socialism. Power rests in the hands of a tiny party
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elite. The state is the boss and the workers are still
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exploited and told what to do. This is state
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capitalism. Workers do not control their
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workplaces. All power is held by the bureaucracy.
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A workers revolution will be necessary to
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overthrow this bureaucratic elite and bring in true
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freedom.
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So we say it is up to ordinary people. Some ask is
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this possible? Would it not be chaotic? Of course
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not. At the moment capitalism would collapse
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without the support of the working class. We make
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everything, we produce all the wealth. It is possible
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to organise production so that the needs of all are
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met. It is also possible to create structures that
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allow everyone to participate in making the
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decisions that affect them.
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Democracy and Freedom
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As already stated society would be based on factory
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and community councils. These would federate
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with each other so that decisions could be made
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covering large areas. Delegates could be sent from
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each area and workplace. They would be recallable,
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i.e. if those who voted them in are not happy with
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their behaviour they can immediately replace them
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with someone else. With the new technology it will
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be much easier to involve lots of people in making
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quick decisions.
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Within this society there would be genuine
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individual freedom. Individuals would have to
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contribute to society but would be free to the extent
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that they do not interfere with the freedom of
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others. Fundamentally we believe that people are
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good and if they won freedom would not easily
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give it up or destroy it.
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So where does the Workers Solidarity Movement fit
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into all this? We are a new organisation - small in
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numbers but rich in ideas. We don't set ourselves
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up as "the leaders who know it all". We believe that
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our ideas are good and are worth trying out. We
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believe it is necessary for those agreeing with them
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to organise together so that our ideas will spread
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and be understood by a lot more people. To us it is
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important that those revolutionaries active in
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different areas are brought together so that
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experiences can be shared and learned from. We
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believe that in day-today struggles or in campaigns
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it is important that the message is driven home that
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only a revolution made by the working class can
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give us the freedom to run society so that all our
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needs are met. We see our role as encouraging the
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initiative of working people and arguing for
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structures which allow people to take part in local
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or workplace activities.
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We do not believe that the revolution is around the
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corner. We believe that making it is a slow process
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during which there may be huge jumps forward.
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Overall though it is a slow process of spreading
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ideas and building peoples confidence to bring
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about change. We accept that winning reforms and
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short term demands are all part of this process.
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Below we set out some of our ideas in relation to the
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Irish society of today.
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The Trade Unions
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Unions are defence organs of the
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working class. They are not revolutionary
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organisations. Today the majority of unions have
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become conservative institutions with a lot of
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emphasis being placed on the role of the full time
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officials as problem solvers and negotiators. Whole
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sections of the trade union bureaucracy have
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become outright defenders of the status quo. This is
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typified by the use of the two-tier picket (where
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groups of workers from another union in the same
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job are encouraged to pass pickets). Within the
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unions decision making has shifted from the
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shopfloor to the bureaucrats. With this the rank and
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file have become more isolated from control of their
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unions and thus more apathetic.
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For us the unions have to be made into real fighting
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organisations which are run and controlled by
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workers on the shopfloor. We do not think you can
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change the unions by capturing the full-time jobs at
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the top. Our role is to encourage the self-activity of
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as many workers as possible. The bureaucracy itself
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has to be torn down.
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We believe in building a rank and file movement
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which would embrace workers from different
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workplaces and areas of work. Its main function
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would be to encourage solidarity between all
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workers. It would support all strikes, fight for the
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election of all full-time officials so that they are
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responsible to the workers, fight for equal rights for
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women and ultimately resist any attempts by the
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bosses to make us pay for their crisis.
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We see the organised labour movement as an
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essential area of activity for revolutionaries. Politics
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have to be brought into the workplaces and unions
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as it is here that we have strength and can inflict
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real damage on the bosses.
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Unemployment
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Unemployment is always a direct effect of living
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under capitalism, it is used by the bosses to depress
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wages "there are plenty of people out there who
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work for less money than you" is a common threat
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as is "behave yourselves or I'll close down". The
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chaotic nature of also leads to regular crisis which
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cause massive unemployment
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Unemployment will not be stopped while the
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capitalist system exists but there are immediate
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demands that can be put forward. Any workplace
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threatened with closure should be occupied.
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The workers should demand continued
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employment whether it be under a new owner or by
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nationalisation. We believe it makes little difference
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because, for us, nationalisation is not a cure-all. It is
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no guarantee of better wages or job security and it
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does not bring us any nearer to socialism. There is
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no essential difference between a boss who is a civil
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servant and one who is a private employer. We also
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call for a shorter working week, an end to
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systematic overtime and double jobbing and an end
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to all productivity deals. Basic wages should be
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high enough so that workers do not need to work
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excess hours.
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We believe that the unemployed should accept no
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responsibility for the situation. Dole payments
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should be increased substantially. Where possible,
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the unemployed should organise themselves to
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defend their rights and link up with the broader
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trade union movement.
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Women's Freedom
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We believe that women are oppressed as a sex.
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They are denied equal rights, such as the right to
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control their own fertility and the right to work, and
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thus cannot fully participate in society. They have
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been assigned the role of cooks and child minders,
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their place is in the home.
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We believe that the root of women's oppression lies
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in the division of society into classes, and the
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economic and social relationships that created. We
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thus believe that for women to be really free we
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have to smash capitalism and build a society based
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on anarchism. We disagree with those feminists
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who think that all you have to do is for women to
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become bosses and politicians to achieve equality.
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We want to destroy the existing power structures.
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We also disagree with those who think that men are
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the cause of women's oppression. We do not deny
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that men gain from this but we identify the source
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of this oppression as the class system, not
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individual men.
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Women's oppression is not purely a struggle for
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women as it is a class issue but we hold that women
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have the right to organise separately because it is
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they who suffer the oppression. We do believe,
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though, that the priorities of the woman's
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movement have reflected the fact that it largely
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consists of middle class women. We believe that it
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must become more relevant to working class
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women. Our priorities are those issues which
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immediately effect thousands of working class
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women e.g. work, childcare, housing, etc.
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We believe in the right of women to control their
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own fertility. Women must be free to decide to
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have children or not, how many and when. Thus
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we believe in the right to free contraception and
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abortion on demand.
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For these demands to won as many working class
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women as possible must be brought together to
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build confidence and defeat the isolation that comes
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from being in the home. Thus in campaigns to win
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these demands our emphasis is on building in
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workplaces and on the estates where women are
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directly affected.
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Anarchism in Action
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You probably agree that what you have read so far
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are mostly good ideas. You probably accept that the
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wealth of society should be distributed equally and
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also that ordinary people should have more say in
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the running of their lives.
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Like most people who hear about Anarchism you
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probably believe that it is a good set of ideas but
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unfortunately it would never work. People are
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naturally greedy and selfish, if there was no
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government to look after our interests there would
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be complete chaos".
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It has already been stated that we believe capitalism
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is chaos. It does not and never can meet the needs
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of ordinary people. On the other hand, a society
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run by those who actually produce can. This kind
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of society is not myth we have dreamed up. At
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various stages of our history it has become a reality.
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Working people have taken their destinies into their
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own hands and made a success of it. Far from being
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naturally greedy and selfish these experiences
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actually show that given the right conditions people
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can co-operate and act in a spirit of mutual aid.
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The next part of this FAQ goes on to discuss some
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of the historical achievements of anarchism, showing
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the heroic struggles that workers have waged in
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the past to change this system.
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********************
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The Workers Solidarity Movement is an anarchist
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organisation. We believe in a revolution by the
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working class which will overthrow the bosses and
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their governments, and create a society run and
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controlled by those who actually produce the
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wealth of the world. We believe that it is possible to
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live without government and to put in its place
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councils and assemblies where the "ordinary
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people" can decide what happens to this wealth.
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We believe in the equality of all and that maximum
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solidarity is needed between workers and other
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oppressed groups if we are to defeat those who live
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off our sweat.
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+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
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The Workers Solidarity Movement can be contacted at
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PO Box 1528, Dublin 8, Ireland
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or by anonymous e-mail to an64739@anon.penet.fi
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Some of our material is available via the Spunk press electronic archive
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by FTP to etext.archive.umich.edu or 141.211.164.18
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or by gopher ("gopher etext.archive.umich.edu")
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in the directory /pub/Politics/Spunk/texts/groups/WSM
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Status: RO
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In the Beginning
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As Anarchists we trace our tradition back to the first
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International Working Mens [sic] Association where
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the Anarchists formed a distinct tendency
|
|
influenced mainly by the ideas of Michael Bakunin.
|
|
Since then Anarchism has always been deeply
|
|
rooted in the working class. Contrary to popular
|
|
belief Anarchists do not spend their time plotting in
|
|
back rooms. For most their activity means bringing
|
|
their politics into the daily struggles of the factories,
|
|
the offices and the communities. Anarchists have
|
|
been involved in all major modern revolutions They
|
|
have been there arguing and fighting for the right
|
|
and necessity of working people running society as
|
|
opposed to any so- called "socialist party" or
|
|
bureaucratic elite.
|
|
|
|
Russia
|
|
|
|
"We say to the Russian workers, peasants, soldiers,
|
|
revolutionists: above all continue the revolution.
|
|
Continue to organise yourselves solidly and unite
|
|
your new organisations: your communes, your
|
|
committees, your soviets. Continue, with firmness
|
|
and perseverance, always and everywhere to
|
|
participate more extensively and more and more
|
|
effectively in the economic life of the country,
|
|
continue to take into your hands, that is into the
|
|
hands of your organisations, all the raw materials
|
|
and all the instruments indispensable to your
|
|
labour. Continue the revolution. Do not hesitate to
|
|
face the solution of the burning questions of the
|
|
present. Create everywhere the necessary
|
|
organisations to achieve these solutions. Peasants,
|
|
take the land and put it at the disposal of your
|
|
committees. Workers, proceed to put in the hands
|
|
of and at the disposal of your own social
|
|
organisations - everywhere on the spot - the mines
|
|
and the subsoil, the enterprises and the
|
|
establishments of all sorts, the works and the
|
|
factories, the workshops and the machines". Golos
|
|
Truda Russian Anarchist-Syndicalist paper August
|
|
25th 1917
|
|
|
|
The Russian Revolution was truly a turning point in
|
|
modern history. For the first time workers took
|
|
control and asserted their right to run society. At
|
|
the time of the revolution there were about 10,000
|
|
active Anarchists in Russia, not including the
|
|
movement in the Ukraine led by Nestor Makhno.
|
|
There were at least four Anarchists on the Bolshevik
|
|
dominated Military Revolutionary Committee
|
|
which engineered the seizure of power in October.
|
|
More importantly, Anarchists were involved in the
|
|
Factory Committees which had sprung up after the
|
|
February Revolution. These were based in
|
|
workplaces, elected by mass assemblies of the
|
|
workers and given the role of overseeing the
|
|
running of the factory and co-ordinating with other
|
|
workplaces in the same industry or region.
|
|
|
|
Anarchists were particularly influential among the
|
|
miners, dockers, postal workers, bakers and played
|
|
an important part in the All-Russian Conference of
|
|
Factory Committees which met in Petrograd on the
|
|
eve of the October Revolution.
|
|
|
|
It was to these factory committees that the
|
|
Anarchists looked as the basis for a new self--
|
|
management which would be ushered in after the
|
|
revolution. They resisted all efforts to undermine
|
|
the Committees and take away their power.
|
|
|
|
The Anarchists had co-operated with the Bolsheviks
|
|
in seizing power from the ruling class, believing
|
|
that once captured power could be diffused. It was
|
|
not long before they saw that the real intention of
|
|
the Bolsheviks was to take power and keep it. Their
|
|
concept of socialism did not allow them to trust in
|
|
the ability of ordinary people to run society in their
|
|
own interests. Power was wrested away from the
|
|
Factory Committees and placed in the hands of
|
|
bodies controlled by the Bolsheviks. Firstly they
|
|
were subjected to control by Bolshevik dominated
|
|
trade unions. These unions were then put under the
|
|
thumb of the state, which was totally dominated by
|
|
the Bolsheviks. Once the Anarchists' usefulness to
|
|
them had ended the Bolsheviks ensured they were
|
|
suppressed. Their papers were closed down and
|
|
many of the activists arrested.
|
|
|
|
Ukraine
|
|
|
|
Anarchist influence here was dominant right up to
|
|
1921. An insurgent army led by Nestor Makhno
|
|
played a central role in defeating the local counter-
|
|
revolutionary forces and the numerous armies of
|
|
foreign intervention. The Red Army led by Trotsky
|
|
signed a treaty of co-operation and Lenin talked of
|
|
giving the Ukraine over as an experiment in
|
|
building an anarchist society. The Makhnovists
|
|
were hailed as heroes of the revolution by the
|
|
Bolshevik press.
|
|
|
|
However as soon as the threat of invasion had been
|
|
overcome the Bolshevik leadership tore up the
|
|
treaty and declared war on the Anarchists as if they
|
|
were an army of reaction. This stab in the back led
|
|
to the destruction of the Makhnovist forces at the
|
|
hands of the same Red Army which attacked the
|
|
naval base at Kronstadt and murdered the
|
|
revolutionaries who had been in the forefront of the
|
|
struggle against the Tsar and the Provisional
|
|
Government. Their "crime" was to resist the new
|
|
elite and demand workers power and freedom for
|
|
all revolutionary organisations.
|
|
|
|
Collectivisation
|
|
|
|
The achievements of the Makhnovists were not only
|
|
military. As their army moved through the Ukraine
|
|
they encouraged and helped the setting up of
|
|
collectives among the peasantry and farm labourers.
|
|
Often this had to take second place to the need to
|
|
fight and defeat the varied foreign armies of
|
|
occupation. What was important was that it was
|
|
proved, even in the conditions of war and invasion,
|
|
that production could be organised to benefit all
|
|
rather than to line the pockets of a few.
|
|
|
|
The Russian experience also shows that the fake
|
|
socialists and their parties cannot be trusted. If
|
|
socialism is to triumph power must stay with those
|
|
who produce society's wealth. No party, no matter
|
|
how well intentioned, can deliver socialism on a
|
|
plate. Workers must take power and build the new
|
|
order themselves.
|
|
|
|
Spain
|
|
|
|
Of all the western countries Spain is where the
|
|
Anarchist influence predominated. Introduced in
|
|
the last century it rapidly spread throughout the
|
|
country. This led to the formation of the Anarchist
|
|
Union C.N.T. (National Confederation of Labour)
|
|
in 1911. In the years up to the beginning of the
|
|
Spanish Civil War in 1936 the CNT had over two
|
|
million members. It was the major union in the
|
|
most industrialised areas, especially Catalonia and
|
|
its capital Barcelona. It also had a large base among
|
|
day labourers and small peasants in most provinces.
|
|
|
|
The CNT was a revolutionary union of workers
|
|
(usually described as Syndicalist or anarcho-
|
|
syndicaIist). Its role was twofold. Firstly to fight to
|
|
improve conditions for workers and secondly to
|
|
organise for the overthrow of capitalism. Its beliefs
|
|
were translated into action at every opportunity and
|
|
this militant tradition attracted workers in their
|
|
hundreds of thousands.
|
|
|
|
The CNT organised itself from the place of work.
|
|
Each workplace joined in a federation with other
|
|
workplaces in their region to form a regional
|
|
committee. These regional committees were then
|
|
federated on a national basis and formed a national
|
|
committee. Within each particular industry there
|
|
was also a regional and national federation.
|
|
|
|
Assemblies of workers were the core of the CNT.
|
|
These made the decisions and elected delegates to
|
|
regional and national level. All delegates could be
|
|
recalled and replaced by the assembly if the
|
|
members were not satisfied with their conduct.
|
|
Thus no decisions could be made without
|
|
consulting the rank and file membership. There
|
|
were no full-time union bureaucrats beyond the
|
|
control of the workers.
|
|
|
|
The number of full-time officials was minimal.
|
|
They were elected for specified periods after which
|
|
they had to stand down and return to their previous
|
|
job. At all times they were subject to control by the
|
|
rank and file. The experience and organisation of
|
|
the CNT shows that contrary to popular belief
|
|
Anarchists are not anti-organisation. In reality
|
|
Anarchism is highly organised and allows for the
|
|
participation of all. Nor are we against
|
|
centralisation. What is important is that those at the
|
|
centre are recallable and directly responsible to
|
|
those they are elected to represent.
|
|
|
|
The Civil War
|
|
|
|
The Civil War started with an attempted fascist
|
|
coup following the victory of the Popular Front (an
|
|
alliance of liberal, republic, socialist, and Stalinist
|
|
parties) in the 1936 elections. In response to the
|
|
coup the workers mobilised to defeat fascism.
|
|
popular militias were formed by the unions and
|
|
workers seized factories. Peasants took over land
|
|
which had been abandoned by the landlords. This
|
|
marked the beginning of the revolution for the
|
|
Anarchists. They believed that the Civil War had to
|
|
be not just a fight against fascism but also against
|
|
the capitalist system which had spawned fascism in
|
|
the first place. Thus they set about seizing factories
|
|
and ranches and turning them over to workers
|
|
control.
|
|
|
|
In the zones controlled by the Anarchists workers
|
|
self-management became a reality. In Catalonia
|
|
there were at least 2,000 industrial and commercial
|
|
collectives. At least 60% of "republican" Spain's
|
|
agriculture (that part controlled by anti-fascist
|
|
forces including the Anarchists) was collectivised.
|
|
|
|
In the workplaces councils or "comite" elected by
|
|
assemblies of workers and representing all sectors
|
|
of the enterprise, were given the task of
|
|
administering the collectivised factory.
|
|
Collectivised enterprises in each sector of industry
|
|
were represented in an Economic Federation. This
|
|
in turn was topped by a General Industrial Council
|
|
which would closely control the whole industry.
|
|
|
|
Here is a description of the organisation of gas,
|
|
electricity and water in Barcelona. "Each type of job
|
|
(e.g. fitters )set up a section consisting of at least
|
|
fifteen workers Where they were not the numbers to
|
|
do this workers from different trades got together to
|
|
constitute a general section . Each section
|
|
nominates two delegates which are chosen by
|
|
assemblies of the workers. One of the delegates will
|
|
be of a technical calibre and will participate in the
|
|
"comite" of the workplace. The other will be
|
|
entrusted with the management of work in the
|
|
section.
|
|
|
|
The "comite" of the building or plant comes next. It
|
|
is nominated by the delegates of the sections and
|
|
consists of a technician, a manual worker and an
|
|
administrator. The manual worker has to solve
|
|
difficulties which might arise between different
|
|
sections. He or she receives suggestions from
|
|
workers in the different trades and the sections give
|
|
him or her daily reports on the progress of work.
|
|
Periodically the delegate calls the sections to general
|
|
meetings. At these proposals and initiatives which
|
|
are likely to improve production and productivity
|
|
are studied as well as ones to improve the workers'
|
|
situation. A copy of the deliberation is sent to the
|
|
Council for Industry
|
|
|
|
The delegates with administrative functions
|
|
supervises the arrival and warehousing of materials,
|
|
records requirements details with book-keeping for
|
|
supplies and reserves, and keeps an eye on the state
|
|
of income and expenditure. S/He also deals with
|
|
correspondence and it is his/her responsibility to
|
|
see that balance sheets and reports addressed to the
|
|
Council for Industry are prepared.
|
|
|
|
The delegate with technical functions supervises the
|
|
activities of his section, and uses every endeavour to
|
|
increase productivity. to lighten the workers'
|
|
burden by introducing new methods. S/He checks
|
|
on production at the power stations, the state of the
|
|
network, prepares statistics and charts indicating
|
|
how production is developing. At the summit there
|
|
are the Councils of Industry. One each for gas,
|
|
electricity and water, Each is composed of eight
|
|
delegates, four from the U. G. T. (the socialist
|
|
trade union) and four from the C.N.T. These are
|
|
capped by the General Council of the three
|
|
industries, which is also made up by eight delegates
|
|
drawn equally from the two unions.
|
|
|
|
This Council co-ordinates activities of the three
|
|
industries; attunes the production and distribution
|
|
of raw materials from a regional, national and
|
|
international point of view; modifies prices;
|
|
organises general administration; indeed takes and
|
|
uses all initiatives useful to production and the
|
|
workers' needs. Meanwhile it is obliged at all times
|
|
to submit its' activities to the scrutiny of local and
|
|
regional union assemblies"
|
|
|
|
This account is taken from "Collectives in the
|
|
Spanish Revolution" by Gaston Leval.
|
|
|
|
On the Trams
|
|
|
|
The achievements of collectivisation in Barcelona
|
|
were many. Take for example the tramways. Out
|
|
of the 7,000 workers 6,500 were members of the
|
|
CNT. Because of the street battles all transport had
|
|
been brought to a halt. The transport syndicate (as
|
|
unions of the CNT were known) appointed a
|
|
commission of seven to occupy the administrative
|
|
offices while others inspected the tracks and drew
|
|
up a plan of repair work that needed to be done.
|
|
Five days after the fighting stopped 700 tramcars,
|
|
instead of the usual 600, all painted in the black and
|
|
red colours of the CNT, were operating on the
|
|
streets of Barcelona.
|
|
|
|
With the profit motive gone, the trams had
|
|
belonged to a Belgian company before the workers
|
|
took over, safety became more important and the
|
|
number of accidents was reduced. Fares were
|
|
lowered and services improved. In 1936,
|
|
183,543,516 passengers were carried. In 1937 this
|
|
had gone up by 50 million. The trams were running
|
|
so efficiently that the workers were able to give
|
|
money to other sections of urban transport. Wages
|
|
were equalised for all workers and increased over
|
|
the previous rates. For the first time free medical
|
|
care was provided for the workforce.
|
|
|
|
As well as giving a more efficient service the
|
|
workers found time to produce rockets and
|
|
howitzers for the war effort. They worked overtime
|
|
and Sundays to do their share for the anti-fascist
|
|
struggle. To further underline the fact that getting
|
|
rid of the bosses and rulers would not lead to a
|
|
breakdown of order it can be pointed out that in the
|
|
three years of collectivisation there were only six
|
|
cases of workers stealing from the workshops.
|
|
|
|
On the Land
|
|
|
|
The countryside also saw collectivisation. In
|
|
Aragon which was near the war front-line
|
|
collectivisation took root and spread like wildfire.
|
|
In February 1937 there were 275 collectives totalling
|
|
80,000 members. Three months later there were 450
|
|
collectives with 180,000 members. Often the
|
|
peasants and farm labourers went further than their
|
|
counterparts in the towns and cities. Not only was
|
|
production collectivised but in rural areas
|
|
consumption too. In many of these areas money
|
|
was abolished.
|
|
|
|
Large estates were taken over by landless labourers,
|
|
small holders put their land together so that it could
|
|
be worked more efficiently by the use of machinery.
|
|
Collectives were based around the villages and
|
|
federated on a regional basis.
|
|
|
|
Usually the decision to collectivise was made at an
|
|
assembly (a meeting of all the village). It meant
|
|
handing over land, livestock, tools, seed, stocks of
|
|
wheat and other produce. The land was then
|
|
divided into sectors, each of which was assigned to
|
|
a work group of about a dozen who elected their
|
|
own delegate. Produce went into the "pile" for
|
|
communal consumption. Each would produce
|
|
according to their ability, each would consume
|
|
according to their needs.
|
|
|
|
Collectivisation did not only apply to the land. In
|
|
the villages workshops were set up where all the
|
|
local trades people would produce tools, furniture,
|
|
etc. for the village and also carry out repairs to the
|
|
collectivists houses. Bakers, butchers, barbers and
|
|
so on were also collectivised.
|
|
|
|
The lot of rural workers and peasants was improved
|
|
by the introduction of machinery. Living standards
|
|
rose, in the words of one collectivist "those who had
|
|
less now ate more and better - no one went short".
|
|
Education became a central concern and young
|
|
children who had never been to school were given
|
|
the education denied to them by the landlords and
|
|
their system.
|
|
|
|
Women's' Action
|
|
|
|
Gains were also made by women. In relation to
|
|
their role during the Civil War observers have
|
|
pointed out that they played a full part in the anti-
|
|
fascist resistance. They were present everywhere -
|
|
on committees, in the militias, in the front line. In
|
|
the early battles of the war women fought alongside
|
|
men as a matter of course. It was not merely a case
|
|
of women filling in for men who were away at the
|
|
front. (Which is usually the case in wartime. When
|
|
the war is over and women are no longer needed in
|
|
the labour force, they are pushed back into the
|
|
home).
|
|
|
|
They were in the militias and fought alongside the
|
|
men as equals. They were organising the collectives
|
|
and taking up the fight for against the sexist
|
|
attitudes of the past which have no place in any real
|
|
revolution.
|
|
|
|
The Anarchist women's organisation, Mujeres
|
|
Libres (Free Women), had 30,000 members. It had
|
|
been active before the Civil War organising women
|
|
workers and distributing information on
|
|
contraception. During the war abortion was
|
|
legalised in the "republican zone". Centres were
|
|
opened for women, including unmarried mothers
|
|
and prostitutes.
|
|
|
|
>From all accounts there truly were changes in
|
|
attitudes towards women. One woman participant
|
|
in the Civil War has said "It was like being brothers
|
|
and sisters. It had always annoyed me that men in
|
|
this country didn't consider women as beings with
|
|
full human rights. But now there was this big
|
|
change. I believe it arose spontaneously out of the
|
|
revolutionary movement" Margorita Balaguer
|
|
quoted in "Blood of Spain" ed. Ronald Fraser. page
|
|
287
|
|
|
|
This sort of thing is common to most revolutionary
|
|
situations. When people begin to throw off the old
|
|
ideas and start creating a new society their views on
|
|
many things change. This is not inevitable though
|
|
and does not negate the need for propaganda and
|
|
activity against sexism, not only in society as a
|
|
whole but also within the revolutionary movement
|
|
itself.
|
|
|
|
Not all Roses ...
|
|
|
|
This account of the collectivisation is, of necessity,
|
|
brief. The main point is that given the right
|
|
conditions mutual aid and co-operation will flourish
|
|
- Problems did arise in Spain as is inevitable. The
|
|
Anarchists made mistakes. In our opinion they
|
|
hesitated in carrying out their programme - Instead
|
|
of seizing power and making a direct appeal to the
|
|
workers to take control of economic and social
|
|
affairs, they collaborated with the Popular Front
|
|
and ended up joining the government.
|
|
|
|
They were also attacked by the Communist party
|
|
who preferred defeat by the fascists then the
|
|
victory of anarchism. The Communists were tied to
|
|
the needs of Stalin's foreign policy which meant not
|
|
upsetting the Western powers. To them the
|
|
restoration of the capitalist order was preferable to
|
|
seeing the working class take power. And that
|
|
should come as no surprise as the Stalinist system in
|
|
Russia is no more than another form of capitalism.
|
|
|
|
The Lessons
|
|
|
|
History is not neutral. What we learn in school is
|
|
the necessity for government, rulers and capitalism.
|
|
What we do not learn is that many times it has been
|
|
shown that this government is not necessary.
|
|
People are not inherently bad. Given the right
|
|
conditions a spirit of mutual aid and co-operation
|
|
can grow. People are not naturally evil and greedy.
|
|
We only have to look at the response from ordinary
|
|
people to the appeal for aid for Ethiopia to see this.
|
|
|
|
Economic conditions determine peoples' behaviour.
|
|
How we act is related to the structure of society and
|
|
the dominant value system within it. When
|
|
structures are changed and oppression and
|
|
exploitation is done away with the "goodness" that
|
|
is in most of us come through and flourishes as it
|
|
did when the workers held the reigns in Russia and
|
|
Spain. The experience of self-management is not
|
|
limited to these countries but is something that has
|
|
been seen in most countries at some stage. In the
|
|
early 1920's creameries, farms, Cork Harbour and
|
|
Kilkenny gasworks were taken over and run as
|
|
Soviets (the Russian word for workers councils).
|
|
|
|
What Anarchists are saying are not just' `nice ideas.
|
|
History shows us that these ideas can work. A new
|
|
society can be created with the workers in control.
|
|
But it won't happen spontaneously - We must
|
|
organise for it.
|
|
|
|
That is why we need revolutionary organisation.
|
|
An organisation that draws together all those
|
|
fighting for workers control. An organisation that
|
|
gives us the chance to exchange ideas and
|
|
experiences, and to learn from the lessons of history.
|
|
An organisation that allows us to struggle together
|
|
for a new society.
|
|
|
|
We do not need a group of leaders and their passive
|
|
followers. We do need an organisation working
|
|
towards mobilising the mass of ordinary people in
|
|
the process of making the revolution. If you
|
|
like what you have just read, you should start
|
|
working to build just such an organisation.
|
|
|
|
|
|
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
|
|
|
|
The Workers Solidarity Movement can be contacted at
|
|
PO Box 1528, Dublin 8, Ireland
|
|
|
|
or by anonymous e-mail to an64739@anon.penet.fi
|
|
|
|
Some of our material is available via the Spunk press electronic archive
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by FTP to etext.archive.umich.edu or 141.211.164.18
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or by gopher ("gopher etext.archive.umich.edu")
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in the directory /pub/Politics/Spunk/texts/groups/WSM
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