895 lines
49 KiB
Plaintext
895 lines
49 KiB
Plaintext
NONE DARE CALL IT REASON:
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Kids, Cults, and Common Sense
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Robert Hicks/Law Enforcement Section Department of Criminal
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Justice Services 805 E. Broad Street Richmond, Virginia 232l9
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804-786-8421
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Talk prepared for the Virginia Department for Children's l2th
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Annual Legislative Forum, Roanoke, Virginia, September 22, 1989
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In an article on satanic cults in Family Violence Bulletin
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published by the University of Texas at Tyler, Dr. Paula
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Lundberg-Love writes of a seminar she attended entitled "Ritualistic
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Child Abuse and Adolescent
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Indoctrination." Quoting the seminar instructor, who is president of
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the Cult Awareness Council in Houston, Lundberg-Love writes that "some
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satanic cults are created for the expressed purposes of child
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prostitution or the production of child pornography" and that
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"'religion' has proved to be a good 'front' for organized child
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prostitution and pornography rings." Perhaps more damning as a
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reflection on our collective impotence, she points out that "in many
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states, ritualistic behavior is not against the law" (l989: 9).
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In recounting the amazing and startling facts she learned,
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Lundberg-Love offers the following insight about how satanists ply
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their trade:
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There are also individuals within the cult to whom
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particular tasks are assigned. Transporters are the
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people who take babies and ship them out-of-state.
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Spotters have the task of looking for recruits or
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objects. Breeders are, as their name implies, used
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for the purposes of breeding. The production of
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'snuff' films (films in which an individual is
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actually killed) is associated with these persons.
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[The seminar instructor] suggested that juveniles
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may be being used to transport these films across
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the border. (Ibid.)
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I can only admire Houston's Cult Awareness Council for their
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shrewd investigative work in uncovering the clandestine mechanics of a
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satanic international conspiracy so slick and sophisticated that its
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members remain faceless, having never been identified, and its
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murderous activities remain covert because the satanists leave no
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traces of their nefarious undertakings. Yet the Cult Awareness
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Council has produced a model of the cult's activities that is specific
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and detailed. But, of course, we have no evidence of satanic child
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prostitution, no evidence that women breed babies for sacrifice, no
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one has ever found a snuff film. But Lundberg-Love's article has
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credibility: the article's author is the associate director of the
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Family Violence Research and Treatment Program at the University of
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Texas, Tyler.
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I suggest that Houston's Cult Awareness Council, intentionally or
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perhaps, worse, unwittingly, has become a conduit for a farrago of
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half-truths, unsupported generalizations, vague musings, hysteria, and
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downright ignorance fostered in part by Fundamentalist Christian
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groups with the willing collusion of police and the so-called helping
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professions. Lundberg-Love, by reiterating satanic nonsense to other
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professionals, has shown irresponsibility stirred by an inability to
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think critically. Or drop the "critically": an inability to think
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underlies claims about women who breed babies for satanic sacrifices,
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about children forced to witness human sacrifice in daycare centers,
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about teenagers transformed into zombies by playing Dungeons and
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Dragons.
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More insidious from my point of view is her observation that
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satanic cults operate under the guise of religion and thus deserve
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First Amendment protection, therefore precluding legal retaliation
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against these evildoers. This observation begs the question of
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necessity. In times of stress, people seek to proscribe or
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criminalize behavior that they imagine threatens the larger public
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good. We must curtail civil liberties, for awhile, some say, because
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of an immediate necessity to do so. Threats of immanent harm from our
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enemies necessitate an abrogation of certain rights. Illicit drug use
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has reached such epidemic proportions that we must of necessity unlock
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closed doors in the Fourth Amendment to allow police to conduct
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intrusive searches otherwise prohibited by the Constitution. We must
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of necessity allow the government more power to protect us from
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outsiders. Satanism presents such a threat to us that we necessarily
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must ban certain forms of rock music to protect our children, remove
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books on witchcraft and the occult from school libraries, confiscate
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Dungeons and Dragons books on school property.
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I maintain that although satanic or occult symbols seem to be
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enjoying popularity today among teens, their presence does not betoken
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a lost kid, one in satan's thrall. Historian Jeffrey Burton Russell
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has observed, "Rooted in adolescent resentment of authority, [kids
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use] the terms and symbols of the occult to express cultural rebellion
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rather than personal belief" (l986: 257). If today you came to hear
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lurid tales of children participating in pornographic movies produced
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by satan's film unit or of demons nabbing teenagers while playing
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Dungeons and Dragons and forced to kill their families, I'm going to
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disappoint you. Most of you not only work with children in the
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capacities of educators, therapists, law enforcers, but you also
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assume the role of advocates for children's welfare. I ask you not to
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relinquish any of those roles but I do ask that you not relinquish
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your critical faculties, as Lundberg-Love has done, whenever you hear
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the words "ritualistic," "satanic," "occult," or "cult."
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Do not dissolve your gray matter and willingly adopt as immutable
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truths such ideas as: children never lie about sexual abuse;
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teenagers who are Girl or Boy Scouts, members of a church, or good
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students cannot do nasty things, or if they do, someone or something
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made them do it. Or that teens have so little free will that lurking
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satanists will deceive them into attending sex and drug parties and
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thereby swear them in as card-carrying minions of The Evil One. Or
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that teens have so little judgment where fantasy is concerned that we
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must absolutely control all that they read and hear.
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In particular, question glib assertions made at cult awareness
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seminars. Analyze the cause-effect relationships foisted on you.
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Question cult experts' credentials. As for law enforcers, you will
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find that most police cult experts derive their expertise from
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attending other cult seminars. I recently spoke opposite a State
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Police officer who gave a slide program on satanism but admitted that
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he had never investigated a putative cult crime; his work, rather,
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involved accounting. You could have invited another speaker here
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today, one who purports that teens are in great danger of satanic or
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occult influence and that, in particular, Dungeons and Dragons damages
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kids' psyches. Patricia A. Pulling, though, who heads Bothered About
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Dungeons and Dragons (BADD), has no clinical background, though
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parents frequently haul their misbehaving children before her for an
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analysis of their satanic proclivities. She recently represented
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herself at a Virginia cult seminar as being "a private investigator
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with the state of Virginia" and noted that she had received
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"innumerable degrees and awards." As far as I know, her innumerable
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degrees extend to an AA from J. Sargent Reynolds Community College,
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Richmond, but the private investigator business implies some
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association with state government. In truth, she holds a state
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license to be a private investigator, a pursuit requiring one week of
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classroom training. Period. But beyond what she says, the publisher
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of her recent book, The Devil's Web, refers to her as "a police
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detective." Such wishful thinking smacks of dishonesty.
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Yet popular speakers like Pat Pulling assert that 95 to l50 kids
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have committed suicide related to playing Dungeons and Dragons.
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People at her seminars nod sagely and gasp in astonishment that our
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government allows such a game to exist. What is her proof of this
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assertion? In her booklet, Dungeons and Dragons, she offers a series
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of newspaper clippings to prove her point. In one, with no source
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cited, an Arlington, Texas, boy killed himself with a shotgun in front
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of his drama class. The first paragraph of the article notes that the
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boy "was a devotee of the fantasy game Dungeons and Dragons and had a
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lead role in this weekend's school play," an odd parallel comment,
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perhaps. An observation occurs further on in the article that the boy
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enjoyed the game. But where is the causal relationship? The article
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quotes the boys' friends as commenting on his character, but no one
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quoted even links the game to the death. Yet this article, for all
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its superficiality, counts as a statistical fatality (BADD n.d.). And
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no one challenges this assertion at Pulling's seminars.
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In The Devil's Web, Pulling defines Dungeons and Dragons as a
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"fantasy role-playing game which uses demonology, witchcraft, voodoo,
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murder, rape, blasphemy, suicide, assassination, insanity, sex
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perversion, homosexuality, prostitution, satanic type rituals, . .
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.and many other teachings. There have been a number of deaths
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nationwide where [such games] were either the decisive factor in
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adolescent suicide and murder, or played a major factor.
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. .Since role-playing is used typically for behavior modification, it
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has become apparent nationwide . . .that there is a great need to
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investigate every aspect of a youngster's environment. . ." (l989:
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179). Pulling further states that fantasy role-playing games "are
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representative of the many subtle ways in which occult influences can
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prey upon the minds of children" (Ibid.: l02). But the game retails
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in images and symbols: kids enact imaginary adventures through
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imaginary means, not by translating the action to their everyday
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environment.
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Pulling's main scare about D&D is that the game contains some
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bona fide occult material, whatever that is. She seems to think that
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where game designers use demons and monsters from the writings of
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medieval and late l9th century English sources, that somehow the game
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takes on a pernicious magic of its own. Pulling is alarmed at the
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nature of the demons and monsters invoked by the game, but the
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monsters, often drawn from the encyclopedia or from game designers'
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imaginations, bear no evil beyond what people impute to them. If we
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bridle at D&D, then we must take offense at the Creature from the
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Black Lagoon, a multitude of plastic toys found at any shopping mall,
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comic books, Saturday morning TV, and the like. Demons, monsters,
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creatures from space populate kids' imaginations and one easily
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sees why: Star Trek, Star Wars, and like films ensure that space
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beings take on an omnipresent reality, coupled with "legitimate"
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science. Pulling also introduces a paradox and an insight: she
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claims that the students most susceptible to falling within the
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spiraling path to hell are bright boys with varied interests who may
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lack social skills. In other words, nerds. The insight in all this
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focuses on the kids' interests. A
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recent anthropological study of modern witches and magic in Britain
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observed that many male adherents of magic groups had computer
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backgrounds,
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an observation made by many people about D&D players (Luhrman l989:
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l06).
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Anthropologist T. M. Luhrmann observes that these folks also read
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science
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fiction in abundance. She speculates on why these people gravitate to
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magic:
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[S]everal possible explanations present themselves.
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Perhaps the most important is that both magic and
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computer science involve creating a world defined by
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chosen rules, and playing within their limits. Both
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in magic and in computer science words and symbols have
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a power which most secular, modern endeavors deny them.
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Those drawn to the symbol-rich rule-governed world of
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computer science may be attracted by magic. . .One
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reason that the fantasy games designed for the computer
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may be so appealing may be because of the complexity of
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the rules. Another explanation is the sense of mastery
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and power when the machine obeys your dictates, which
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may feel like the mastery of magic. . .The wizard commands
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the material world, breaking the laws which seem to bind
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it. (Ibid.: l07).
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Massachusetts Institute of Technology sociologist S. Turkle has
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written at length about young men's involvement with computers and
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D&D. I refer you to The Second Self: Computers and the Human Spirit,
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by S. Turkle, l984, published by the MIT Press.
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So Pulling scares parents by isolating from context specific
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rules concerning particular demons, overlooking the game's
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intellectual challenge: after all, since the game involves no board,
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players must rely on imagery and imagination. If one removes the aura
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of a supernatural netherworld from the game, and if one questions the
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shoddy evidence for the game's links to teen murder and suicide, what
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is one left with? Just a game. I make no apologies for ruining
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anyone's scapegoat for the world's ills, if you do find the game
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scary. Quite possibly some people find the game a mental accessory to
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a criminal propensity: but question closely any convicted murderer
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who claims that D&D made him do it. Sociopaths need no such
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justification, but when confined to prison cells contemplating a bleak
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future, why not blame one's behavior on a game?
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But back to Pulling's model of the D&D player. Those kids who
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are intelligent with poor social skills simply defines the process of
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growing up. By imbuing games with some supernatural taint, we deny
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kids their own intelligence and ability to make choices. When the
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Pasadena, Texas, school board decided to ban the l960's peace symbol
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from school property, they did so because a cult seminar advised
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teachers that the symbol is satanic: that interpretation derives from
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Christian publications that describe the upside-down cross as a
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mockery of Christianity. How do the kids react? One twelve-year-old
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said, "If they ban peace symbols, they'll have to ban basic geometry
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because of all its lines and circles" (Time, July 3, l989). These
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kids ain't fools: they usually separate faddish symbols from serious
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evildoing. But if they know that the symbol offends some adults, what
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do you suppose they'll do? A counselor at the Bon Air detention
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facility in Richmond told me that rooms for kids come equipped with a
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Bible. One teenager took one look at the Bible and challenged the
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counselor: he demanded The Satanic Bible, the one published by Anton
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LaVey, founder of the Church of Satan, in l969. Now, the counselor
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has been challenged: who might win this little power struggle? If the
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counselor leaps back, makes the sign of a cross, and in an hysterical
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voice cries out, "Get thee behind me, Satan," guess who wins? In this
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case, the counselor blandly replied, "Sure. I'll see what I can do.
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Tell me where I can find a copy." For those of you who are worried
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about that response, I can only attribute your worry to not having
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read The Satanic Bible. Read it and you'll agree with religious
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scholar Gordon Melton who has referred to it as "assertiveness
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training with a twist." The book does not even praise a supernatural
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devil and instead relies on Satan's symbolic history in our culture.
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Further, unlike parts of the Christian Bible, The Satanic Bible very
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explicitly warns readers not to physically harm children nor anyone
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else.
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I noted the influence of Fundamentalist Christianity on not only
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the D&D ideology but on other aspects of the satanic cult brouhaha.
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Much of what Pulling and cult cops and other self-proclaimed experts
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parley to audiences comes from Christian sources. For example, the
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earliest denigration of D&D I could come up with, from l980, says
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this:
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Some endeavors offer a greater temptation for ego to
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manifest itself in us, however. The next thing to
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actual defeat of others and self-exaltation as rulers
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over the vanquished is the voluntary, imaginary role-
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playing that is offered by such games as Dungeons and
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Dragons. . .It is not without knowledge that Dungeons
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and Dragons was devised. But it is the knowledge of
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an evil that mingled the Babylonian mystery religions
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with a luke-warm 'Christianity.' (Dager l980)
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The same thoughts have been conveyed to cult awareness audiences
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again and again and again. I asked you earlier to sift such
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information, question it, analyze it, and ask the credentials of these
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experts. Among the books prominently displayed at cult seminars are
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two by Rebecca Brown, MD, He Came to Set the Captives Free and Prepare
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for War. Ken Lanning, FBI special agent who specializes in child
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sexual abuse investigations, raises the issue of cult seminars not
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defining terms, using the "words satanic, occult, and ritualistic"
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interchangeably (l989:4). Lanning particularly cites Brown's
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contributions to this confusion as her "doorways" to demonic
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infestation (to use Lanning's term) include horoscopes, vegetarianism,
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yoga, biofeedback, homosexuality, fraternity oaths, along with the
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standard fantasy role-playing games, Church of Satan, the Hare Krishna
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movement, and so on. So who is Rebecca Brown and why does she wield
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authority? Her title gets attention: she has appeared at seminars
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and on television, no less. What's her background?
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In l984, she was known as Ruth Bailey, MD, and she practiced
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medicine in Indiana. That year, she lost her license. Medical
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examiners concluded that she knowingly misdiagnosed such ailments as
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leukemia, various blood diseases, and even brain tumors in patients
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who were not in fact suffering from these problems. Bailey said that
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she had been "chosen by God" as the only physician who could diagnose
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such maladies which were caused by demons. And, further, other
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doctors could not diagnose these problems because the doctors
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themselves were demons. As a result of these diagnoses, she
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prescribed her patients with massive doses of Demerol and the addicted
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patients had to undergo detoxification. Besides administering drugs
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to patients, Bailey had another novel method up her sleeve: she
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would "share" the patient's disease by injecting herself with "non-
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therapeutic amounts" of Demerol, taking three cubic centimeters of the
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stuff hourly, injecting it in the back of her hands or inside her
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thighs. The psychiatrist who examined her said that she suffered from
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"acute personality disorders including demonic delusions and/or
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paranoid schizophrenia" (Medical Licensing Board of Indiana l984).
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She later moved to California, changing her name to Rebecca Brown
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through a change-of-name petition entered into the Superior Court,
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County of San Bernardino, in l986. There are a few lessons here. Be
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careful not to accept facile explanations of misbehavior at face
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value. Don't uncritically accept a source because it has a Christian
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message.
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By refusing to define "satanism," "occult," and "ritualistic,"
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cult experts can unleash these words to fit any social dilemma,
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misbehavior, or human failing they wish. And they do. The lack of
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definition aids and abets the conspiracy theory fanned by Pulling and
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the cult cops. These cult cops take as evidence of a conspiracy the
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presence of like symbols across the country. They further surmise
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that the presence of a spray-painted inverted pentagram underside a
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bridge in San Francisco not only means the same thing as one on a
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bridge in Norfolk but that some satanic supramind, the international
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conspiracy has organized people to wreak havoc on us all. This
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conspiracy, of course, supposedly recruits children, teens especially.
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Pulling and the cult cops would have us suspend heaps of disbelief to
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accept that the D&D player who peers into the occult through game
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playing gets yanked by some mind-control cult into an abrupt
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personality change characterized by violence and hate. No one wants
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to consider other, more mundane explanations for personality changes
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and mood swings, apparently. But in the face of a complete absence of
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evidence for a conspiracy, some cult cops can find only feeble
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argument.
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Take Idaho police officer Larry Jones, who authors the Cult Crime
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Impact Network newsletter, a Fundamentalist-biased periodical widely
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read by cult cops. In defense of the lack of evidence, Jones tosses
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the question back: "'To people who say, prove to me these secret cults
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exist, I say, prove they don't'" (Springston l989). To this inanity,
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I find the reply easy: since my orientation to the cult scare
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concerns law enforcement, a perspective Jones should share, I say that
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police officers have no obligation to prove that the satanic
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mastercult doesn't exist. Police officers operate under well-founded
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reasonable suspicion to look into suspected wrongdoing, and they make
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arrests based on probable cause. Both reasonable suspicion and
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probable cause have fairly precise definitions supported by reams of
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case law. I can't prove that UFO's exist, but just prove to me that
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they don't. I can't prove that termites built the Great Pyramid, but
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just prove to me that they didn't. When Richmond Bureau of Police
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Lieutenant Lawrence Haake was asked whether he had any evidence of
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satanic sacrifices of people, he admitted he didn't but added, "'No
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evidence can be evidence'" (Ibid.) Sure, perhaps, but no evidence can
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also mean that none exists. Many cult cops have indeed asserted that
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the lack of any evidence testifies to the satanic cult's success at
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covering their tracks. Well, if you're backed into a corner, try
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tossing skepticism back into the lap of the skeptic. Pulling
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maintains that many unsolved homicides might be sacrificial victims
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and says, "'They certainly have found a number of unsolved murders
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with no motive, haven't they?'" (Ibid.) Some have gone unsolved, yes,
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but one cannot logically conclude that satanists did them. But I
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almost forgot: these shifty satanists, says Pulling, include the
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intelligentsia and power brokers of our society, so we might as well
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cave in than resist (Briggs l988). Better devil red than dead.
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Which brings us back to definitions for a moment. A satanic
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ritualistic killing, to the cult cops, ought to be defined as a
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killing performed in propitiation of satan. We certainly have plenty
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of killers around who claim a satanic motivation, but killers simply
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adopt an ideology that justifies or explains what they would do in any
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case. The argument that a true satanic killing would therefore
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implicate those mild, middle-class, suburban engineers and doctors and
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lawyers simply vanishes upon scrutiny: such folks haven't yet been
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arrested for these sacrifices. So much for satanic crime. On to
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"occult." As Lanning points out, "Occult means simply 'hidden,'" a
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term unconnected with crime, but used by cult cops to refer "to the
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action or influence of supernatural powers. . .or an interest in
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paranormal phenomena" (l989:5). But Lanning rails against the
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use of "ritualistic," since folks who point fingers and yell
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"ritualistic!" forget that ritual governs our lives in benign fashion.
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Again, Lanning: "During law enforcement training conferences on this
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topic, ritualistic almost always comes to mean satanic or at least
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spiritual. Ritual can refer to a prescribed religious ceremony, but
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in its broader meaning refers to any customarily repeated act or
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series of acts. The need to repeat these acts can be cultural,
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sexual, or psychological as well as spiritual" (Ibid.: 7). He
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concludes: "The most important point for the criminal investigator is
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to realize that most ritualistic criminal behavior is not motivated
|
||
simply by satanic or religious ceremonies" (Ibid. 9). I refer you to
|
||
Lanning for an extended discussion of the word.
|
||
We've attached some meaning to "ritual," "occult," and "satanic
|
||
crime," so we're left with "cult." Definitions of the word depend on
|
||
the scholarly purposes they serve. But I have not been so concerned
|
||
with the academic treatment of the word, but rather its current
|
||
connotation in cult awareness seminars. I agree with Gordon Melton
|
||
that "[t]he term 'cult' is a pejorative label used to describe certain
|
||
religious groups outside of the mainstream of Western religion"
|
||
(l986:3) The pejorative quality of the label is borne out by the
|
||
attributes heaped on cults by cult experts: that cult members must
|
||
swear obedience to the all-powerful leader, that cults pursue ends
|
||
that justify the means, that cults retain members through mind
|
||
control methods. This language has been pretty consistently applied
|
||
to nonconformists for a few centuries now. Rather, I agree with
|
||
Melton that "Cults represent a force of religious innovation within a
|
||
culture" (Ibid.), but Melton's social science approach to categorizing
|
||
and studying cults doesn't mesh with the cult seminar use of the term.
|
||
In a very broad sense, cults don't even have to be religious. Cult
|
||
cops assume that two or more kids who hang out together and wear
|
||
upside down crosses, pentagrams, and Ozzy Osborne buttons might be
|
||
cult members. This kind of cult in former days we called a clique.
|
||
Now, we are to assume that such kids have gotten sucked into a black
|
||
hole of mind control, manipulation by satanic recruiters, all
|
||
unwarranted assumptions. But some cults we know to promote
|
||
violence. Let me name a few: The Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the
|
||
Lord; The Christian Conservative Church of America; The Church of
|
||
Christ of Christian Aryan Nations (all described in Melton l986).
|
||
Sorry, though: I couldn't come up with any satanic groups which
|
||
promote the militarism of these Christian organizations.
|
||
|
||
More directly, when we allow cult seminar presenters to rant away
|
||
without defining their terms or by being explicit about what they know
|
||
and don't know, we play a dangerous game. Gordon Melton observes that
|
||
when people speak of "them" as satanic, or as an enemy, or as a
|
||
criminal cult, we thereby "express [our] contempt of others and . .
|
||
.assign them a status outside the realm of God's chosen, and hence of
|
||
lesser worth, [which] is the religious equivalent of secular terms
|
||
such as 'nigger,' 'kike,' or 'wop'" (Ibid. 259). When the Matamoros
|
||
murders hit the headlines, the newspapers dubbed them "satanic," a
|
||
term that disappeared within a week as it became obvious to
|
||
investigators that the murders had nothing to do with satanic cults.
|
||
But the labels that stuck involved foreign experiences such as Palo
|
||
Mayombe and Santeria, words most Americans heard for the first time.
|
||
But to dub the killings as Santeria or Palo Mayombe, drawn as
|
||
perverse cults by the press, amounts to impure and simple racism.
|
||
What I cannot understand is the Fundamentalist Christian diatribe
|
||
against nonChristian beliefs that have been tagged as cultic. As I
|
||
have pointed out, cult cops freely label groups as cults and therefore
|
||
imply a threat to one's free will. But as the historian Jeffrey
|
||
Burton Russell has pointed out, such people "claim that a belief in
|
||
the Devil erodes human responsibility, but Christianity has always
|
||
insisted that the Devil has no power to coerce or compel the human
|
||
will" (l986: 300).
|
||
|
||
I hope I have forced your attention to the importance of
|
||
developing solid definitions for social problems. Precise definition
|
||
provides the best map through which to explore the phenomena of
|
||
children's behavior. But, of course, you know this. Simply don't
|
||
forget it when cults enter the fray. Imprecision and casual
|
||
name-calling by cult awareness seminars has led to severe consequences
|
||
for both children and adult child advocates.
|
||
I would like to cite one example, one, unfortunately, which I stress
|
||
is not unique. But my example illustrates how the helping professions
|
||
may ignore suggestions of actual physical or mental abuse and instead
|
||
pursue claims of satanic goings on in daycare centers and in the
|
||
process the counselors, therapists, and police end up abusing
|
||
children.
|
||
|
||
Since l983, the country witnessed the first of many cases of
|
||
purported satanic abuse of children in daycare centers, beginning with
|
||
the McMartin case in California, followed quickly by the Jordan,
|
||
Minnesota case, and they continue to happen. The best and most
|
||
critical examination of such cases appeared in a series of
|
||
investigative reports published in a Memphis newspaper, The Commercial
|
||
Appeal, last year. Journalists Tom Charlier and Shirley Downing found
|
||
that these cases were "not really about ritual child abuse at all.
|
||
[They] are about the dangers of popular justice, a less-than-skeptical
|
||
press and the presumption of guilt" (l988). Over a hundred cities
|
||
have witnessed the same pattern: a single incident of alleged abuse
|
||
by a single child mushroomed into mass accusations of parents, daycare
|
||
center workers, and even prosecutors and police. The children's
|
||
stories which launched the cases were usually uncorroborated by
|
||
physical evidence or even adult testimony. Further, the nature of the
|
||
prosecutory system itself fanned the flames of accusation. By the
|
||
time such cases entered court, the news media greedily reported
|
||
children's stories of devil worship, nude dancing with daycare staff,
|
||
varieties of sexual assault, human and animal sacrifice, nude
|
||
photography, bondage, drowning, cooking and eating babies' limbs, and
|
||
so on. And the investigators, who pursued evidence of crime, acted as
|
||
advocates by removing kids from their homes before their parents had
|
||
even been investigated, much less charged with crimes.
|
||
|
||
Unfortunately, these stories reveal that prosecutors, allied with
|
||
parents, adopted as an unqualified truth the assertion that children
|
||
don't lie about abuse. Yet investigators asked children leading
|
||
questions, interviewed them as many as 50 times in some cases, refused
|
||
to accept kids' denials that satanic abuse took place, offered rewards
|
||
or exerted pressure to obtain correct testimony from them. One case,
|
||
in Bakersfield, California a few years ago, produced prison terms
|
||
totalling 26l9 years for seven defendants, which set a record (Mathews
|
||
l989).
|
||
|
||
The Bakersfield case began in l984 when a girl reported to her
|
||
mother that two men had "touched" her in a peculiar way. Within a
|
||
year's time, the one allegation evolved into a sex abuse ring, satanic
|
||
rituals, and infanticide (what follows derives from a report of the
|
||
Office of the Attorney General, California, l986). Twenty-one children
|
||
had been placed in protective custody away from their homes. How did
|
||
this happen?
|
||
|
||
Once removed from their homes, the children endured repeated
|
||
questioning by police, therapists, and welfare workers. Further, the
|
||
sheriff's department interviewed children in isolation while in
|
||
protective custody. Parents were arbitrarily arrested and released
|
||
with no charges filed. The deputies, most of whom had virtually no
|
||
training in child abuse matters (and had not even attended mandatory
|
||
California inservice training in the subject, although they found time
|
||
to attend a satanic cult seminar), simply deferred their questioning
|
||
of children to a child protective services worker, described as
|
||
zealous for her unqualified belief that the children maintained the
|
||
truth under questioning. Yet the questioning occurred repeatedly,
|
||
even after the sheriff's deputies discussed the case before church
|
||
groups and evolved their own beliefs about what was occurring. The
|
||
deputies received virtually no supervision and no one coordinated the
|
||
efforts of the three agencies trying to investigate the case. In all,
|
||
l9 victims were interviewed l34 times. Searches yielded no evidence
|
||
of sexual abuse or satanic crime, yet the deputies did not follow
|
||
cues which required physical evidence gathering. For example, many
|
||
kids claimed to have been drugged during cult rituals, yet no one
|
||
tested them for drugs. Efforts to obtain any corroborative physical
|
||
evidence were feeble or nonexistent. Further, deputies did not even
|
||
furnish verbatim interviews with the children, instead simply
|
||
paraphrasing the interviews and offering in the transcripts
|
||
unsupported conclusions.
|
||
|
||
Once in custody, kids mingled and had many opportunities to
|
||
"cross germinate" their stories. Very significantly, the child
|
||
witnesses first denied that their parents were involved in the satanic
|
||
molestations, but after repeated questioning under the direction of
|
||
the zealous therapist, children not only implicated their parents but
|
||
also many investigators in the case. The sheriff's deputies and the
|
||
social worker conducted their inquisition based on the premise that
|
||
"children do not lie." This meant that investigators took children's
|
||
statements at face value and neglected to do further corroborative
|
||
work. The following interview took place between a suspected
|
||
parent-abuser and the social worker:
|
||
|
||
Social worker: Okay, ah. . .you know when children, when
|
||
children tell law enforcement or Child Protective Services. . .
|
||
|
||
Suspect: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: About somebody we believe children, okay.
|
||
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: Especially little, ah, would involve children but these are
|
||
just, you know, four, four, five and six-year olds. . .
|
||
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: Okay, and they don't have, they shouldn't have knowledge of
|
||
this stuff, they have a lot of knowledge, a lot of explicit
|
||
details, knowledge, they say cream was being used. . .lotion.
|
||
|
||
S: Have you seen, you know, TV nowadays though, the parents let
|
||
their kids watch.
|
||
|
||
SW: Okay, people often do accuse TV, but still children don't
|
||
fantasize about sexual abuse and they don't implicate their own
|
||
father.
|
||
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: Okay?
|
||
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
Deputy: Let alone themselves.
|
||
|
||
SW: Yeah, let alone themselves, especially when they're, when
|
||
they are feeling so badly about and they know it's wrong.
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: Okay, it's just they, some you know, if they aren't gonna,
|
||
if they're mad at their dad and that's when they may say physical
|
||
abuse.
|
||
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: But, ah, they're not gonna say sexual.
|
||
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: It just doesn't happen.
|
||
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: So we, we do believe the children.
|
||
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: Okay, that you are involved.
|
||
|
||
S: Then no matter what I, what I say doesn't even matter then?
|
||
|
||
SW: Well, yeah of course it matters, but, but our stand is that
|
||
we believe the children.
|
||
|
||
S: Uh huh.
|
||
|
||
SW: At all cost, cause that's our job and that's, that's what
|
||
our belief is.
|
||
|
||
Quoting further from the California Attorney General's report of
|
||
the matter, "This dependence upon and deferment to staff of Child
|
||
Protective Services--who perform functions quite different from police
|
||
officers in a child abuse investigation--focused the interviews
|
||
primarily on protecting the child at the expense of investigating and
|
||
determining the facts in the case. While protecting the child was
|
||
certainly critical, once that had been assured the criminal
|
||
investigation should have been the Sheriff's deputies' primary
|
||
concern."
|
||
|
||
Let's talk about the interviews with children for a moment. The
|
||
California Attorney general found that deputies departed from standard
|
||
interview practice and virtually ignored the complexities that obtain
|
||
when the person interviewed is a child. "Deputies generally did not
|
||
question the children's statements, and they responded positively or
|
||
said something to reinforce their previous allegations. . . They
|
||
applied pressure on the children to name additional suspects and
|
||
victims, and questioned them with inappropriate suggestions that
|
||
produced the answers they were looking for." Interviewers, both
|
||
police and social workers, used leading and suggestive questions, gave
|
||
quite overt positive reinforcement when they received answers they
|
||
sought, rather than giving neutral responses. In some cases,
|
||
interviewers demanded answers; sometimes they threatened the children;
|
||
in other cases they confused them. A sample:
|
||
|
||
Interviewer: Okay, you said that they touched the privates before
|
||
they stabbed the baby? Did they take the clothes off the baby before
|
||
they stabbed the baby? Did they take the clothes off the baby when
|
||
they touched the privates? And then they had you go up and stab the
|
||
baby? So, did the baby--was the baby's clothes still off after they'd
|
||
taken them off and you had to stab the baby?
|
||
|
||
Answer: No.
|
||
|
||
And in a flagrant abuse of investigative technique, a deputy had
|
||
wanted to use an anatomically-detailed doll in an interview, but
|
||
although deputies had them on hand, they had no training in their use.
|
||
So one deputy told a child, "I forgot my dolly then you could point.
|
||
You want to point on me?"
|
||
|
||
Let me point out that deputies did pursue the satanic claims, but
|
||
found alleged homicide victims alive; they searched lakes where bodies
|
||
supposedly were deposited and found none; in fact, they uncovered no
|
||
evidence to prove any satanic assertions. The satanic connection, by
|
||
the way, didn't even emerge in the case until after nine months of
|
||
interviews with the kids. One psychiatrist in another daycare center
|
||
case observed of the repeated interviews, "If [the investigator]
|
||
get[s] a child to the point where they believe they've helped kill a
|
||
baby or eaten flesh, I want to know whether you're a child abuser"
|
||
(Charlier and Downing l988).
|
||
|
||
As two Pennsylvania State University criminal justice professors
|
||
have pointed out, "If children denied victimization, then it was
|
||
assumed they were concealing the truth, which must be drawn out by
|
||
some inducement or reinforcement. The therapeutic process thus became
|
||
an infallible generating mechanism for criminal charges," a remark
|
||
made about the McMartin case that applies to Bakersfield also.
|
||
(Jenkins and Katkin l988: 30). Psychiatrist Lee Coleman, who with
|
||
journalist Debbie Nathan is writing a book about the daycare cases,
|
||
adds:
|
||
that The interviewers assume, before talking with the child,
|
||
that molestation has taken place. The accused persons
|
||
are assumed to be guilty, and the thinly disguised purpose
|
||
of the interview is to get something out of the child to
|
||
confirm these suspicions. It is all too easy, with
|
||
repeated and leading and suggestive questions, to get a
|
||
young child so confused that he or she can't tell the
|
||
difference between fact and fantasy. (l986: 8).
|
||
|
||
There are three great tragedies in all this: one, that real
|
||
physical or sexual abuse of a child will pass uninvestigated; two,
|
||
that children are abused by the criminal justice process, children who
|
||
are victims of nothing except not telling stories that investigators
|
||
want to hear; third, that innocent adults will have their lives
|
||
ruined. One young imprisoned mother in the Bakersfield case, whose
|
||
children have been placed in foster care, looks forward to freedom one
|
||
day, but she does not want to be united with her kids. She says,
|
||
"'I'm scared of kids. I'm scared to death of kids. . .I'm glad I
|
||
can't have any more" (Mathews l989).
|
||
|
||
One might place the burden of blame for a shoddy investigation on
|
||
the sheriffs' deputies, since the law enforcers were charged with
|
||
detecting lawbreaking and arresting offenders. And, of course, seven
|
||
women still languish in prison. But what of therapists,
|
||
psychiatrists, and psychologists? Although the satanic nature of the
|
||
daycare allegaions has only recently begun to appear in professional
|
||
literature, purportedly scholarly studies have taken the satanic abuse
|
||
claims quite uncritically.
|
||
The uncritical treatment of the subject is bound to influence other
|
||
professionals more prone to be convinced by tables of data with
|
||
chi-square tests than to question the data in the tables.
|
||
|
||
For example, Susan J. Kelly, R.N., Ph.D, Boston School of
|
||
Nursing, even elaborated a typology of ritual abuse (building on the
|
||
work of family violence expert David Finkelhor, of whom more in a
|
||
moment) and discussed satanic philosophy by noting its "fundamental
|
||
tenet that followers have a right to abundant and guilt-free sex of
|
||
every description. Moreover, because Christianity believes that
|
||
children are special to God, satanism, which negates Christianity,
|
||
considers the desecration of children to be a way of gaining victory
|
||
over God" (l988: 229). This description of satanic ideology amounts
|
||
to pure dogma, perpetuated and elaborated by the cult awareness
|
||
seminars and the press. Like other therapists, Kelly imputes the
|
||
the cult presence surrounding child abuse to the usual mind control
|
||
methods employed against members and so on. No one, apparently, wants
|
||
to consider the proposition that some child abusers, who may go to
|
||
elaborate and imaginative lengths to intimidate children into not
|
||
revealing the abuse, may employ satanic trappings to do just that.
|
||
Therapists such as Kelly have also ignored the inquisitorial process
|
||
that produces arrests and convictions, as in the Bakersfield case,
|
||
preferring not to confront the issue of leading children to contrive
|
||
satanic scenarios to please eager investigators.
|
||
|
||
I find that David Finkelhor's latest book, Nursery Crimes:
|
||
Sexual Abuse in Daycare, not only perpetuates the satanic dogma but
|
||
using mathematical analyses of bad data, it emerges with a new class
|
||
of offender. The study examined cases in 270 daycare centers, but the
|
||
cases had to be "substantiated" before inclusion in the data. In
|
||
order to be substantiated, the study team had to find only one
|
||
professional agency associated with a case who believed that abuse
|
||
occurred. And this study swept up all of the much-publicized daycare
|
||
center abuse cases such as McMartin and even Bakersfield. So the
|
||
study takes as a working assumption that the allegations in the
|
||
satanic ritual abuse cases are true. While the study makes insightful
|
||
remarks about child abuse and attempts a comprehensive look at abuse,
|
||
the victims, and the abusers, the inclusion of the satanic cases
|
||
renders the study yet more dogma masquerading as science. I said that
|
||
the skewed data created a new class of offenders. Every study of
|
||
child sexual abuse portrays offenders as almost exclusively men,
|
||
usually acting alone. The rare cases involving women usually find
|
||
them complicit as the consequence of involvement with a man: a
|
||
boyfriend or husband, for example. Yet the satanic ritual cases
|
||
involving daycare centers have almost entirely focused on the women
|
||
running the centers. And the allegations hold that women, entire
|
||
daycare center staffs, ran satanic parties replete with mass sex
|
||
abuse, child pornography, and the like. I should hope that the
|
||
Bakersfield case suggests to you that other dynamics, to use the
|
||
social work term, govern the sensationalistic cases. Nonetheless,
|
||
Finkelhor and his colleagues pronounce that "Female perpetrators were
|
||
significantly more likely than men to have forced children to sexually
|
||
abuse others and to have participated in ritualistic, mass abuse"
|
||
(l988: 45).
|
||
|
||
In rather limp fashion, Finkelhor notes that the satanic
|
||
allegations have emerged in some daycare cases months after abuse
|
||
investigations have begun under some other pretext. Unlike some
|
||
investigators who find the delay evidence that children have been
|
||
coached to tell such stories, he holds that children may need months
|
||
of therapy before finding the strength to tell the satanic tales. But
|
||
Finkelhor's conclusions present a mixed bag. On the one hand, he
|
||
singles out the marauding women, "We recommend that parents,
|
||
licensing, and law-enforcement officials be educated to view females
|
||
as potential sexual abusers" (Ibid.: 257) Yet he advises that we
|
||
"avoid a disproportionate focus on day-care abuse" because abuse in
|
||
the daycare setting amounts to a relatively small percentage of abuse
|
||
overall.
|
||
|
||
The idea of pervasive satanic cults which influence and
|
||
intimidate children should not supplant a reasonable, cautious
|
||
inquiry, for law enforcers and therapists alike. Ironically, despite
|
||
the cult seminars which contrive images of the faceless, tenebrous
|
||
evil that grips us from the bowels of hell, the tentacles of demons
|
||
wrapped around kids' necks, the cult experts who teach the seminars
|
||
often conclude with common-sense advice. For example, Woman's Day
|
||
magazine printed "A Parent's Primer on Satanism" recently (l988). The
|
||
primer noted that bright, bored, underachieving, talented and even
|
||
gifted teens are susceptible to cults. Watch for kids exhibiting
|
||
personality changes or mood swings; kids who drop friends and favorite
|
||
activities in exchange for other activities and friends; who keep
|
||
secrets, particularly about new friends; receive erratic grades;
|
||
misbehave; wear satanic symbols on jewelry, T-shirts, and the like.
|
||
Now, if one removes the cult from all of this, one is left with teens
|
||
growing up, dealing with social pressures, handling puberty, running
|
||
at full tilt on massive doses of pizza and hormones. But what's a
|
||
parent to do? Woman's Day suggests not to panic; observe the child;
|
||
if the teen listens to rock music with offensive lyrics, listen to
|
||
what the child listens to. "If [the lyrics] disturb you, talk to him
|
||
or her about it. Ask what the words mean to your child" (Ibid.). No
|
||
matter what ill we believe threatens our children--whether communists,
|
||
satanists, The Beatles or Twisted Sister--the advice is the same:
|
||
don't panic; observe; listen; talk. Don't ignore satanic symbols or
|
||
paraphernalia, but don't imbue them with cosmic significance, either.
|
||
Rely on your professional experience and training to guide your
|
||
rational inquiry about satan in teens' lives. Don't panic, and trust
|
||
children, teens particularly, to behave responsibly most of the time,
|
||
and don't leap to satanic excuses to explain misbehavior.
|
||
Thank you.
|
||
Addendum:
|
||
Investigation of Child Sexual Abuse Resources
|
||
Cult seminars sometimes suggest that women breed babies for sacrifice,
|
||
that runaway or throwaway kids become sacrificial fodder. For a
|
||
perspective on missing kids, consult "First Comprehensive Study of
|
||
Missing Children in Progress," OJJDP Update on Research, April, l988.
|
||
A related study is "Stranger Abduction Homicides of Children, OJJDP
|
||
Juvenile Justice Bulletin, January, l989. Suggestions on new
|
||
professional thinking for handling child sexual abuse cases can be
|
||
found in "Prosecuting child sexual abuse--new approaches," by Debra
|
||
Witcomb, Research in Action, National Institute of Justice, May l986
|
||
(reprinted from NIJ Reports/SNI l97. A related article, "Prosecution
|
||
of Child Sexual Abuse: Innovations in Practice," appeared in the NIJ
|
||
Research in Brief, November, l985, also by Debra Witcomb. Perhaps
|
||
the best overall investigative guide is the l987 manual, Investigation
|
||
and Prosecution of Child Abuse published by the National Center for
|
||
the Prosecution of Child Abuse. Some discussion of the problems
|
||
associated with anatomically-detailed dolls in child abuse
|
||
investigations can be found in "Using dolls to interview child
|
||
victims: Legal concerns and interview procedures," NIJ Research in
|
||
Action, by Kenneth R. Freeman and Terry Estrada-Mullaney, reprinted
|
||
from NIJ Reports/SNI 207, January/February l988. A review of the
|
||
dolls' legal issues can be found in "'Real' Dolls Too Suggestive," by
|
||
Debra Cassens Moss, American Bar Association Journal, December l,
|
||
l988. The ABA Journal also carried another article by Moss in its May
|
||
l, l987 issue, "Are the Children Lying?" which discussed the
|
||
sensationalist daycare center cases.
|
||
|
||
References Cited
|
||
|
||
Antiwar or Antichrist? Time, July 3, l989.
|
||
|
||
B.A.D.D., Dungeons and Dragons, no date, Richmond, VA.
|
||
|
||
Briggs, E. Satanic cults said to entice teens with sex, drugs.
|
||
Richmond Times Dispatch, March 5, l988.
|
||
|
||
Charlier, Tom, and Downing. Shirley. Justice Abused: A l980s
|
||
Witch-Hunt. The Commercial Appeal, January, l988, Memphis. (six-
|
||
part series)
|
||
|
||
Coleman, Lee. Therapists are the real culprits in many child
|
||
sexual abuse cases. Augustus, l4 (6): 7-9, l986.
|
||
|
||
Dager, Albert J. A Media Spotlight Special Report: Dungeons and
|
||
Dragons. l980. Santa Ana, California.
|
||
|
||
Finkelhor, David; Williams, Linda M., Burns, Nanci. Nursery
|
||
Crimes: Sexual Abuse in Day Care. l988. Beverly Hills: Sage
|
||
Publications.
|
||
|
||
Jenkins, Philip, and Katkin, Daniel. Protecting Victims of Child
|
||
Sexual Abuse: A Case for Caution. The Prison Journal,
|
||
Fall/Winter l988: 25-35.
|
||
|
||
Kelley, Susan J. Ritualistic Abuse of Children: Dynamics and
|
||
Impact. Cultic Studies Journal 5(2): 228-236, l988.
|
||
|
||
Lanning, Kenneth V. Satanic, Occult, Ritualistic Crime: A Law
|
||
Enforcement Perspective. Unpublished ms., l989. FBI Academy.
|
||
|
||
Luhrmann, T. M. Persuasions of the Witch's Craft: Ritual Magic
|
||
in Contemporary England. l989. Cambridge, Massachusetts:
|
||
Harvard University Press.
|
||
|
||
Lundberg-Love, P. Update on Cults Part I: Satanic Cults.
|
||
Family Violence Bulletin 5(2): 9-l0, l989.
|
||
|
||
Mathews, Jay. In California, a Question of Abuse. The
|
||
Washington Post, May 3l, l989.
|
||
|
||
Medical Licensing Board of Indiana. Findings of Fact,
|
||
Conclusions of Law and Order, Cause #83MLD038 in the Matter of
|
||
Ruth Bailey, MD. Filed October 2, l984.
|
||
|
||
Melton, J. G. Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America. l986.
|
||
New York: Garland Publishing Company.
|
||
|
||
Office of the Attorney General. Report on the Kern County Child
|
||
Abuse Investigation. Sacramento, l986.
|
||
|
||
Pulling, Patricia A. The Devil's Web. l989. Lafayette, LA:
|
||
Huntington House, Inc.
|
||
|
||
Russell, Jeffrey Burton. Mephistopheles: The Devil in the
|
||
Modern World. l986. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press.
|
||
|
||
Springston, Rex. Experts say tales are bunk. (Two-part
|
||
article). The Richmond News Leader, April 6-7, l989.
|
||
|
||
A Parent's Primer on Satanism. Woman's Day, November 22, l988.
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
|