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******The*E-Zine*of*Atheistic*Secular*Humanism*and*Freethought*****
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###################################################################
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########## Volume I, Number I ***A Collector's Item!***##########
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###################### ISSN 1198-4619 ###########################
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########################## May 1994 ###############################
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###################################################################
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In the mythology and symbolism of our name, "Lucifer" is not to be
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confused with ha-Satan, the mythological source of evil. Lucifer's
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ancient identity was a bearer of light, the morning star, and it is as
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such that this journal intends to publish.
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As the religion virus depends on obscurity, obfuscation, confusion,
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irrationality and darkness in order to flourish, it is natural that it
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would see light as an enemy. Rational, skeptical inquiry has ever been
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the enemy of all religions and is ultimately fatal to all gods.
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The purpose of this magazine is to provide a source of articles dealing
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with many aspects of humanism. Humanists have been vilified by the
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religious as immoral. Apparently, the most horrible thing they can think
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of is an atheist.
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As we find their values, such as faith in the non-existent, obedience to
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the imaginary and reverence of the ridiculous, repulsive, we adopt the
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name of their ancient antagonist with pride.
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We are atheistic as we do not believe in the actual existence of any
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supernatural beings or any transcendental reality.
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We are secular because the evidence of history and the daily horrors in
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the news show the pernicious and destructive consequences of allowing
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religions to be involved with politics and nationalism.
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We are humanists and we focus on what is good for humanity, in the real
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world. We will not be put off with offers of pie in the sky, bye and
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bye.
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==><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><==
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|| Begging portion of the Zine ||
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==><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><==
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This is a "sharezine." There is no charge for receiving this, and there
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is no charge for distributing copies to any electronic medium. Nor is
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there a restriction on printing a copy for use in discussion. You may
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not charge to do so, and you may not do so without attributing it to the
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proper author and source.
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If you would like to support our efforts, and help us acquire better
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equipment to bring you more and better articles, you may send money to
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Greg Erwin at: 29, ch Grimes / Aylmer, Qc / J9J 1H4 / CANADA.
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==><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><==
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|| End of Begging portion of the Zine ||
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==><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><====><==
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Articles will be welcomed IF:
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(
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they are emailed to: ai815@FreeNet.Carleton.CA; or,
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sent on diskette to me at the above Aylmer address in any format that an
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IBM copy of WordPerfect can read; ) and
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they don't require huge amounts of editing; and
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I like them.
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If you wish to receive a subscription, email a simple request to
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ai815@FreeNet.Carleton.CA, with a clear request for a subscription. It
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will be assumed that the "From:" address is where it is to be sent. We
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will automate this process as soon as we know how.
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1994-05-08 Yes, please DO make copies! (*)
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Please DO send copies of Lucifer's Echo to anyone who might be
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interested.
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The only limitations are:
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You must copy the whole document, without making any changes to it.
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You do NOT have permission to copy this document for commercial purposes.
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The contents of this document are copyright (c) 1994, Greg Erwin and are
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on deposit at the National Library of Canada
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/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\
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Shameless advertising and crass commercialism:
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\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/=\/=\_/
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Atheistic self-stick Avery(tm) address labels. Consisting of
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180 different quotes, 30 per page, each label 2 5/8" x 1".
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This leaves three 49 character lines available for your own
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address, phone number, email, fax or whatever. Each sheet is
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US$2, the entire set of 6 for US$11; 2 sets for US$20.
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Indicate quantity desired. Print address clearly, exactly as
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desired. Order from address in examples below. Laser
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printed, 8 pt Arial, with occasional flourishes.
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_________________________________________________
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|"Reality is that which, when you stop believing |
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|in it, doesn't go away." [Philip K. Dick] |
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|Greg Erwin 100 Terrasse Eardley |
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|Aylmer, Qc J9H 6B5 Canada |
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| email: ai815@FreeNet.Carleton.CA |
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|________________________________________________|
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_________________________________________________
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|"...and when you tell me that your deity made |
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|you in his own image, I reply that he must be |
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|very ugly." [Victor Hugo, writing to clergy] |
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|Greg Erwin 100 Terrasse Eardley |
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|Aylmer, Qc J9H 6B5 Canada Ph: (613) 954-6128 |
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| email: ai815@FreeNet.Carleton.CA |
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|________________________________________________|
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Other stuff for sale:
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Certificate of Baptism Removal and Renunciation of Religion.
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Have your baptism removed, renounce religion, and have a neat
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framing, to commemorate the event! Instant eligibility for
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excommunication! For the already baptism-free: Certificate
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of Freedom from Religion. An official atheistic secular
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humanist stamp of approval for only $10!
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Poster 8x11: WARNING! This is a religion free zone!
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All religious vows, codes, and commitments are null & void
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herein. Please refrain from contaminating the ideosphere with
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harmful memes through prayer, reverence, holy books,
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proselytizing, prophesying, faith, speaking in tongues or
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spirituality. Fight the menace of second-hand faith!
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Humanity sincerely thanks you!
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Tastefully arranged in large point Stencil on luxury paper.
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4. Ingersoll poster: "When I became convinced that the
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universe is natural" speech excerpt. 11"x17" See the June
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1994 issue of the _Echo_ for full text. $15
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Order from the same address as above.
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-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-TABLE OF CONTENTS-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
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1. Mary at Medjugorje: A Critical Inquiry by Hector Avalos
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2. WHY I AM NOT A UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST by Larry Reyka
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3. Equality by Greg Erwin
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-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
|
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__________________________________________________________________
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|From Free Inquiry, (ISSN 0272-0701) published quarterly by the |Council
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for Democratic and Secular Humanism (CODESH, Inc.). |Domestic
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subscription rates are: US$25 for one year, US$43 for |two years and
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US$59 for three years. Back issues are available. |Address all
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subscription enquiries to: Free Inquiry, Box 664, |Buffalo, NY 14226-
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0064. Phone (716) 636-7571. FAX (716) 636-1733. Tell them you saw it
|
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here.
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|_________________________________________________________________
|
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Mary at Medjugorje:
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A Critical Inquiry
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Hector Avalos
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Medjugorje, once a sleepy little town in the province of Bosnia-
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Herzegovina (old Yugoslavia), became in the 1980s one of the world's most
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visited destinations, attracting perhaps as many as fifteen million
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visitors. The attraction had nothing to do with amusement parks or hotel
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casinos, but with claims that Mary, the mother of Jesus in Christian
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tradition, was making special appearances in Medjugorje. Cover stories
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have been published about the phenomenon in Life (July 1991), Time
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(December 30, 1991), and other respected publications, which are not
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always as critical or accurate as they should be.
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For the past few years I have been studying reports and videotapes of
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supposed Marian apparition experiences, and I have spoken to some of the
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people who claimed to have witnessed them or who believe in them. The
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most frequent defense of Marian apparitions among believers whom I have
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encountered usually revolves around one central question: How can a
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group of seemingly honest and apparently normal people report seeing Mary
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if she is not appearing there? Other defenders point out that a
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"scientific" team has supported the authenticity of the apparitions at
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Medjugorje. Ironically, it is the dramatic events themselves at
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Medjugorje that support a nonsupernatural explanation.
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The Medjugorje reports are different from those of earlier sightings of
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Mary in a number of respects. First, written accounts have been produced
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while the series of apparitions were still occurring. Second, most of
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the principal witnesses are still alive and have made themselves
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available for extensive interviews. More important, modern video and
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audio equipment has recorded the visionaries as they are supposedly
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experiencing their visions. Finally, the visionaries have submitted to
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various medical and scientific tests such as encephalograms during their
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experiences.
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The first reported apparitions at Medjugorje began on June 24, 1981, when
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six Croatian-speaking children claimed that the Virgin Mary had appeared
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to them on a hill. They were met with initial skepticism and harassment
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from some authorities. Surprisingly, one of the most vocal skeptics was
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Pavao Zanic, their own bishop, who, according to one transcript of an
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interview, declared, "In my opinion Medjugorje is the greatest deceit and
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swindle in the history of the Church." In particular, Zanic complained
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that the apparition stories were part of a conspiracy instigated by a
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group of popular Franciscans who have protested efforts to replace them
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with secular clergy in the parish of Medjugorje.
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Despite the political conflicts caused by the apparitions within the
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local diocese, and despite the fact that the Catholic church has not
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officially affirmed the authenticity of the visions, the number of
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pilgrims who have gone to Medjugorje since 1981 has been placed by some
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at over fifteen million. This number of Marian devotees at Medjugorje
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far surpasses the believers of the Jesus apparition stories of early
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Christianity. Only the recent civil war in Yugoslavia has discouraged
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massive visits. The `Scientific' Investigation of Henri Joyeux
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According to his own account, Henri Joyeux, a surgeon and a professor of
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oncology in the Faculty of Medicine at Montpellier, France, carried out
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an extensive battery of tests in four separate missions between March and
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December of 1984. Joyeux and Father Ren Laurentin, an ardent Marian
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apologist and historian, then synthesized their findings in the
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definitive work Scientific and Medical Studies on the Apparitions at
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Medjugorje.
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Joyeux concluded that the visionaries had no mental illness of any sort.
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The apparitions are not sleep or dream or hallucination in the medical or
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pathological sense of the word. This is scientifically excluded by the
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electro-encephalogram and by clinical observation. He also excludes "any
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element of deceit." Since Joyeux could not find any condition that he
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would label "pathological," he concludes, "We are dealing with a
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perception which is essentially objective both in its causality and in
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its scope." As to the cause of the youngsters' experience, he says, "The
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most obvious answer is that given by the visionaries who claim to meet
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the Virgin Mary, Mother of God." In sum, Laurentin and Joyeux conclude
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that there is no scientific or natural explanation available to account
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for the reports of the visionaries. More important, they conclude that
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the absence of any condition labeled as "pathological" is evidence that
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the reported experience of the visionaries is authentically supernatural.
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Can `Normal' Persons Report Seeing and Hearing Non-Occurring Events?
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Contrary to the conclusions of Laurentin and Joyeux, abundant and
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empirically verifiable evidence and experiments demonstrate that persons
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with no known pathological conditions can report hearing and seeing
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events that are not occurring. Psychological experiments show that such
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reports of non- occurring events are part of well-known and relatively
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natural psycho-social processes experienced to some degree by most human
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beings.
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One of the most noted of such experiments was published by T. X. Barber
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and D. S. Calverley in 1964. Seventy-eight unselected "normal" female
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secretarial students had volunteered for what was described to the
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subjects only as a "psychological experiment." Barber and Calverley
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divided these seventy-eight subjects into three groups of twenty-six.
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One group was subjected to suggestions to see and hear non-occurring
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events under hypnosis. A second group was given "task-motivating
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instructions" without the use of hypnosis. The third group served as a
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control that received the same instructions without hypnosis or
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task-motivating requests.
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The second group's "task-motivating instructions" consisted of asking
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subjects to see and hear events that were implied to be real but were
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actually nonexistent. The subject was told, "I want you to close your
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eyes and to hear a phonograph record with words and music playing White
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Christmas. Keep listening to the phonograph record playing White
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Christmas until I tell you to stop." The astounding result was that 38
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percent of the "normal" subjects in the second group stated that they
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clearly heard White Christmas, even though nothing was played.
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Sixty-five percent of the subjects in the control group reported the same
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result. An average of 5.1 percent of these unselected people in each
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experimental group state that they not only heard the record, but they
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also believed that the record was actually playing.
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Immediately after this portion of the experiment, the subject was
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instructed as follows, in a firm and earnest tone of voice: "I want you
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to look at your lap and to see a cat sitting there. Keep looking at the
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cat until I tell you to stop." An average of 33.3 percent stated they
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saw the cat clearly even though they believed it was not there. However,
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an average of 2.5 percent of the subjects in each group (3.8 percent in
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the second group) reported they not only saw the cat clearly but also
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believed it was actually present.
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Similar results were reported in experiments performed by K. S. Bowers
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and by N. P. Spanos and T. X. Barber. Even if many subjects reported
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non- occurring events only to please others (Bowers), these experiments
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clearly showed that otherwise "normal" people under relatively "normal"
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conditions can and do report hearing and seeing events that, by
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recognized objective measures, are nonexistent.
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The Barber and Calverley experiments also showed that the subjects used
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the strongest objective terminology available to describe non-occurring
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events. For example, the subjects in the experiments used the terms see
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and hear to describe their experience.
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Why do otherwise normal people come to believe that they are witnessing
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non-occurring entities and events? The Barber and Calverley experiment,
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as well as a host of recent research, indicates that human acts of
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perception always involve interpretations and inferences that may be held
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in common by large groups of people. Raw visual and auditory data are
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combined with inferences about what was thought to be seen and heard. We
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often select out of the large raw input of visual and auditory data those
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that we regard as important and that confirm expectations, especially if
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they are desirable.
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Many recent experiments show that the human mind is biologically wired to
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interpolate many expected images or portions thereof, even if such images
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are not objectively present. People often form mental images of all
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types of objects, real and unreal. We've all heard how difficult it is
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not to form an image of a pink elephant when someone tells us not to.
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One can also form mental images that are believed to be situated in real
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time and space (e.g., imagine a pink elephant in the middle of a parking
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lot).
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Believers may be following a rationale with premises that can yield, at
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least in their minds, very solid conclusions. Once a believer is
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convinced that an inference is valid, then the conclusion may be
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considered sufficiently certain to contradict or suppress raw visual
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data. Any further disconfirmation of their interpretation may be either
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ignored or disregarded in favor of the inference. This type of avoidance
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of disconfirming data among Marian devotees is clearly manifested in the
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oft-repeated dictum: "To those who believe, no proof is necessary; to
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those who doubt, no proof is sufficient."
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The implications of these experiments for the reports of Medjugorje are
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quite clear. If, as in the Barber and Calverley experiments, an average
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of at least 33 percent of people with no obvious pathology can report
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clearly seeing or hearing events that are not occurring, then it would
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not be extraordinary to find 333 "normal" people in a parish of at least
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one thousand believers who could report seeing or hearing non-occurring
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events, especially when, as is the case with supposed Marian apparitions,
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the events in question are believed to be not only possible but desirable
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as well.
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If, as in the Barber and Calverley experiment, at least 2.5 percent
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believe what they are seeing or hearing is actually present, then it
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would not be extraordinary to find at least twenty-five people in a
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parish of one thousand members who actually believe what they are seeing
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and hearing is present in real time and space. In fact, there are many
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more reported visionaries in the parish who did not receive the attention
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of the six principal ones.
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If the results obtained by Barber and Calverley occurred after only one
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suggestion to hear and see non-occurring events, then what would we
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reasonably expect from persons, and especially impressionable youngsters,
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who are repeatedly requested to see non-occurring events? Does anything
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akin to the task-motivating suggestions exist in the subculture of the
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visionaries?
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Imagine living in a subculture that constantly and repeatedly suggests to
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its members the desirability of experiencing a Marian apparition.
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Imagine living in a subculture where young people who have claimed to
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have seen Marian apparitions at Lourdes, Fatima, and other places also
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are beloved role models. Suggestions presented to believers in sermons,
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prayers, and written materials may be just as effective as the simple
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requests made by Barber and Calverley. Although conspiracy or formalized
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coaching is not required to produce people who will report non-occurring
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events, it should be noted that Bishop Zanic declared that the
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visionaries were indeed coached and manipulated by the Franciscans.
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Not only can the subculture of the visionaries encourage the apparitions
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with words, it also provides detailed and coherent imagery of how the
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Virgin Mary ought to look and speak. According to P. and I. Rodgers, a
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picture of Mary supported by a cloud rising above Medjugorje has been
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present in the church of the visionaries since about 1971. Not
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surprisingly, the youngsters' description of the Virgin is quite
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consistent with the picture to which they were exposed for years. Is
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Group Simultaneity Always Evidence of an Objective Experience?
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Aside from the supposed lack of pathology in the visionaries, Laurentin
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and Joyeux cite the simultaneity of their key movements during the
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supposed apparitions as evidence for the objectivity of their
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experiences. For example, they point to the convergence of their gaze as
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confirmed by video recording made face-on to the visionaries during the
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ecstasy and the simultaneous raising of their eyes and heads as the
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apparition disappears upwards.
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I have studied Joyeux's report and have looked at the videotape of two
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separate events that show such alleged simultaneous behavior. My
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examination reveals nothing so extraordinary as to demand a supernatural
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explanation.
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Joyeux and other writers often make statements that may mislead the
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reader into thinking that the whole group exhibits simultaneous behavior
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that, at most, occurs in only part of the group. For example, they
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report administering an electro-oculogram to Ivan and Marija on December
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28, 1984. The movement of the eyeballs of both youngsters reportedly
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showed simultaneity to the second in the cessation of movement at the
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beginning of the ecstasy and again, simultaneity to the second in the
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return of movement at the end of the ecstasy. But in a Paris Match
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interview, Joyeux generalizes this result to the visionaries as a whole
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("des voyants"). In his translation of this interview Father M.
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O'Carroll makes the generalization even more emphatic by saying that "all
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the visionaries" had such simultaneity.
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Likewise, sometimes the ecstasy that is taken to be evidence of a real
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apparition experience is not as uniform as might first appear. For
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example, regarding the youngsters' supposed disconnection from the world
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during their ecstasy, Joyeux says that "disconnection is not total;
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rather it is partial and variable."
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More important, the supposed vision experiences have a regular schedule
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and duration that may result, with or without sinister collusion, in
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simultaneous behavior. Laurentin and Joyeux themselves note the
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regularity of the behavior, for they divide the experiences into three
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phases: contemplation or conversation; prayer with the apparition; and
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contemplation or conversation.
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Insofar as duration is concerned, Laurentin and Joyeux themselves note
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that "no apparition has lasted for more than one or two minutes since the
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end of 1983." This is important because they made their measurements of
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simultaneity in 1984, when the duration of each event was quite short and
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predictable. In fact, they report recording the precise duration of only
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five ecstasies, with each one lasting sixty-five to eighty-five seconds.
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The schedule for the start of the ecstasy is certainly familiar to
|
|
Laurentin and Joyeux, who themselves say: "Since the end of 1983,
|
|
ecstasy begins before they have finished the first Our Father." They
|
|
also note, following an earlier study of Dr. Lucia Capello, that: Their
|
|
voices become audible at the same time, on the third word of the Our
|
|
Father, the apparition having recited the first two. This phenomenon
|
|
militates against the theory of a prior agreement and cannot be put down
|
|
to natural causes. Even without a sinister conspiracy, the regular
|
|
schedule noted by Laurentin and Joyeux clearly is sufficient to produce
|
|
the type of simultaneity they find so unnatural. Indeed, beginning to
|
|
pray audibly with the third word of the Our Father is as good a cue as
|
|
beginning to pray audibly with the first word. It is, of course, poor
|
|
science to represent as a verifiable fact the belief that the apparition
|
|
recites the first two words.
|
|
|
|
Likewise, the convergence of the gaze is usually toward the front of the
|
|
room when the visions take place within a church. Even Laurentin and
|
|
Joyeux observe: "The visionaries' gaze converges on the same
|
|
well-located spot." Again, gazing at a well-known location is something
|
|
that may be learned and conditioned naturally, thus producing the
|
|
simultaneity reported.
|
|
|
|
In one videotape recording the experience of visionaries Jacob and
|
|
Marija, I observed that after assembling at the front of the room to
|
|
begin the supposed encounter with Mary, Jacob began to gaze upward as he
|
|
crossed himself. About one second later Marija did the same. Aside from
|
|
the fact that the supposed apparition takes place at the same time in the
|
|
schedule, both children had peripheral vision and could observe each
|
|
other gaze upward.
|
|
|
|
The kneeling, which even Joyeux admits is not perfectly synchronized,
|
|
occurs at the end of the recitation of the Our Father, which in turn is
|
|
usually recited after the initial crossing. Another videotape shows that
|
|
the near simultaneous kneeling by five of the visionaries also occurs at
|
|
the end of the initial Our Father. A visual cue to kneel is not even
|
|
necessary here because the end of the audible prayer could be a
|
|
sufficient cue. Such simultaneity in kneeling can even be achieved
|
|
without visual cues in multiple locations if the worshippers are all
|
|
listening to the recitation of the Our Father on a radio.
|
|
|
|
Although near-simultaneous behavior is considered an indication of an
|
|
"objective" experience for Joyeux, non-simultaneous behavior does not
|
|
appear to be evidence for a "subjective" experience. Laurentin and
|
|
Joyeux report, "The visionaries had independent conversations and even
|
|
had different conversations simultaneously at times." They use an
|
|
unverifiable phenomenon to explain the variable conversations--namely the
|
|
possible use of different channels of supernatural communication by the
|
|
Virgin. However, each informant may be constructing his or her own
|
|
imaginary dialogue. Furthermore, the type of coherence that they cite in
|
|
the apparition reports can also derive from the common imagery and forms
|
|
of speech that are stereotypical in the Marian subculture.
|
|
|
|
Joyeux wasted a unique opportunity to design experiments that would have
|
|
provided more of a challenge to skeptics on the issue of simultaneity.
|
|
Indeed, his experimental design was quite careless. For example, since
|
|
even Joyeux repeatedly claims that normal vision or hearing is not
|
|
necessary to perceive the apparitions, each of the visionaries could have
|
|
been blindfolded before they assembled at the front of the room.
|
|
Earphones that render any external sound inaudible could have been placed
|
|
upon them. Yet, there were no reported attempts to cover their ears or
|
|
eyes throughout an event.
|
|
|
|
Partitions could have been placed between the visionaries to exclude the
|
|
possibility of cues from air disturbances produced by body movements
|
|
(e.g., kneeling). A more rigorous experimenter might have spun all the
|
|
visionaries around and pointed them in different directions within the
|
|
partitions. If those visionaries truly had a special ability that was
|
|
not based on normal hearing or seeing, then we would expect them to have
|
|
all heard the apparition calling them from the same spot at the same
|
|
time. We would expect that each of the children initially pointed in
|
|
different directions would turn simultaneously toward the same direction
|
|
even if blindfolded. If a recorded version of the Our Father were
|
|
recited to each visionary at different times through the earphones, we
|
|
would still expect them to ignore the voice on the earphones and kneel in
|
|
synchrony with the supposed actions of the apparition.
|
|
|
|
Insofar as experimental design is concerned, the exaggerated claims of
|
|
Joyeux are most apparent in the "screening test" he discusses. What
|
|
Joyeux describes as a "screening test" and a "screen" actually refers to
|
|
the brief placement of a postcard-size object in front of Marija and
|
|
Ivanka. It does not block out peripheral vision. Note how Joyeux
|
|
interprets the brief visual screening test: a screen which is held up
|
|
does not block out the perception of the apparition. Again Joyeux
|
|
assumes a priori the existence of the supernatural object that the
|
|
youngsters claim to perceive. What Joyeux actually observed is that the
|
|
gaze of two visionaries remained fixed when a postcard-size card was
|
|
placed in front of them. Such a fixed gaze does not constitute proof for
|
|
the existence of an object at the point in space where the visionaries
|
|
are looking because one can observe that during prayer many worshippers
|
|
in Christian and non-Christian religions gaze upward at what they believe
|
|
to be heaven even when temple walls or other screening objects are
|
|
interposed.
|
|
|
|
However, even if rigorous visual and auditory blocking procedures were
|
|
used, they could not eliminate the possibility of a learned simultaneity
|
|
after 1983 when the whole schedule became very regular and lasted one to
|
|
two minutes. In sum, the simultaneity cited by Laurentin and Joyeux,
|
|
even if genuine, is not extraordinary, and it does not constitute
|
|
evidence for the objectivity of the experience at all, especially in
|
|
light of poor experimental design. The Incoherence of Laurentin and
|
|
Joyeux's View of `Objectivity'
|
|
|
|
Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of the conclusions of Laurentin and
|
|
Joyeux is that they use the word objective in a wildly inconsistent
|
|
manner, resulting in special pleading and in logically absurd
|
|
conclusions. For example, in a discussion of whether the phenomena
|
|
exhibited by the visionaries are supernatural, they state, "As research
|
|
has not reached any objective proofs, it would be difficult to discuss
|
|
the matter in the absence of definite criteria." But they still purport
|
|
to have proof in favor of the objective experience of the visionaries.
|
|
Note their reasoning: The mere fact that others present do not see the
|
|
apparition which is visible only to the visionaries in no way proves that
|
|
it is a perception without an object. It simply proves that the manner
|
|
of perceiving is not the same as that involved in the perception of other
|
|
ordinary material objects. . . . Bats, for example, are capable of
|
|
discerning certain radiations that escape us. Other, more radically
|
|
different, means of perception may well exist. A claim for an ability
|
|
does not prove that one possesses the ability, and Joyeux's example of
|
|
animals who possess abilities that humans do not will not help his case.
|
|
And in the case of bats, the existence of their ability to hear high
|
|
frequency sounds is not based on a claim made by the bats. We can verify
|
|
empirically (e.g., by means of instruments) and with mathematical
|
|
precision the existence of both the object (high frequency sounds) and
|
|
the special and quantifiable ability of bats to perceive that object.
|
|
The criteria and methodology are sufficiently objective to elicit the
|
|
agreement of both atheists and Christians.
|
|
|
|
Such is not the case with the visionaries. Laurentin and Joyeux
|
|
themselves admit that no experiments, videotapes, or other instruments
|
|
have been able to detect the object that the visionaries claim to
|
|
perceive with an equally unverifiable and non-quantifiable ability. They
|
|
are apparently aware of this difficulty in their logic, and so they
|
|
attempt to plead the case of the visionaries by using even more
|
|
speculative hypotheses and conclusions. Our tests tend to lead us to the
|
|
hypothesis of a person-to-person communication which takes place at a
|
|
spiritual level, analogous to the angelic act of knowing. Such statements
|
|
clearly show that theology, not rigorous science, motivates their plea
|
|
for the visionaries.
|
|
|
|
Note also the logical problems produced when they discuss the definition
|
|
of a "hallucination." The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines hallucination
|
|
as "apparent perception of external object not actually present," which
|
|
might fit the case of Medjugorje if a priori one held that an object from
|
|
another world does not exist or if one understands "not actually present"
|
|
in a purely empirical way. Medically speaking "hallucination" indicates
|
|
a pathological state and it would appear to us that use of the word
|
|
should be restricted to psychiatric illness. But if one does not deny a
|
|
priori the existence of the object that the "psychiatric" hallucinator
|
|
claims to see, then it follows that the claims of the latter have no less
|
|
validity than those of the Medjugorje visionaries. Since the objects
|
|
seen by the psychiatric hallucinator and the Medjugorje visionaries are
|
|
equally invisible to other people and to cameras, then it is only special
|
|
pleading, not verifiable criteria, that leads Laurentin and Joyeux to
|
|
affirm the credibility of the Medjugorje visionaries while denying
|
|
credibility to the "psychiatric" hallucinator. Thus, Laurentin and
|
|
Joyeux provide no verifiable reason to ascribe accuracy to the perception
|
|
of the six who claim to see Mary, and yet deny the accuracy of the
|
|
perception of the thousands who claim to be equally certain that they do
|
|
not see Mary. `Solar Miracles' as Evidence for Marian Apparitions
|
|
|
|
Solar miracles are cited often by theologians and laypersons as proof of
|
|
the authenticity of the visionaries' experiences. Ironically, the
|
|
reports of such solar miracles are the most definitive proof that people
|
|
can and do report the occurrence of non-occurring events at Medjugorje.
|
|
|
|
One dramatic case may be found in a 1988 videotape recorded by "20/20,"
|
|
the ABC news program. Stone Phillips was sent to accompany a group of
|
|
pilgrims to Medjugorje. At one point in the report a crowd of pilgrims
|
|
reported seeing the sun "coming closer" and "dancing" at the same time
|
|
that ABC cameras were trained on the sun. Of course, any such movement
|
|
of the sun would be an event of astronomical proportions that should have
|
|
been witnessed by a large part of the planet, astronomical observatories,
|
|
and hundreds of different types of instruments. Yet, the videotape
|
|
showed no movement in the sun, and Stone Phillips likewise confirmed that
|
|
he saw no movement in the sun. As in the case of the subjects in the
|
|
Barber and Calverley experiment, the report by a group that a
|
|
non-occurring event is occurring indicates that a psycho-social process
|
|
is the best explanation.
|
|
|
|
The report of a "dancing sun" also demonstrates other important points
|
|
about group delusions. The reports of non-occurring events need not be
|
|
due to lying, which involves making statements that the speaker believes
|
|
to be false. For example, a pilgrim may say, "I see the sun moving," to
|
|
express the following interpretation of raw perceptions: "Marian
|
|
apparitions should be accompanied by a moving sun, and therefore that is
|
|
what must be happening." Once the believer assumes that this rationale
|
|
is true, then he or she allows the use of phrases such as "see" (e.g., "I
|
|
see the sun moving") even though empirical evidence says otherwise.
|
|
Crying Icons, Metallic Transformations, and Healings
|
|
|
|
Crying icons are often reported at sites of Marian apparitions. I
|
|
examined one such case in Arizona in 1982, when a group of Mexican
|
|
immigrant neighbors reported that a statue of the Virgin outside their
|
|
apartment "cried" around dawn. I found that the liquid under the eyes of
|
|
this "crying icon" was indistinguishable from dew that also was present
|
|
on other objects and on many parts of the icon. One may characterize as
|
|
"selective seeing" any claim that ignores the moisture on most parts of
|
|
the icon and yet attributes to crying the moisture below the eyes.
|
|
Psycho-social processes can explain all of the reports of icon "miracles"
|
|
at Medjugorje with which I am familiar.
|
|
|
|
Reports of metal transformations are also common. There is indeed a long
|
|
history that associates the Virgin with metal workers. The fact that
|
|
metal color can change is a known phenomenon, most often due to
|
|
oxidation. However, the instantaneous metallic changes reported by
|
|
Marian devotees have simply never been verified by science.
|
|
|
|
Reports of healings are also poorly investigated. Most of the
|
|
testimonies come from people who, by their own words, already have had
|
|
medical treatment, and so it is virtually impossible to distinguish the
|
|
effects of medical treatment from those of supposed miracles. Another
|
|
problem is that most of the reports represent as facts diagnoses and
|
|
symptoms that the compilers have not verified. Equally important, most
|
|
readers of reports of supposed miracles are not apprised of negative
|
|
follow-up reports. For example, a book by R. Laurentin and L. Rupcic
|
|
relates the case of Venka Bilic- Brajcic (of Split) as follows: In
|
|
January, 1980, the patient had her left breast removed, and afterward,
|
|
she received postoperative radiation treatment. Nine months after the
|
|
operation there were numerous metastases. These had reached the right
|
|
breast on which radiation treatment began in April, 1981. . . . Venka
|
|
herself reported . . . "My sister said that Our Lady of Medjugorje could
|
|
help me, and suggested that I pray to her. . . . Two or three days after
|
|
this prayer the appearance of the sores started to change. . . ." Venka
|
|
feels well, and the medical certificate confirms that there is no sign of
|
|
further metastases into the bone or other organs. Venka returned to
|
|
Medjugorje to thank Our Lady. She submitted medical documents on
|
|
September 8, 1982. But Father O'Carroll's book reports that, in response
|
|
to Laurentin and Rupcic's claims, Zanic noted that this patient died in
|
|
June 1984, and that her doctor protested the claim that she was cured at
|
|
the time that she had stated. Conclusion
|
|
|
|
A supernatural explanation for reports of Marian apparitions is
|
|
unnecessary, unverifiable, and ultimately self-defeating for believers.
|
|
It is unnecessary because we have verifiable and repeatable experiments
|
|
that show that otherwise "normal" people can and do report seeing and
|
|
hearing non- occurring events. It is unwarranted because the criteria,
|
|
methods, and assumptions are unverifiable. It is ultimately
|
|
self-defeating because believers themselves would have no way to refute,
|
|
by verifiable means, the claims of "apparitions" made by non-Christian
|
|
religions.
|
|
|
|
We need not firmly diagnose the experience of the visionaries as a
|
|
psychiatric hallucination or a delusion in the sense of the authoritative
|
|
definitions of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
|
|
(DSM- III) (American Psychiatric Association [APA] 1980). Though we do
|
|
not a priori exclude psychiatric factors, our point has been that the
|
|
normal social processes and internal logic of their Marian subculture are
|
|
sufficient to explain their behavior. To refute Joyeux,, we also need
|
|
not enter into the recent debates about whether the criteria of the APA
|
|
are subjective or culturally biased against religious phenomena.
|
|
|
|
The refutation of Joyeux ultimately rests on the fact that he does not
|
|
fulfil the requirements of the two adjectives in the title of his own
|
|
book: Scientific and Medical Studies on the Apparitions at Medjugorje.
|
|
By his own words science has not reached any "objective proofs," and all
|
|
the evidence he offers is unverifiable theology (e.g., "the angelic act
|
|
of knowing"). Since the main principle of scientific inquiry is
|
|
verifiability, his constant use of unverifiable theological hypotheses to
|
|
support the visionaries nullifies any claim to scientific or medical
|
|
validity for his studies and conclusions. It is no miracle that a
|
|
supernatural explanation for the Medjugorje apparition reports has been
|
|
rejected by both a Catholic bishop and secular humanists.
|
|
|
|
===================================================================
|
|
|| END OF ARTICLE ||
|
|
===================================================================
|
|
|
|
___________________________________________________________________
|
|
|Supplied by the American Humanist Association, publishers of The
|
|
|Humanist, six times a year. Subscriptions are US$24.95 for one |year,
|
|
$46.95 for two, and $67.95 for three years. Outside of the |United
|
|
States add $3, all to be payable in US funds on a US bank. |For
|
|
subscription inquiries, address yourself to: The Humanist, 7 |Harwood
|
|
Drive, P.O. Box 1188, Amherst, NY 14226-7188. Phone (800) |743-6646, or
|
|
(716) 839-5080 or FAX (716) 839-5079. The Humanist |BBS is at (614) 267-
|
|
1176; 8,No,1. Tell them you saw it here.
|
|
|__________________________________________________________________
|
|
|
|
WHY I AM NOT A UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST
|
|
|
|
by Larry Reyka, Humanist Chaplain
|
|
Humanist Society of Friends
|
|
|
|
===================================================================
|
|
|
|
INTRODUCTION:
|
|
|
|
This was my last sermon preached from a Unitarian Universalist
|
|
pulpit, it was delivered in 1985 or so at The First Unitarian
|
|
Universalist Church of Columbus (OH), and in it I share my, shall
|
|
we say, misgivings about the Unitarian Universalist movement.
|
|
Around that time is when I resigned from membership in that
|
|
church.
|
|
|
|
==================================================================
|
|
|
|
The reasons for NOT being Unitarian Universalist may be as diverse
|
|
as the reasons for coming here in the first place.
|
|
|
|
I've been told by a Unitarian Universalist minister acquaintance
|
|
of mine that the average "stay" within the Unitarian Universalist
|
|
church is about five years.
|
|
|
|
In that sense, it seems to me the church is like a train station,
|
|
a place to be between where you're leaving from and where you're
|
|
going to. This led me to a working title for my talk today,
|
|
UNITARIAN UNIVERSALISM, THE TRAIN STATION RELIGION, OR PARDON ME
|
|
BOY, IS THAT THE CHATTANOOGA U-U?
|
|
|
|
My personal stay as a MEMBER of the church was approximately two
|
|
years. My doubts began, in reality, about the time the ink was
|
|
drying on my name in the book, but it took me a number of
|
|
experiences, some of which I detailed in my sermon on my religious
|
|
odyssey, to realize that I am, in fact NOT a Unitarian
|
|
Universalist.
|
|
|
|
The historical roots of the Unitarian Universalist Church have
|
|
produced a religion with a unique flavor. The combination of
|
|
residual Christianity and disguised Humanism found in this
|
|
denomination is to be found nowhere else. The hospitality to
|
|
atheists as well as to believers in mysticism, flying saucers,
|
|
pyramid power and all manner of foolishness is amazing. You do
|
|
provide a church home for a lot of people who simply would be
|
|
without one otherwise. I am attracted to many things, and most of
|
|
the people here. Hence, my reason for still being about as a
|
|
FRIEND.
|
|
|
|
However, as a Humanist, I find certain aspects of Unitarian
|
|
Universalism to be frustrating. The principle of affirming no
|
|
creed is, I believe, less than forthright. Agreeing to disagree
|
|
is an appropriate principle for our pluralistic society as a
|
|
whole, but it is not appropriate for a religious community
|
|
dedicated to celebration and action as a community. Groups that
|
|
stand for everything stand for nothing or else they deceive.
|
|
|
|
The alliance of convenience between residual Christians and Closet
|
|
Humanists is inhibiting - to both groups. Neither theists nor
|
|
atheists may act boldly or creatively on their convictions out of
|
|
fear of offending the other. For Humanists, the result is a timid
|
|
humanism that spends more time keeping peace with the god
|
|
believers in the church than meeting their own needs as Humanists
|
|
and reaching out to other Humanists in the larger community.
|
|
|
|
The Unitarian Universalist Hymnal - a hymnal for both Protestants
|
|
and Atheists - is not a miracle; it's a disaster. This hymnal to
|
|
me is a symbol of the watered down religion so often offered in
|
|
the U-U church.
|
|
|
|
The willingness on the part of the Unitarian Universalist Church
|
|
to TOLERATE my Humanism is far from enough for me. My need is for
|
|
an organization that AFFIRMS my Humanism.
|
|
|
|
So, while I will remain a friend of the Unitarian Universalist
|
|
Church and of all of you, as long as you'll have me, I cannot for
|
|
reasons above consider myself a member of your congregation.
|
|
|
|
|
|
------------------------------------------------------------------
|
|
===================================================================
|
|
|| END OF ARTICLE ||
|
|
===================================================================
|
|
|
|
Equality
|
|
|
|
Equality, or egalitarianism, is one of the fundamental principles of
|
|
humanist eupraxophy. In constructing a rational ethical structure, we
|
|
must tentatively suggest its foundations, and then examine the logical
|
|
consequences. Ultimately, it is the agreement or conflict with other
|
|
humanist values that will determine whether the ideal being tested is a
|
|
useful one.
|
|
|
|
Human equality does not imply that we are identical, or uniform. It does
|
|
not assert that we believe that everyone is equally intelligent (whatever
|
|
that may mean) or strong, or fast or any other quality. These are common
|
|
objections that an egalitarian meets with when stating this principle.
|
|
The concept of equality is coherent, and it serves as the basis for much
|
|
of our insistence on human rights, civil rights, tolerance and freedom
|
|
from religion.
|
|
|
|
At base, egalitarianism is the recognition that, whatever other qualities
|
|
a person may have, we all share an essence of humanness simply by being
|
|
human. Because of this humanness, human society shall, in its dealings
|
|
with an individual, treat that individual as a human being. This simple
|
|
statement is extremely useful, not only for the many beneficial
|
|
consequences that flow from its implementation, but also because anyone
|
|
can be made to see its practicality and simplicity in many different
|
|
situations.
|
|
|
|
What does it mean? It means that there are some things that every human
|
|
being is entitled to, and others that they are protected from, simply by
|
|
being human. It also must mean that every individual born is a human
|
|
being. Some of these ideal ways of dealing with human beings are
|
|
expressed in the United States' Declaration of Independence and the
|
|
United Nation's Declaration on Human Rights. A few basic instances might
|
|
be: no one should be tortured, no matter what their crime; all groups
|
|
have the right to express their ancestral culture; no one should be
|
|
denied work, housing or protection because of their ancestry or beliefs.
|
|
Your race, language or culture should not be held against you.
|
|
|
|
It is the nature of a rational eupraxophy that nothing is considered
|
|
absolute or final, yet we believe that we have adequate knowledge to
|
|
proceed and make judgments, to make responsible decisions, and then to
|
|
correct these decisions, if necessary. We are entitled to enact laws,
|
|
and to agitate to have laws amended. We recognize the truism that
|
|
choosing to do nothing is making a choice, and the contradiction inherent
|
|
in denying the possibility of knowing anything for certain and, somehow,
|
|
being certain of that.
|
|
|
|
All too often, the claim is made that, as we do not have absolute
|
|
knowledge, we are not entitled to make these choices. This is simply one
|
|
more weapon in the arsenal of those who would preserve the status quo,
|
|
and who recognize that their real reasons for doing so will not stand up
|
|
to rational inquiry. Like the idea of faith, it is a weapon of the
|
|
religion 'virus.' From Socrates onward, those with anti-egalitarian
|
|
sympathies have used this ploy to keep power in the hands of the
|
|
powerful, and to keep the powerless from attempting to participate.
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|
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It does not matter that we don't have a perfect definition of a human
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|
being, we have an adequate definition: someone born. It does not matter
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|
that we don't have a perfect definition of equality, we have an adequate
|
|
definition: treat all persons the same.
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|
|
|
There are still many people who are anti- egalitarian. Although they may
|
|
pay lipservice to democratic or egalitarian ideals, figuratively they
|
|
have their fingers crossed behind their backs. George Orwell explained
|
|
this kind of hypocrisy and how it operated when the countries of Europe
|
|
got together and to create the ideals of self-determination and
|
|
democratic government for all nations after World War I. The essay he
|
|
wrote was entitled: _Not Counting Niggers_. The European countries, of
|
|
course, did not want to give up their colonies, and had no intention of
|
|
giving the people who lived in them any of the "universal" rights that
|
|
they so touchingly proclaimed in the League of Nations. For others, it
|
|
is women, or gays, infidels, or outcastes, who "do not count." They have
|
|
defined themselves in terms of their difference from some "other". It
|
|
goes without saying that by this definition, they are better. When
|
|
egalitarians offer everyone equality, they appear to be calling for the
|
|
end of the world as these people know it, for the total destruction of
|
|
their self-identity. They react with an existential panic which is
|
|
puzzling to those who do not realize how essential to their self-image,
|
|
this feeling of superiority is.
|
|
|
|
Religionists are certainly among those that feel this way, but are hardly
|
|
the only ones to do so. Aside from the Christians who panic at the
|
|
thought of simply studying other religions, (rather than simply
|
|
dismissing them all as deceptions thrown up by Satan), you can see this
|
|
existential panic in the following situations.
|
|
|
|
In South Africa, those whites who have defined themselves as "better than
|
|
blacks." If Africans are to be treated as equals, recognized as human
|
|
beings, these whites will have no self-definition left.
|
|
|
|
Many conservative Christian men feel this way about women. If they are
|
|
not "better than women," they will be nothing. The reason for the
|
|
hysterically strong reaction to feminism (which after all, is simply
|
|
gender egalitarianism) is this panic. This is described by Sonja Johnson
|
|
in her first book among the Mormon elders who excommunicated her for
|
|
working for the ERA. As well, it shows in Pat Robertson's hysterics about
|
|
"lesbians and witches."
|
|
|
|
In other religions, upper caste Hindus have recently felt strongly enough
|
|
about their superiority to lower castes to have performed a number of
|
|
lynchings of lower caste Hindus who have dared to associate with women
|
|
(or men) "above their station." If they are not "better than
|
|
untouchables," they are nothing. Many Muslims react this way to any
|
|
outsider who poses a rational objection to any Muslim tenet. If they are
|
|
not "better than infidels" they are nothing.
|
|
|
|
All of the above discriminatory behaviour is supported by Holy Writ of
|
|
one kind or another. Though simple nationalism also allows one to hate
|
|
and discriminate against outsiders, fear of another nation's possible
|
|
retaliation often keeps one nationalist from harming another nationalist.
|
|
However, when nationalist xenophobia is allied to religion, which allows
|
|
the hater to see the "other" as an ally of all that is evil, against
|
|
which anything is permitted, and himself as an ally of all that is good,
|
|
for whom no action is unjustified (and for whom no reward is too great) a
|
|
truly explosive mixture is created. The religious fanatic is not bound
|
|
by any ethical consideration, nor even by simple pragmatism or common
|
|
sense. Murderous thugs will gladly risk death, believing that this
|
|
'martyrdom' gives them a ticket to heaven. They can rape, torture,
|
|
murder and destroy, all the while feeling that they are righteously
|
|
carrying out god's commands.
|
|
|
|
All bigots have good reasons for their bigotry and discrimination.
|
|
Christians feel that their homophobia is sanctioned by the Biblical
|
|
commands against homosexuality. Protestants feel that their
|
|
anti-Catholic hatred is sanctioned by Catholic betrayal of true
|
|
Christianity and turning aside to idol worship and corruption. Muslims
|
|
feel that Jews and Christians had a chance to hear the one true and final
|
|
revelation and deliberately rejected the Prophet of Allah. Muslims feel
|
|
that Baha'is and Ammadiyyas have deliberately blasphemed by daring to
|
|
attempt to add to the final revelation. Christians feel that Jews
|
|
accepted guilt for the crucifixion of Jesus. Muslims feel that Hindus
|
|
are idol worshippers. Hindus feel that non vegetarians deliberately
|
|
insult Mother Cow, the symbol of all that is good about life.
|
|
|
|
The humanist and egalitarian must give up these dangerous feelings of
|
|
superiority. A humanistic feeling of self-esteem comes from the
|
|
knowledge that one is making ethical choices in accordance with a
|
|
rational ethical code, and that one is according the same dignity to
|
|
everyone, granting (as a working assumption) the same self-esteem to all.
|
|
We tentatively assume good will from new encounters, until proven
|
|
otherwise. We recognize that this may occasionally result in a temporary
|
|
inconvenience, but that, in the long run, and on a large scale, this will
|
|
create a better world for all. This is not a recommendation to go
|
|
against your plain common sense in dangerous situations, or to take
|
|
unwarranted risks. But, the best solution in an increasingly small
|
|
world, with increasingly multicultural nations, is an egalitarian
|
|
tolerance of all.
|
|
|
|
This feeling of equality and the consequent decision to treat everyone
|
|
one meets with dignity and respect is the opposite of the Christian (and
|
|
most other religious) methods. There are some religious people who
|
|
express their spiritual feelings by such phrases as "seeing God in
|
|
everyone," taking to heart and acting upon the words in the New Testament
|
|
that 'what you have done to the least of these, you have done to me.'
|
|
However, such a religion does not go on crusades, engage in
|
|
evangelization, or burn heretics at the stake, all of which have been
|
|
notable features of every state sponsored, majority religion. As well,
|
|
if this is the sole basis for your good treatment of others, then all it
|
|
takes is the decision that 'god,' (undefined, and undetectable) has gone
|
|
out of a person, or a class of people, for them to become allies of the
|
|
devil and thus, fair game. As an example, Martin Luther first extended a
|
|
certain toleration to Jews. He reasoned that, now that the false
|
|
Christianity of the corrupt Catholic church had been swept away and the
|
|
"true" religion revealed, there would be no further bar to Jewish
|
|
conversion. When they stubbornly refused to convert, his anti-Semitism
|
|
was indistinguishable from the Catholic variety that had gone before.
|
|
|
|
You will always see the characteristics of the bully in religious
|
|
zealots, when they are the majority. They do not have self-esteem, in
|
|
fact, they seem to hate the very idea, and have attacked it virulently,
|
|
for instance, when it is brought up in school curricula. Self-esteem
|
|
conflicts with the Christian conception of man as a miserable sinner,
|
|
god's unworthy, abject, grovelling slave, deserving of nothing, and saved
|
|
only by grace. [Read _Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God_ for a clear
|
|
expression of this charming idea.] The ideal Christian's relationship
|
|
to God is that of lackey to emperor, or slave to master. In _Notes on
|
|
Nationalism_, Orwell noted the bullying inherent in nationalistic
|
|
displays. For instance, in the Nazi goose-step, (which still looks silly
|
|
when Russian soldiers do it) there is an echo of the schoolyard bully
|
|
making ugly faces, waiting for someone to laugh and give him an excuse
|
|
for a fight. In the Christian contempt for reason, and insistence on the
|
|
irrational, and admiration for mystery, for instance, on the non-rational
|
|
and incoherent doctrines of the Trinity, the Virgin Birth, and many
|
|
others, is this same bully's face: Don't you dare laugh, or you'll be
|
|
tortured to death, and God will enjoy it. Or rather, it is concept of
|
|
God which is the bully, and the Christian who takes the role of the
|
|
bully's sycophantic helper.
|
|
|
|
The best thing that can happen to a religion, to encourage the
|
|
development of its ethical nature, is to be forced into a minority
|
|
status. Those religions that are now, or have been recently dealing with
|
|
minority status are noteworthy for their insistence on tolerance, equal
|
|
treatment, freedom of religion, and fair play. Over long periods of
|
|
time, and over wide areas of geography, we are all minorities somewhere.
|
|
Egalitarianism is the best solution for everyone.
|
|
|
|
A consequence of egalitarianism is that no matter how much we disagree
|
|
with a person's beliefs, we must insist that they are entitled to express
|
|
them, to meet with like-minded people, to attempt to persuade others
|
|
towards their point of view. Their actions are free so long as they do
|
|
not harm others, or do things which will eventually cause harm, such as
|
|
environmental damage. The religious right is entitled to argue for a
|
|
theocratic state, and is entitled to attempt to save your soul for Jesus.
|
|
You should be just as entitled to persuade Christians that Jesus is a
|
|
myth, to meet in atheistic groups and to put up signs expressing your
|
|
beliefs. Christians are not entitled to have their irrational beliefs
|
|
respected, (by individuals) and they are not entitled to have their
|
|
churches supported by the state.
|
|
|
|
It has been argued that certain beliefs are so pernicious that their
|
|
expression should be proscribed. This argument is an analog of the most
|
|
common argument for capital punishment: that a certain individual is so
|
|
evil, has committed such horrific crimes, and is so obviously beyond
|
|
redemption, and undeserving of redemption, even if it were possible, that
|
|
capital punishment should exist for him. However, laws may not be made
|
|
for individuals, laws are made to apply to all. When proposing or
|
|
promoting a law, we must consider who is going to enforce it, and how
|
|
they are likely to do so. This is a basic, pragmatic reason for
|
|
insisting on equality, and refusing special privilege of any kind.
|
|
|
|
I ask you to consider what has occurred in two different areas where
|
|
special consideration, for good reasons, was proposed for two different
|
|
groups, that is, they were to be treated unequally from everybody else.
|
|
|
|
In the United States, in order to redress centuries of discrimination, it
|
|
was proposed that 'affirmative action' programs would allow those from
|
|
the disadvantaged groups to be considered for school placement and jobs
|
|
ahead of the majority. Despite the fact that discrimination against
|
|
blacks, women and other minorities continues almost unabated, this tiny
|
|
step brought howls of outrage from whites, men, and anyone not a
|
|
minority. White males used the existing anti-discrimination legislation
|
|
to penalize institutions attempting affirmative action, and the
|
|
mainstream media heaped the idea with ridicule.
|
|
|
|
I think the net effect has been negative, allowing the middle of the road
|
|
majority to feel that they are victims of discrimination, and allowing
|
|
them to equate these trivial inconveniences with the dismal housing,
|
|
violent death and generations of unemployment and educational deprivation
|
|
that have been and continue to be the common lot of blacks in the United
|
|
States, or the marginalization, domestic violence and desperate poverty
|
|
that are often women's lot. It would be better to insist on actual
|
|
equality, to keep measuring the inequalities that exist, and to clamour
|
|
for change.
|
|
|
|
The second case was in Canada, where, in response to feminist and
|
|
conservative pressure, laws have been passed against pornography. It is
|
|
not clear that there is a direct causal link between consuming
|
|
pornography and violent behaviour towards women, but pornography
|
|
certainly does give some men the idea that violence toward women is
|
|
permissible and desirable and that women really like it. It does create
|
|
an atmosphere of permission for violence.
|
|
|
|
However, the actual enforcement of this law has been to use it as a
|
|
weapon against lesbians and gays. 'Straight' pornography continues to be
|
|
available, and violence of all kinds, including extreme violence against
|
|
women, is almost mainstream. Only 'deviant' sex has been censored and
|
|
attacked. It would be better to educate people against violence and
|
|
degradation, and to protect those who could be victimised during film
|
|
production (these acts are already illegal under the Criminal Code).
|
|
|
|
Egalitarianism demands that everyone be treated the same. This should
|
|
mean that any stable grouping of adults should receive the benefits
|
|
accorded to a 'family.' Competent workers should not be forced to stop
|
|
working solely because of their age. Children are not the property of
|
|
their parents or guardians. If we were an egalitarian society, there
|
|
would be roughly the same number of women and men as government
|
|
representatives. Black, whites, hispanics, Asians and natives would be
|
|
making about the same average incomes and be represented in university,
|
|
the trades, the police forces and the professions in proportions roughly
|
|
equal to their proportion of the population. Likewise, in the prison
|
|
population and the welfare rolls.
|
|
|
|
We have a long way to go.
|
|
==================================================================
|
|
|| END OF ISSUE ||
|
|
==================================================================
|
|
Once again: ISSN: 1198-4619 Lucifer's Echo.
|
|
Volume I, Number 1: May 1994.
|
|
--
|
|
nullifidian, n. & a. (Person) having no religious faith or belief. [f.
|
|
med. L nullifidius f. L nullus "none" + fides "faith";] / If this is a
|
|
humanist topic then I am President of the Humanist Association of Ottawa.
|
|
Greg Erwin. ai815@FreeNet.Carleton.CA
|