568 lines
36 KiB
Plaintext
568 lines
36 KiB
Plaintext
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Humans as Cancer
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by A. Kent MacDougall
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When a spot on a person's skin changes color, becomes tough or rough and
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elevated or ulcerated, bleeds, scales, scabs over and fails to heal,
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it's time to consult a doctor. For these are early signs of skin cancer.
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As seen by astronauts and photographed from space by satellites,
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millions of manmade patterns on the land surface of Earth resemble
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nothing so much as the skin conditions of cancer patients. The
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transformation of the natural contours of the land into the geometric
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patterns of farm fields, the straightening of meandering rivers into
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canal-like channels, and the logging of forests into checkerboard
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clearcuts all have their counterparts in the loss of normal skin
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markings in cancer victims. Green forests logged into brown scrub and
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overgrazed grasslands bleached into white wasteland are among the
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changes in Earth's color. Highways, streets, parking lots and other
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paved surfaces have toughened Earth's surface, while cities have
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roughened it. Slag heaps and garbage dumps can be compared to raised
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skin lesions. Open-pit mines, quarries and bomb craters, including the
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30 million left by US forces in Indochina, resemble skin ulcerations.
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Saline seeps in inappropriately irrigated farm fields look like scaly,
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festering sores. Signs of bleeding include the discharge of human
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sewage, factory effluents and acid mine drainage into adjacent
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waterways, and the erosion of topsoil from deforested hillsides to turn
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rivers, lakes and coastal waters yellow, brown and red. The red ring
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around much of Madagascar that is visible from space strikes some
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observers as a symptom that the island is bleeding to death.
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If skin cancer were all that ailed Earth, the planet's eventual
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recovery would be less in doubt. For with the exception of malignant
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melanoma, skin cancer is usually curable. But the parallels between the
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way cancer progresses in the human body and humans' progressively
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malignant impact on Earth are more than skin-deep. Consider:
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Cancer cells proliferate rapidly and uncontrollably in the body;
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humans continue to proliferate rapidly and uncontrollably in the world.
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Crowded cancer cells harden into tumors; humans crowd into cities.
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Cancer cells infiltrate and destroy adjacent normal tissues; urban
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sprawl devours open land. Malignant tumors shed cells that migrate to
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distant parts of the body and set up secondary tumors; humans have
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colonized just about every habitable part of the globe. Cancer cells
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lose their natural appearance and distinctive functions; humans
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homogenize diverse natural ecosystems into artificial monocultures.
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Malignant tumors excrete enzymes and other chemicals that adversely
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affect remote parts of the body; humans' motor vehicles, power plants,
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factories and farms emit toxins that pollute environments far from the
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point of origin.
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A cancerous tumor continues to grow even as its expropriation of
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nutrients and disruption of vital functions cause its host to waste
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away. Similarly, human societies undermine their own long-term viability
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by depleting and fouling the environment. With civilization as with
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cancer, initial success begets self-defeating excess.
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It's easy to dismiss the link between cancer the disease in humans
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and humans as a disease on the planet as both preposterous and
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repulsive--or as a mere metaphor rather than the unifying hypothesis its
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leading proponent claims for it. Only a handful of limited-circulation
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periodicals, including this one (see Forencich 1992/93), have granted
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the concept a respectful hearing.
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Accepting the humans-as-cancer concept comes easier if one also
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accepts the Gaia hypothesis that the planet functions as a single living
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organism. To be sure, the Earth is mostly inanimate. Its rocky, watery
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surface supports only a relatively thin layer of plants, animals and
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other living organisms. But so, too, is a mature tree mostly dead wood
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and bark, with only its thin cambium layer and its leaves, flowers and
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seeds actually alive. Yet the tree is a living organism. Earth behaves
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like a living organism to the extent that the chemical composition of
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its rocky crust, oceans and atmosphere has both supported and been
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influenced by the biological processes of living organisms over several
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billion years. These self-sustaining, self-regulating processes have
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kept the Earth's surface temperature, its concentrations of salt in the
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oceans and oxygen in the atmosphere, and other conditions favorable for
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life.
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James Lovelock, who propounded the Gaia hypothesis in 1979,
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initially rejected humans' cancer-like impacts as a corollary, declaring
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flatly: "People are not in any way like a tumor" (Lovelock 1988, p.
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177). But before long he modified this view, observing: "Humans on the
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Earth behave in some ways like a pathogenic micro-organism, or like the
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cells of a tumor or neoplasm" (Lovelock 1991,p. 153).
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Others have stated the connection more strongly. "If you picture
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Earth and its inhabitants as a single self-sustaining organism, along
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the lines of the popular Gaia concept, then we humans might ourselves be
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seen as pathogenic," Jerold M. Lowenstein, professor of medicine at the
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University of California, San Francisco, has written. "We are infecting
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the planet, growing recklessly as cancer cells do, destroying Gaia's
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other specialized cells (that is, extinguishing other species), and
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poisoning our air supply....From a Gaian perspective... the main disease
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to be eliminated is us" (Lowenstein 1992).
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Dr. Lowenstein isn't the first physician to examine the planet as a
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patient and find it afflicted with humanoid cancer. Alan Gregg pioneered
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the diagnosis. As a long-time official of the Rockefeller Foundation,
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responsible for recommending financial grants to improve public health
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and medical education, Dr. Gregg traveled widely in the years following
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World War II and observed the worldwide population boom. By 1954 he had
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seen enough. In a brief paper delivered at a symposium and subsequently
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published in Science, Gregg (1955) compared the world to a living
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organism and the explosion in human numbers to a proliferation of cancer
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cells. He sketched other parallels between cancer in humans and humans'
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cancer-like impact on the world. And he expressed hope--unrealized to
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this day--that "this somewhat bizarre comment on the population problem
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may point to a new concept of human self-restraint."
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It has fallen to a physician who is also an epidemiologist to flesh
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out and fill in Gregg's sketchily drawn analysis. Warren M. Hern wrote
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his Ph.D. dissertation on how the intrusion of Western civilization has
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increased birth rates among Peruvian Amazon Indians. He does his bit to
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keep the US birth rate down by operating an abortion clinic in Boulder,
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Colorado. Hern (1990) published a major article that laid out in detail,
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and buttressed with anthropological, ecological and historical evidence,
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the ways in which the human species constitutes a "malignant eco-tumor."
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He proposed renaming us *Homo esophagus* (for "the man who devours the
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ecosystem"). Illustrations accompanying the article included aerial
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photographs of US cities juxtaposed with look-alike photos of brain and
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lung tumors.
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Dr. Hern has delivered papers on the hypothesis at symposia
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organized by the Population Association of America, the American
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Association for the Advancement of Science, and the American Public
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Health Association. Two papers have subsequently been published (Hern
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1993a, 1993b). But in general the scientific community doesn't take his
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hypothesis seriously, preferring to see it as a mere metaphor or
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analogy. Indeed, it has evoked hostility in some quarters. When Hern
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presented the hypothesis at the International Conference on Population
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and Development in Cairo in 1994, listeners reacted angrily, with one
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threatening, "Are you ready to die?" A Denver radio talk show host
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called Dr. Hern an "ecoquack" and a "fellow-in-good-standing of the
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Sky-Is-Falling School."
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Such disparagement can be seen as yet another parallel between
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cancer the scourge in humans and humans as a carcinogenic scourge on the
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world. For just as Warren Hern encounters indifference, denial and
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downright hostility to his views, until recently American doctors
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routinely kept their cancer patients in the dark about the nature of
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their illness. The aim was to spare patients the shock, fear, anger and
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depression that the bad news commonly evokes. Families were reluctant to
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admit that a relative had died of cancer, and newspaper obituaries
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referred euphemistically to the cause of a death from cancer as "a long
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illness." In Japan, cancer remains a taboo topic. Public opinion polls
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indicate that people would rather not know if they have cancer and
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doctors would rather not tell them. When Emperor Hirohito was dying of
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cancer of the duodenum, his doctors lied, telling both him and the
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public that he had "chronic pancreatitis" (Sanger 1989).
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In the United States, even some environmentally enlightened analysts
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remain in denial when it comes to the humans-as-a-planetary-cancer
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hypothesis. Christopher D. Stone, a law professor at the University of
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Southern California and son of the late leftist journalist I. F. Stone,
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authored an influential essay on environmental law, *Should Trees Have
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Standing? Toward Legal Rights for Natural Objects*. But in his latest
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book Stone (1993, p.4) casts doubt on the proposition that "the earth
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has cancer, and the cancer is man." "The interdependency of the earth's
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parts does not amount to the interdependency of organs within a true
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organism," he notes. "The earth as a whole, including its life web, is
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not as fragile...the Gaian relationships are not so finely, so
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precariously tuned."
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Even deep ecologists acknowledge that Earth is qualitatively
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different from a true organism, that its legitimate status as a
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superecosystem falls short of qualifying it as a superorganism. Frank
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Forencich, who argued in "Homo Carcinomicus: A Look at Planetary
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Oncology" (Forencich 1992/93) that "the parallels between neoplastic
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growth and human population are astonishing," concedes that even a
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nuclear winter wouldn't completely destroy the living biosphere, much
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less the inanimate lithosphere, hydrosphere and atmosphere. "We can't
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kill the host," he says. "Civilization will break up before the
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biosphere goes" (Forencich 1993).
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Still another objection is that any generalization about cancer is
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suspect because cancer is not a single disease, but rather a group of
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more than 100 diseases that differ as to cause and characteristics. Some
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cancers--breast cancer, for instance--typically grow rapidly and spread
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aggressively. Others, such as cancers of the small intestine, usually
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grow slowly. Prostate cancer often grows so slowly that it causes no
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problem. "It's completely possible for an organism to have cancer cells
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for its entire lifetime and suffer no ill effects" (Garrett 1988, p.43).
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The lack of a perfect correspondence between cancer the disease in
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humans and humans' cancer-like effects on the Earth invalidates the
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humans-as-cancer concept for some observers. But Warren Hern insists
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humans-as-cancer is a hypothesis because it is subject to verification
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or refutation and because it is useful as a basis for further
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investigation. Frank Forencich, in contrast, is content to consider the
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concept a metaphor. "That humans are like cancer is indisputable," he
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says. "But humans are not cancer itself."
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Whether as metaphor or hypothesis, the proposition that humans have
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been acting like malignant cancer cells deserves to be taken seriously.
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The proposition offers a unifying interpretation of such seemingly
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unconnected phenomena as the destruction of ecosystems, the decay of
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inner cities and the globalization of Western commodity culture. It
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provides a valuable macrocosmic perspective on human impacts, as well as
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a revealing historic perspective in tracing humans' carcinogenic
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propensities back to the earliest times.
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The progenitors of modern humans exhibited one of cancer cells' most
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significant characteristics, loss of adhesion, one to two million years
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ago. Because cancer cells are attached more loosely to one another than
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normal cells are, they separate easily, move randomly and invade tissues
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beyond those from which they were derived. Our direct ancestors, *Homo
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erectus*, demonstrated this trait in migrating out of Africa. Living in
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small mobile groups, these foragers/scavengers/hunters spread across
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Asia and Europe. The next hominid species in the evolutionary line,
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*Homo sapiens*, extended the dispersal into previously uninhabitable
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northern forests and tundra. Their successors, anatomically modern *Homo
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sapiens sapiens*, have spread to every continent and major ice-free
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island. With the aid of clothing, shelter, technology and imported
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supplies, they now occupy forests, wetlands, deserts, tundra and other
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areas formerly considered too wet, too dry, too cold, or too remote for
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human habitation. Humans now occupy, or have altered and exploited,
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two-thirds to nine-tenths (estimates vary) of the planet's land surface.
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It seems only a matter of time before they take over all the remaining
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"empty" spaces.
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Humans' ongoing expropriation of the planet has proceeded apace with
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the eruption of human numbers; and the eruption of human numbers has
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features in common with the proliferation of cancer cells. In a healthy
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body, genetic controls enable a large number of individual cells to live
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together harmoniously as a single organism. Genetic switches signal
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normal cells when it is time to divide and multiply, and when it is time
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to break apart and be absorbed by neighboring cells. When the genetic
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switches are damaged, as by chemicals, radiation, or viruses, they can
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get locked in the "on" position. This turns normal cells into malignant
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cells that divide and multiply in disregard of the health of the entire
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organism.
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When humans lived in semi-nomadic bands in harmony with an
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environment they did not dominate, they limited their numbers so as not
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to exceed the supply of food they could gather, scavenge, and hunt. Nor
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did they produce more young than they could carry between seasonal
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camps. Their contraceptive measures included coitus interruptus
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(withdrawal), pessaries, and prolonged breastfeeding to depress the
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hormones that trigger ovulation. When these methods failed, they
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resorted to abortion and infanticide. Like normal cells in a healthy
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body, hunter-gatherers seemed to know when to stop growing.
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However, technological and cultural contaminants upset this delicate
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natural balance, permitting humans to multiply beyond numbers compatible
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with the harmonious health of the global ecosystem. The first and still
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the foremost contaminant was fire. By 400,000 years ago--perhaps even
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earlier--hunter-gatherers had learned to control and use fire. Thus
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began the transformation of humans from just another large mammal in
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competition with other fierce predators into the undisputed overlord of
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all species, plant and animal. Addiction to combustion has defined human
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existence ever since, and has escalated into the current orgy of
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fossil-fuel burning with the potential of overheating Gaia and
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jeopardizing the existence of all her inhabitants.
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Fire was generally benign when used by hunter-gatherers to thin
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dense forests into more open and park-like landscapes supporting more
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game. But the increase in food supply that more effective hunting and
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the cooking of tough meat and fibrous vegetable matter made possible
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swelled hunter-gatherer populations. As humans proliferated and spread
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out, overhunted and overgathered, large game and suitable wild foods
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became less abundant. This made hunting and gathering less efficient,
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leaving horticulture, which previously hadn't been worth the extra
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effort, as the only viable alternative.
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Clearing forests to farm began some 10,000 years ago in Asia Minor.
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About 2000 years later, shifting horticulturists began slashing and
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burning their way northwestward across Europe. They overwhelmed and
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pushed aside less numerous hunter-gatherers before giving way in turn to
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agriculturalists whose plow cultivation of permanent fields permitted
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more intensive food production and denser populations.
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Agriculture condemned peasants to a short, harsh life of monotonous
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toil, an inadequate diet, the constant threat of crop failure and
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starvation and exposure to virulent contagious diseases. It fostered
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social stratification and sexual inequality, cruel treatment of animals,
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despotism and warfare. And it encouraged further cancer-like
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encroachment on wilderness to feed increased populations and to replace
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fields and pastures eroded and depleted of soil fertility by
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overcropping and overgrazing. The elites that came to dominate sedentary
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agrarian societies caused still more woodland to be cleared and
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marshland to be drained to maximize production they could expropriate
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for their own use. This economic surplus, in turn, helped support an
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increasing concentration of people in river valleys, along seacoasts,
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and in cities.
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The massing of humans into cities is all too similar to the way
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crowded cancer cells harden into tumors. Whereas normal cells in a
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tissue culture stop reproducing when they come in contact with other
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cells, cancer cells continue to divide and pile up on top of one
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another, forming clumps. Normal cells display contact inhibition,
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growing only to the limits of their defined space and then stopping.
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Cancer cells never know when to quit.
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Likewise, human populations grow even under extremely crowded
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conditions. The very essence of civilization is the concentration of
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people in cities. As scattered farming villages evolved into towns, and
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some towns became trading, manufacturing, ceremonial and administrative
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centers, the city was born. Fed by grain grown in the provinces and
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served by slaves seized there, the administrative centers of empires
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grew large; Rome may have reached one million people at its height in
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100 C.E. Yet not until industrialization and the extensive exploitation
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of distant resources after 1800 did cities really begin getting out of
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hand, and in 1900, still only one in ten people lived in cities. Half
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will in 2000, with 20 metropolitan areas expected to have 10 million or
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more people each.
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The propensity of modern cities to spread out over the
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countryside--absorbing villages, destroying farm fields, filling in open
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land, and creating vast new agglomerations--was noted early in this
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century by the Scottish garden-city planner Patrick Geddes. Geddes
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(1915) identified half a dozen such "conurbations" in the making in
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Britain, and he foresaw the approach of a 500-mile megalopolis along the
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northern Atlantic seaboard in the United States. Geddes compared urban
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sprawl to an amoeba, but it fell to his American protege Lewis Mumford
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to liken disorderly, shapeless, uncoordinated urban expansion to a
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malignant tumor, observing that "the city continues to grow
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inorganically, indeed cancerously, by a continuous breaking down of old
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tissues, and an overgrowth of formless new tissue" (Mumford 1961, p.
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543).
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A malignant tumor develops its own blood vessels as it grows.
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Similarly, cities vascularize with aqueducts, electric power lines,
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highways, railroads, canals and other conduits. A tumor uses its
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circulation network to pirate nutrients from the body. Similarly, cities
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parasitically tap the countryside and beyond to bring in food, fuel,
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water, and other supplies. However, just as a tumor eventually outgrows
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its blood supply, causing a part of it, often at the center, to die,
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inner city neighborhoods and even older suburbs often atrophy. Alan
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Gregg (1955) noted this parallel 40 years ago, observing "how nearly the
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slums of our great cities resemble the necrosis of tumors."
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Humans are increasingly concentrated along seacoasts. Sixty percent
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of the world's people now live within 100 kilometers of a seacoast. In
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Australia, one of the world's most highly urbanized nations, nine of
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every ten people live along the coast. The boom in international trade,
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from which coastal areas receive a disproportionate share of the
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benefits, helps explain the worldwide trend; but the pattern goes back
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thousands of years and parallels yet another carcinogenic process:
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metastasis.
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In metastasis, a tumor sheds cancer cells that then migrate to
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distant sites of the body and set up secondary growths. The medium for
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the migration of the cells is the blood and lymphatic systems. In the
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ancient world of the Mediterranean, another fluid--water--facilitated
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the migration of people and goods. The Phoenicians, Greeks,
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Carthagenians and Romans all took advantage of the relative ease of
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travel and transport by water to establish colonies all around the
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Mediterranean. At the height of the Roman Empire, no fewer than 500
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settlements flourished along the African coast from Morocco to Egypt.
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Just as secondary tumors in the human body destroy the tissues and
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organs they invade, colonizers of the ancient Mediterranean devastated
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the fertile but fragile ecosystems of the coastal regions they
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colonized. They logged coastal forests for ship timbers and building
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materials, to provide charcoal to fire bricks and pottery and smelt
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mineral ores, and to create farm fields and pastures. Overcropping,
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fires, sheep and goats prevented regeneration. Intense winter rains
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washed the thin, easily eroded soil down hillsides into coastal plains
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to smother farm fields, choke the mouths of rivers, create malarial
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marshes, bury port cities and strand many of them miles from the sea.
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The slopes, left barren, have not recovered to this day.
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The voraciousness of secondary tumors as they invade and consume
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tissues and organs has its counterpart in the orgies of destruction that
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states and especially empires have engaged in for 5000 years. In many
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cases, the destruction has exceeded what was in the destroyer's own
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self-interest. Many invaders routinely obliterated the cities they
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conquered, massacred their inhabitants, and destroyed their fields and
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flocks instead of just taking them over. Carpet bombing of cities and
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the mass slaughter of their civilian noncombatant populations during
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World War II constitute the modern equivalent. Ancient Romans ransacked
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their empire for bears, lions, leopards, elephants, rhinos, hippos and
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other live animals to be tormented and killed in public arenas until
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there were no more to be found. European invaders of North America and
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Siberia did in the fur trade from which they so hugely profited by the
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self-defeating overkill of fur-bearing animals.
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Human destruction of ecosystems has increased relentlessly since
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industrialization. The annihilation of 60 million bison on the North
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American Great Plains was made possible by the intrusion of railroads
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and the invention of the repeating rifle. The reckless exploitation of
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whales was speeded by the invention of the explosive harpoon,
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cannon-winch and engine-driven ship. Enormous nets towed by today's
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factory trawlers permit oceans to be strip-mined for fish--and any other
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creature unlucky enough to become ensnared in these curtains of death.
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Tractors and other modern farm machinery alternately compact and
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pulverize topsoil, increasing its vulnerability to erosive winds and
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rains. Chain saws and bulldozers level forests faster than axes and hand
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saws ever could. Dynamite and drag line excavators permit strip mining
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on a scale hitherto unimaginable, decapitating mountains, turning
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landscapes into moon craters, and rendering islands such as
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phosphate-rich Nauru in the South Pacific all but uninhabitable. Boring
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holes in the earth to get at minerals, of course, resembles the way
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cancer bores holes in muscle and bone. As Peter Russell (1983, p.33) has
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observed, "Technological civilization really does look like a rampant
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malignant growth blindly devouring its own ancestral host in a selfish
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act of consumption."
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Just as a fast-growing tumor steals nutrients from healthy parts of
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the body to meet its high energy demands, industrial civilization usurps
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the resources of healthy ecosystems that their natural plant and animal
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inhabitants depend on for survival. In 1850, humans and their livestock
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accounted for 5 percent of the total weight of all terrestrial animal
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life. Today, that portion exceeds 20 percent, and by the year 2030 it
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could reach 40 percent (Westing 1990, pp. 110-111).
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"Never before in the history of the earth has a single species been
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so widely distributed and monopolized such a large fraction of the
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energetic resources. An ever diminishing remainder of these limited
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resources is now being divided among millions of other species. The
|
|
consequences are predictable: contraction of geographic ranges,
|
|
reduction of population sizes, and increased probability of extinction
|
|
for most wild species; expansion of ranges and increased populations of
|
|
the few species that benefit from human activity; and loss of biological
|
|
diversity at all scales from local to global" (Brown and Maurer 1989).
|
|
Decline in diversity is common to both cancer and civilization. In
|
|
both cases, heterogeneity gives way to homogeneity, complexity to
|
|
simplification. Malignant cells fail to develop into specialized cells
|
|
of the tissues from which they derive. Instead, "undifferentiated,
|
|
highly malignant cells tend to resemble one another and fetal tissues
|
|
more than their adult normal counterpart cells" (Ruddon 1987, p.230).
|
|
De-differentiation in human societies is at least as old as
|
|
agriculture and animal husbandry. Farmers have been replacing diverse
|
|
species of native plants with pure stands of domesticated crops for
|
|
thousands of years. Instead of the thousands of kinds of plants that
|
|
pre-agricultural peoples gathered for food, just seven staples--wheat,
|
|
rice, maize, potatoes, barley, sweet potato and cassava--now supply
|
|
three-quarters of the caloric content of all the world's food crops. The
|
|
world's astonishing abundance and variety of wildlife is going fast,
|
|
with many species soon to be seen only in zoos and game parks, their
|
|
places taken by cattle, sheep, goats, pigs and other domesticated
|
|
livestock.
|
|
Despite their value in providing wildlife habitat, modulating flood
|
|
waters and filtering out pollutants, more than half of the world's
|
|
swamps, marshes, bogs, seasonal flood plains and other wetlands have
|
|
been drained, dredged, filled in, built on or otherwise destroyed.
|
|
Temperate forests dominated by trees of many species and of all ages are
|
|
giving way to single species, same-aged conifer plantations supporting
|
|
far fewer birds and other wildlife. And the tropical forests that harbor
|
|
more than half of all species on Earth are being mowed down faster than
|
|
their bewildering biodiversity can be identified, leading some experts
|
|
to warn that we are causing the greatest mass extinction since the
|
|
disappearance of the dinosaurs 65 million years ago.
|
|
The tendency of civilizations to homogenize and impoverish
|
|
ecosystems is nowhere clearer than in urban areas. Major cities are
|
|
becoming indistinguishable from one another in appearance and
|
|
undifferentiated in function. Central business districts so resemble one
|
|
another that travelers can be forgiven for forgetting whether they are
|
|
in Boston, Brussels or Bombay. Shanty cities in poor countries look
|
|
alike, as do suburbs in rich countries.
|
|
As Lewis Mumford pointed out more than 30 years ago, the archetypal
|
|
suburban refuge in the United States consists of "a multitude of
|
|
uniform, unidentifiable houses, lined up inflexibly, at uniform
|
|
distances, on uniform roads, in a treeless communal waste, inhabited by
|
|
people of the same class, the same income, the same age group,
|
|
witnessing the same television performances, eating the same tasteless
|
|
pre-fabricated foods, from the same freezers, conforming in every
|
|
outward and inward respect to a common mold, manufactured in the central
|
|
metropolis. Thus the ultimate effect of the suburban escape in our time
|
|
is, ironically, a low-grade uniform environment from which escape is
|
|
impossible" (Mumford 1961, p.486).
|
|
Globalization of the economy is enclosing the entire world in a
|
|
single market for machine-made goods that are increasingly standardized
|
|
whatever their country of origin. Western material values and capitalist
|
|
commodity culture, led by American television, movies, music, street
|
|
fashions and fast food, are dominant internationally. Local and regional
|
|
individuality, along with indigenous cultures, languages and world
|
|
views, are fading fast.
|
|
The decline of natural and cultural diversity is as threatening to
|
|
the planet as undifferentiated cells are to the cancer patient. Whereas
|
|
a well-differentiated prostate cancer tends to grow slowly, remain
|
|
localized and cause no symptoms, a poorly differentiated one often
|
|
spreads aggressively. Similarly, traditional farmers who keep weeds,
|
|
pests and plant diseases in check by rotating crops, fertilizing
|
|
naturally, and maintaining the tilth of the soil don't threaten Earth's
|
|
health the way single-crop plantations relying on pesticides, synthetic
|
|
fertilizers and heavy machinery do. Unfortunately, monocultural
|
|
agriculture is becoming the norm on every continent.
|
|
Hemorrhaging is still another symptom of the carcinogenic process.
|
|
The first sign of cancer is often spontaneous bleeding from a body
|
|
orifice, discharge from a nipple, or an oozing sore. Vomiting can warn
|
|
of a brain tumor or leukemia. Signs that Earth, too, has cancer abound.
|
|
Cities vomit human sewage and industrial wastes into adjacent waterways.
|
|
Mines and slag heaps ooze mercury, arsenic, cyanide and sulfuric acid.
|
|
Wells gush, pipelines leak and tankers spill oil. Farm fields discharge
|
|
topsoil, fertilizers, pesticides and salts to silt up and poison rivers
|
|
and estuaries. Cattle feedlots add manure. Most serious of all,
|
|
deforested, eroded hillsides hemorrhage floods of mud.
|
|
Fever is another symptom of cancer in both humans and the planet.
|
|
Cancer patients become fevered because of increased susceptibility to
|
|
infection caused by a depressed immune system. Chemotherapy and
|
|
irradiation can also cause fever, as can temperature-elevating
|
|
substances released by a malignant tumor. Global warming is the
|
|
planetary counterpart. Waste products released by industry and motor
|
|
vehicles, deforestation and other feverish human activities pump
|
|
inordinate quantities of carbon dioxide, nitrous oxide, methane,
|
|
chlorofluorocarbons and other greenhouse gases into the atmosphere where
|
|
they trap heat and raise temperatures.
|
|
Wasting, or cachexia, is still another sign of advanced cancer. A
|
|
cancer patient becomes fatigued and weak, losing both appetite and
|
|
weight as the tumor releases toxic hormones and makes metabolic demands
|
|
on the body. "Many cancer patients die not of cancer itself, but of
|
|
progressive malnutrition" (Rosenbaum 1988, p.264). The planetary
|
|
counterpart includes loss of forests, fisheries, biodiversity, soil,
|
|
groundwater and biomass.
|
|
It's not in a tumor's self-interest to steal nutrients to the point
|
|
where the host starves to death, for this kills the tumor as well. Yet
|
|
tumors commonly continue growing until the victim wastes away. A
|
|
malignant tumor usually goes undetected until the number of cells in it
|
|
has doubled at least 30 times from a single cell. The number of humans
|
|
on Earth has already doubled 32 times, reaching that mark in 1978 when
|
|
world population passed 4.3 billion. Thirty-seven to 40 doublings, at
|
|
which point a tumor weighs about one kilogram, are usually fatal
|
|
(Tannock 1992, pp. 157, 175).
|
|
Like a smoker who exaggerates the pain of withdrawal and persists
|
|
because the carcinogenic consequences of his bad habit don't show up for
|
|
20 or 30 years, governments generally avoid the painful adjustments
|
|
needed to prevent social, economic and environmental disasters in the
|
|
making. "Governments with limited tenure, in the developing as well as
|
|
in the developed countries, generally respond to immediate political
|
|
priorities; they tend to defer addressing the longer term issues,
|
|
preferring instead to provide subsidies, initiate studies, or make
|
|
piecemeal modifications of policy" (Hillel 1991, p. 273). So it usually
|
|
takes a crisis, often a catastrophe, before even the most commonsensical
|
|
action is taken--and then it is often too late to avoid irreversible
|
|
ecological damage.
|
|
Is the prognosis for the planet as grim as it is for a patient with
|
|
advanced cancer? Or will infinitely clever but infrequently wise *Homo
|
|
sapiens* alter geocidal behaviors in time to avoid global ruin? Even the
|
|
most pessimistic doomsayers concede that humans have the capacity to
|
|
arrest Gaia's deteriorating condition. Cancer cells can't think, but
|
|
humans can. Cancer cells can't know the full extent of the harm they're
|
|
doing to the organism of which they are a part, whereas humans have the
|
|
capacity for planetary awareness. Cancer cells can't consciously modify
|
|
their behavior to spare their host's life and prolong their own, whereas
|
|
humans can adjust, adapt, innovate, pull back, change course.
|
|
Gaia's future, and humans' with it, depends on their doing so.
|
|
|
|
~REFERENCES~
|
|
|
|
Brown, James H. and Brian A. Maurer 1989. Macroecology: The Division of
|
|
Food and Space Among Species on Continents. *Science* 243:1145-1150.
|
|
Forencich, Frank. 1992/93. Homo Carcinomicus: A Look at Planetary
|
|
Oncology. *Wild Earth* 2(4): 72-74.
|
|
Forencich, Frank. 1993. Personal communication.
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|
Garrett, Laurie. 1988. The Biology of Cancer. In Mark Renneker, editor,
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|
*Understanding Cancer*, third edition. Bull Publishing, Palo Alto, CA.
|
|
Geddes, Patrick 1915. Reprinted in 1968. *Cities in Evolution: An
|
|
Introduction to the Town Planning Movement and to the Study of Civics*.
|
|
Ernest Benn, London.
|
|
Gregg, Alan. 1955. A Medical Aspect of the Population Problem. *Science*
|
|
121(3,150): 681-682.
|
|
Hern, Warren M. 1990. Why Are There So Many of Us? Description and
|
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Diagnosis of a Planetary Ecopathological Process. *Population and
|
|
Environment* 12(1): 9-39.
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Hern, Warren M. 1993a. Is Human Culture Carcinogenic for Uncontrolled
|
|
Population Growth and Ecological Destruction? *BioScience* 43(11):
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|
768-773.
|
|
Hern, Warren M. 1993b . Has the Human Species Become a Cancer on the
|
|
Planet? A Theoretical View of Population Growth as a Sign of Pathology.
|
|
*Current World Leaders* 36(6): 1089-1124.
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|
Hillel, Daniel J. 1991. *Out of the Earth: Civilization and the Life of
|
|
the Soil*. Free Press, New York.
|
|
Lovelock, James. 1988. *The Ages of Gaia: A Biography of Our Living
|
|
Earth*. W. W. Norton, New York.
|
|
Lovelock, James. 1991. *Healing Gaia: Practical Medicine for the
|
|
Planet*. Harmony Books, New York.
|
|
Lowenstein, Jerold M. 1992. Can We Wipe Out Disease? *Discover* November
|
|
1992: 120-125.
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|
Mumford, Lewis. 1961. *The City in History: Its Origins, Its
|
|
Transformations, and Its Prospects*. Harcourt, Brace & World, New York.
|
|
Rosenbaum, Ernest. 1988. In Mark Renneker, editor *Understanding
|
|
Cancer*, third edition. Bull Publishing, Palo Alto, CA.
|
|
Ruddon, Raymond W. 1987. *Cancer Biology*, second edition. Oxford
|
|
University Press, New York.
|
|
Russell, Peter 1983. *The Global Brain*. J. P. Tarcher, Los Angeles.
|
|
Sanger, David E. 1989. Tokyo Journal: A Fear of Cancer Means No Telling.
|
|
*New York Times* Jan. 20, 1989.
|
|
Stone, Christopher D. 1993. *The Gnat Is Older Than Man: Global
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|
Environment and Human Agenda*. Princeton University Press, Princeton,
|
|
N.J.
|
|
Tannock, Ian F. 1992. In Tannock and Richard P. Hill, editors, *The
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|
Basic Science of Oncology*, second edition. McGraw-Hill, New York.
|
|
Westing, Arthur H. 1990. In Nicholas Polunin and John H. Burnett,
|
|
editors, *Maintenance of the Biosphere: Proceedings of the Third
|
|
International Conference on Environmental Future*. St. Martin's, New
|
|
York.
|
|
|
|
*A. Kent MacDougall (911 Oxford St., Berkeley CA 94707) is professor
|
|
emeritus of journalism at the University of California, Berkeley. He
|
|
completed his 25-year newspaper reporting career in 1987 with a
|
|
24,000-word series of articles for the Los Angeles Times on
|
|
deforestation around the world and through the ages. The series won the
|
|
Forest History Society's John M. Collier Award for Forest History
|
|
Journalism.*
|
|
|
|
[END]
|
|
|
|
=================== Humans as Cancer, part two of two ==================
|
|
|