889 lines
45 KiB
Plaintext
889 lines
45 KiB
Plaintext
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Computer underground Digest Tue Jul 11, 1995 Volume 7 : Issue 58
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ISSN 1004-042X
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Editors: Jim Thomas and Gordon Meyer (TK0JUT2@MVS.CSO.NIU.EDU
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Archivist: Brendan Kehoe
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Shadow Master: Stanton McCandlish
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Field Agent Extraordinaire: David Smith
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Shadow-Archivists: Dan Carosone / Paul Southworth
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Ralph Sims / Jyrki Kuoppala
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Ian Dickinson
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la Triviata: Which wine goes best with Unix?
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CONTENTS, #7.58 (Tue, Jul 11, 1995)
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File 1--The Ethical Lapses of the Carnegie Mellon "Cyberporn" Study
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File 2--Cu Digest Header Info (unchanged since 19 Apr, 1995)
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CuD ADMINISTRATIVE, EDITORIAL, AND SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION APPEARS IN
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THE CONCLUDING FILE AT THE END OF EACH ISSUE.
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---------------------------------------------------------------------
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Date: Tue, 11 Jul 1995 18:07:12 -0500
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From: jthomas@SUN.SOCI.NIU.EDU(Jim Thomas)
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Subject: File 1--The Ethical Lapses of the Carnegie Mellon "Cyberporn" Study
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THE ETHICS OF CARNEGIE MELLON'S "CYBER-PORN" STUDY
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Jim Thomas
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Department of Sociology
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Northern Illinois University
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(July 10, 1995)
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It's unfortunate that there are some researchers, even prestigious
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ones, who fail to recognize that the same ethical principles that
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apply to off-line research apply on-line as well. Conventions that
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prohibit deception, invasion of privacy, placing human subjects at
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risk, and possible fraudulent data gathering are not considered a
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normal part of research. It is especially sad when a research study
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carrying the name of a prestigious national university errs so
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egregiously as occured in the Carnegie Mellon study of "Net
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pornography."
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The Carnegie Mellon study was published in the Georgetown Law
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Journal (Vol. 83, 1995: pp 1839-1934) and featured as the cover
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story of Time Magazine (July 3, 1995; See CuD 7.56). The primary
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focus of the study was an analysis of the text descriptions from
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adult BBSes specializing in erotica, and a secondary focus was on
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Usenet erotica files from the alt.binaries hierarchy. The
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intellectual substance of the study has been convincingly
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discredited (see the Hoffman/Novak critique at
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http://www2000.ogsm.vanderbilt.edu). However, the ethics of the
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study have not yet fully been addressed. Because of the
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implications of the ethical violations for cyberspace, and because
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the violations occured in the name of Carnegie Mellon University
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(CMU), the implications cannot go unaddressed.
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PART I: CONVENTIONAL ETHICAL GUIDELINES
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It seems indisputable that the study to which Carnegie Mellon
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University lends its name and its credibility contains disturbing
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ethical lapses. These lapses seem sufficiently serious that they
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should be of concern to both the CMU administration and to social
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scientists and computer professionals elsewhere. If the methodology
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of the study is correct as described in the GLJ article, and if the
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medias' reporting of the comments of the study's principal
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investigator are accurate, then the Carnegie Mellon study violates
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fundamental canons against deceptive data gathering, informed
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consent, and revelation of potentially harmful information.
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Federal guidelines (eg, The Belmont Report, 1979; Federal Register
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(Part II): Federal Policy for the Protection of Human Subjects;
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Notices and Rules, 1991) provide a boiler plate model followed by
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state institutions in establishing principles and policies that
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ought be followed by all researchers, whether funded or non-funded,
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who conduct research under the university's name. The wording of
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Northern Illinois University's (NIU) Graduate School Office of
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Research Compliance guidelines is fairly standard:
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I. ETHICAL PRINCIPLES
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A. This institution is guided by the ethical principles
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regarding all research involving humans as subjects, as
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set forth in the report of the National Commission for
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the Protection of Human Subjects of Biomedical and
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Behavioral Research (entitled: _Ethical Principles and
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Guidelines for the Protection of Human Subjects of
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Research_ ((the "Belmont Report"))), REGARDLESS OF
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WHETHER THE RESEARCH IS SUBJECT TO FEDERAL REGULATION, OR
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WITH WHOM CONDUCTED, OR SOURCE OF SUPPORT (I.E.,
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SPONSORSHIP). (emphasis added--jt)
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Unlike Federal or institutional rules, the Belmont Report (BR)
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specifies three broad principles (rather than explicit rules) to
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guide research.
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1) RESPECT FOR PERSONS.
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Respect for persons incorporates at least two ethical
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convictions: first, that individuals should be treated as
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autonomous agents, and second, that persons with diminished
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autonomy are entitled to protection (BR: 4).
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Although intended primarily to protect from abuse those persons not
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fully capable of making an informed decision to participate in
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research (eg, the mentally disabled or institutionalized persons),
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respect for persons extends to others, and includes providing
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adequate information about the research:
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In most cases of research involving human subjects, respect for
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persons demands that subjects enter into the research
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voluntarily and with adequate information (BR: 4).
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2) BENEFICENCE: This principle extends the Hippocratic maxim of "do
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no harm" to the ethical obligations of a researcher:
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Persons are treated in an ethical manner not only by respecting
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their decisions and by protecting them from harm, but also by
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making efforts to secure their well-being. Such treatment falls
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under the principle of beneficence. The term "beneficence" is
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often understood to cover acts of kindness or charity that go
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beyond strict obligation. In this document, beneficence is
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understood in a strong sense, as an obligation. Two general
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rules have been formulated as complementary expressions of
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beneficent actions in this sense: (1) do not harm and (2)
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maximize possible benefits and minimize possible harms (BR: 4).
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The principle of beneficence assumes that scholars will carefully
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think through the implications of their research, especially in
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sensitive topics where the subjects could be placed in physical,
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social, or legal jeopardy.
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3) JUSTICE: The principle of justice centers on "who ought to
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receive the benefits of research and bear its burdens" (BR: 5). The
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Belmont Report conceptualizes the principle of justice as placing an
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obligation on the researcher to assess the distribution of
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"fairness" toward the research subjects and social interests.
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HOW SHOULD THESE PRINCIPLES BE APPLIED?
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The Belmont Report identifies several ways by which the principles
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of respect for persons, beneficence, and justice can be implemented.
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One way is INFORMED CONSENT:
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While the importance of informed consent is unquestioned,
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controversy prevails over the nature and possibility of an
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informed consent. Nonetheless, there is widespread agreement
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that the consent process can be analyzed as containing three
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elements: information, comprehension, and voluntariness (p. 5).
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INFORMATION:
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Most codes of research establish specific items for disclosure
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intended to assure that subjects are given sufficient
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information. These items generally include: the research
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procedure, their purposes, risks and anticipated benefits,
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alternative procedures (where therapy is involved), and a
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statement offering the subject the opportunity to ask questions
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and to withdraw at any time from the research (BR: 5).
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COMPREHENSION
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Another way to implement the Belmont Report principles is by
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assuring that research subjects comprehend the information and
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understand what they are consenting to:
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The manner and context in which information is conveyed is as
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important as the information itself. For example, presenting
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information in a disorganized and rapid fashion, allowing too
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little time for consideration or curtailing opportunities for
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questioning, all may adversely affect a subject's ability to
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make an informed choice (BR: 6).
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VOLUNTARINESS
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Finally, the Belmont Report principles can be implemented only if
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the subjects give consent voluntarily:
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This element of informed consent requires conditions free of
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coercion and undue influence. Coercion occurs when an overt
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threat of harm is intentionally presented by one person to
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another in order to obtain compliance. Undue influence, by
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contrast, occurs through an offer of an excessive, unwarranted,
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inappropriate or improper reward or other overture in order to
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obtain compliance (BR: 6).
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The spirit and letter of the Belmont report is explicitly and
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unequivocally clear:
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1. Researchers are ethically bound to protect their subjects from
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potential risks or unnecessary harm.
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2. Researchers are ethically bound to obtain consent from their
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research subjects
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3. Researchers are ethically obligated to inform their subjects of
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the nature of the study and potential risks
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4. Deception or other trickery employed to manipulate subjects into
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participating in research is a fundamental violation of the
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Belmont Report principles.
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WHAT IS HUMAN SUBJECTS RESEARCH?
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Professional societies such as the APA (American Psychological
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Association) and ASA (American Sociological Association) provide
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ethical guidelines shaped by Federal, institutional, and other
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sources. Federal guidelines found in the Federal Register (e.g.,
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"Federal Policy for the Protection of Human Subjects; Notices and
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Rules" (FP)) specify a number of reasonable explicit rules.
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Violations of these rules place a research project or an institution
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in non-compliance with Federally and other mandated ethical
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standards.
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The term "research" refers to "a systematic investigation, including
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research development, testing and evaluation, designed to develop or
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contribute to generalizable knowledge" (FP 102(d)).
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(f) _Human Subject_ means a living individual about whom an
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investigator (whether professional or student) conducting
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research obtains
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(1) data through intervention or interaction with the
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individual, or
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(2) identifiable private information....INTERACTION includes
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communication or interpersonal contact between investigator and
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subject. "Private information" includes information about
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behavior that occurs in a context in which an individual can
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reasonably expect that no observation or recording is taking
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place, and information which has been provided for specific
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purposes by an individual and which the individual can
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reasonably expect will not be made public (for example, a
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medical record). Private information must be individually
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identifiable (i.e., the identity of the subject is or may
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readily be ascertained by the investigator or associated with
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the information) in order for obtaining the information to
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constitute research involving human subjects (FP, 102(f)(2).
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Institutions that receive federal research funds, including private
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ones, are required to implement procedures to assure compliance with
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Federal guidelines:
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(a) Each institution engaged in research which is covered by
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this policy and which is conducted or supported by a federal
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department or agency shall provide written assurance
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satisfactory to the department or agency head that it will
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comply with the requirements set forth in this policy (FP:
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103(a)).
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There are some exceptions to the review requirement for human
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subjects, such as when conducting general educational tests or
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surveys, engaging in policy evaluation, or gathering data that is
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either public.
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Federal guidelines also specifically and unequivocally require
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informed consent (FP: 116):
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Except as provided elsewhere in this policy, no
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investigator may involve a human being as a subject in research
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covered by this policy unless the investigator has obtained the
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legally effective informed consent of the subject or the
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subject's legally authorized representative.
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The exceptions include the type of research exempted from human
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subjects review. The elements of informed consent include a)
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identification of the research project, and the purposes, duration,
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and procedures to be followed; 2) A description of foreseeable risks
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or discomforts; 3) A description of benefits to the subject; 4) A
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description of the extent to which confidentiality of records
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identifying the subject will be maintained.
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SUMMARY
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Human subjects research guidelines defining and mandating ethical
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pre/proscriptions function as more than regulations to which
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institutional recipients of federal grants must adhere. They also
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establish explicit conventions recognized by professionals as the
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minimal model of ethics for identifying subjects, acquiring data,
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protecting subjects' privacy and other legitimate interests, and
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writing or disseminating final results to the public.
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That the Carnegie Mellon study may not be required by law to comply
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with accepted guidelines for their "pornography study" is
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irrelevant. It is clear that the study is intended as
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"research," that it involves human subjects (BBS sysops) with whom
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"interaction" occurred as defined by accepted guidelines, and that
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this interaction occurred for the express purpose of gathering
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sensitive data.
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One irony of the Carnegie Mellon study is that while professing to
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contribute to the national legislative and policy debate on morality
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and ethics, Carnegie Mellon identifies with, and thus would condone,
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a research project that raises fundamental ethical questions.
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PART II: THE ETHICAL PROBLEMS SIMPLY STATED
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When Laud Humphries published _Tea Room Trade_ over two decades ago,
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he drew unprecedented criticism from social scientists for the
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ethics of his study of gay culture and lifestyles. Humphries
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developed an innovative method to identify subjects and gather data.
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First, he hung out in truckstop restrooms and watched for gay sexual
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activity, on occasion even serving as "lookout" for the
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participants. Then, he recorded the automobile license numbers of
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the participants as they left the area. From the licenses, He
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obtained the names and addresses of the gay participants and, after
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many months, contacted them as if they were randomly selected for an
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unrelated sociological study. His follow-up data, gathered under the
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guise of another topic, was in fact intended to acquire data on gay
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life. Although his published works did not reveal personal or other
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damaging information, did not provide any details of individuals,
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and was a sympathetic portrait that put no subjects at risk,
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Humphries was castigated as an unethical scholar who should be
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censured. His study also generated considerable debate over the
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ethical obligations of social scientists toward human subjects. The
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resulting uproar over the Humphries study contributed to a renewed
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sensitivity of the ethical obligations of social scientists toward
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their subjects. Subsequent professional codes and Federal
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guidelines, including those mentioned above, established a few basic
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principles, including: Don't lie to subjects, protect subjects, and
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don't engage in manipulative or deceptive practices.
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The recent publication of the Carnegie Mellon "cyberporn" study by
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the Georgetown Law Journal (GLJ) illustrates how history repeats
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itself. Despite the voluminous writings on the ethics of human
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subjects research and an abundance of guidelines from Federal,
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institutional, and professional organizations, Carnegie Mellon
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appears to have violated some of the most basic ethical precepts
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that are routinely taught to undergraduates in research methods
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classes.
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Now, there are times, especially in research dealing with close
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interaction in which ethical guidelines are not as clear cut as they
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seem. This is true especially in participant observation or other
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research in which boundaries can be blurred by the ambiguity of
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roles between researcher or subject, or when it's not always clear
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when the researcher is acting in a personal or a professional
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capacity. However, the Carnegie Mellon study doesn't fit this
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category, because the Carnegie Mellon research team was not engaged
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in a study of the BBS culture from the subjects' point of view, but
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rather manipulated the subjects to obtain data that had nothing to
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do with the culture and everything to do with amassing information
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that excluded the subjects' interpretation of the meanings of the
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erotica BBS enterprise.
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The assumption guiding this discussion is that if a research project
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is demonstrably in non-compliance with ethical conventions reflected
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by commonly accepted standards of human subjects research, that
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project may be said to be unethical. There are two levels of
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ethical breaches that mar the Carnegie Mellon study and taint the
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participants as unethical researchers.
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First is the level of INTELLECTUAL INTEGRITY. As has been documented
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elsewhere (eg, Hoffman and Novak, Thomas, Godwin, Reid, et. al., all
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available at http://www2000.ogsm.vanderbilt.edu), the Carnegie
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Mellon study reflects intellectual deception in how the data are
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analyzed (reckless conflating of conceptual categories that inflate
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findings to support the study's premise), how the study is presented
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(the study claims to be about nearly one million images, short
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stories, animations, and descriptions, when in fact it excludes
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animations and analyzes instead text descriptions, and far less than
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the one million claimed), and how generalized claims are made
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without supporting data. If CMU wishes to identify with such
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research, that is its business, and its reputation will rise or fall
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according to the critiques given by independent scholars. Such
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breaches can normally be corrected through revision following peer
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review, through subsequent reinterpretation of data, or--in extreme
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cases when the first two corrections fail--by disavowing the study.
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Had the GLJ article gone through a normal peer review prior to
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publication, or had the study been made available to objective
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readers than kept "secret" prior to publication, it is likely that
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many of the intelletual errors could have been prevented.
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Of more serious concern, and one that affects all empirical social
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scientists, is the violation of fundamental professional ethics in
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HUMAN SUBJECTS research. This concern is global for several
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reasons. First, when unethical research is published in a reputable
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journal under the name of one of the nation's most prestigious
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institutions, it jeopardizes the reputation and credibility of all
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social science. After all, if a prestigious university does research
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like this, what must other institutions be doing? Second, ethical
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lapses in research have the potential for increasing monitoring by
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external overseers and for making it more difficult for scholars to
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engage in inquiry into sensitive areas because of restrictions on
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what is or is not permissible in research. Third, such research
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makes it more difficult for other scholars to acquire information
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because of the potential suspicion that researchers may use
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deception as a routine method. Finally, when students (or even
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other scholars) see an unethical study sponsored by a major
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university published in a respected journal, it makes it more
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difficult for those who teach methods courses or who struggle with
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ethical issues to convey the importance of acting responsibly. More
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simply, such research sets a counter example for how researchers
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ought treat their subjects.
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THE ETHICAL VIOLATIONS OF THE CMU STUDY
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The Carnegie Mellon study centered on three main data gathering
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techniques. The primary data were gathered by initial modem or
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voice contact with "approximately 1,000" BBS systems to collect an
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initial pool (GLJ, p. 1877). From these, 91 were ultimately chosen
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(although for some unstated reason, apparently only 35 were used in
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the final analysis (GLJ, p. 1889). The goal of the CMU research
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team, according to the methodological discussion in the GLJ text,
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was to download the descriptions of "pornographic files" for
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analysis by linguistic parsing software designed for the study. The
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BBSes were not public, and the methodological discussion indicates
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that at least half of the BBSes required proof of age, among other
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information (GLJ, p. 1878). In other words, the BBSes were not
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accessible to the general public, thus removing any compliance
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exemption that a project might receive for conducting research in
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public settings. A secondary research goal included obtaining
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information directly from sysops about files, users, and other
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information.
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Supplemental data came from a public document listing the 40 most
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popular Usenet groups, and from usage statistics from a university
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computer site that allowed tracking of "the number of individual
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users at the university who accessed pornographic and/or
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non-pornographic Usenet newsgroups one a month or more (pp.
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1865-66).
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Drawing from the criteria listed above in part I, it is indisputable
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that the Carnegie Mellon study was intended as research, and it is
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equally indisputable that it involved gathering information from
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human subjects. It is also indisputable that the research involved
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direct interaction between at least some BBS sysops, and that the
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data collection included gathering information from non-public
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sources for which there is no evidence that permission was acquired
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to make it public. Hence, the Carnegie Mellon study is subject to
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the professional conventions and norms of human subjects research
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regardless of whether CMU is required by law to follow the
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guidelines.
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There are several areas of ethical concern in the Carnegie Mellon
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study. Some are relatively minor and simply raise questions. Others
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appear quite serious.
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1. The CMU research team gathered data on the Usenet reading habits
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of 4,227 users on a university computer system (GLJ, p. 1865-66;
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1870-71). It is not clear precisely how these figures were
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gathered, because the methodological discussion leaves room for
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considerable ambiguity. Only one cryptic footnote provides clues,
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which itself raises questions about how the CMU administration
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protects privacy of computer users:
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The research team consulted with several privacy experts
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and opted not to report detailed demographics of the university
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population of computer pornography consumers. These
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demographics included age, sex, nationality, marital status,
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position (faculty, staff, student), and department. Although
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the research team obtained such demographics by means available
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to any authorized user of the campus network, reporting them
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would raise complex ethical and privacy issues. The data would
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have to be disguised in a manner that could not be
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reconstructed to identify individual users (p 1869, n40).
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The text suggests that the the CMU team had licit access to
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individual rather than aggregate data, and that these data--along
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with other personal user data--were publicly available. While it is
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possible that such data may be "world-readable" in configuration
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files or through licit means, there is room for considerable debate
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over whether it is ethical for researchers themselves to access such
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data. The text's implication, however, is that a computer
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administrator responsible for monitoring site statistics acquired
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the data (GLJ, p. 1865, n. 30), and in responding to two of his
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critics, the CMU principal investigator acknowledges that the Usenet
|
|
data were collected by "network engineers"
|
|
(http://trfn.pgh.pa.us/guest/mrstudy.html - "Rimm response to
|
|
Hoffman/Novak").
|
|
|
|
If an individual researcher snoops through personal files, even
|
|
if--like an open window from a public street--they are visible, the
|
|
ethical acceptability of peeping cyber-Toms is not clear cut. Such
|
|
an act ought not be accepted as a licit part of a research method
|
|
without careful consideration and justification. If, however,
|
|
network engineers collected the Usenet data on individual users,
|
|
then it raises the question of the propriety of a second party
|
|
collecting and distributing information to a third party for public
|
|
consumption about the aggregate viewing habits of individual users.
|
|
It also suggests that the users' reading habits were not public, and
|
|
scrutiny of their files required systematic surveillance that, while
|
|
even if defensible for system maintenance, seems not as defensible
|
|
when such data are passed to a third party who ordinarily might not
|
|
be authorized to receive it.
|
|
|
|
Whether this is an ethical breach or not can only be determined by
|
|
examining the nature of the statistics provided to the researchers
|
|
and reviewing site user policies to determine the level of the
|
|
expectation of privacy. Perhaps no ethical violations occurred, but
|
|
the data gathering technique does raise questions not answered by
|
|
the Carnegie Mellon study.
|
|
|
|
2. Another seemingly minor peccadillo derived from the site data
|
|
gathering is the implication that those site users who protected
|
|
their privacy by blocking monitoring by site statisticians might be
|
|
pedophiles:
|
|
|
|
First, 11% of the computer users in this study block the site
|
|
Second, some users have multiple accounts and avoid detection
|
|
by using a second account to access the Usenet.
|
|
While there is no evidence to suggest that Usenet and
|
|
Internet users who block the monitoring of their accounts
|
|
access pornography more frequently than those who do not, one
|
|
also cannot assume that a notable difference does not exist.
|
|
This is especially true in the context of pedophilia and child
|
|
pornography consumption. Preferential molesters (i.e.,
|
|
pedophiles with a true sexual attraction to children)
|
|
frequently employ inventive mechanisms to evade discovery, as
|
|
discovery will likely lead to incarceration (GLJ, p. 1865,
|
|
n30).
|
|
|
|
The defamatory implication of such wording aside, the inexplicable
|
|
association of persons on whom data is unavailable with pedophilia
|
|
and worse violates the principles both of "respect for persons" and
|
|
"justice." In the guise of "objective research," a category of users
|
|
is defined as possible felons simply because, perhaps wisely, they
|
|
chose to protect their privacy. That Carnegie Mellon's study would
|
|
resort to such a rhetorical ploy that explicitly violates two
|
|
principles of the Belmont Report would likely be criticized by the
|
|
ethics committees of any national social science society.
|
|
|
|
3. More serious than the preceding concerns is the explicit
|
|
prescription that researchers minimize risk to subjects by using
|
|
caution and discretion in revealing data. The Carnegie Mellon study
|
|
does not appear to have exercised acceptable caution. Conventional
|
|
canons of research ethics proscribe revealing potentially harmful
|
|
data. That a researcher is able to acquire private and potentially
|
|
sensitive data does not confer a right to publish that data. Rather,
|
|
it confers upon researchers an obligation to exercise special
|
|
caution when information is obtained from informants who do not know
|
|
they are the subjects of a study and are enticed to provide
|
|
information about third parties who are unaware that information
|
|
about them is being gathered, studied, and eventually made public.
|
|
Here are a few examples where Carnegie Mellon behaved in a way that
|
|
departs from established ethical guidelines:
|
|
|
|
a) "Respect for persons" extends beyond protecting an
|
|
individual. It also requires consideration for group privacy. If
|
|
the data on the "porn-reading" habits of users on the study site's
|
|
system were gathered when the readers had an expectation of privacy,
|
|
the data ought not be compiled, let alone be made public. In the
|
|
context of the article, "porn" is stigmatized, and making
|
|
assumptions about, as well as revealing, a groups' reading habits in
|
|
a way that stigmatizes without evidence violates the "respect for
|
|
persons" tenet.
|
|
|
|
b) Also of concern is the Carnegie Mellon study's commentary of
|
|
Robert Thomas and his Amateur Action (AA) BBS. AA BBS is a private
|
|
system in California that requires registration and a fee before
|
|
access is given. Consequently, the information is not public, and
|
|
information is not intended for public consumption. Although some
|
|
of the information in the CMU discussion is cited as derived from
|
|
court records, much appears to have come directly from the BBS
|
|
itself. As will be shown below, there is the strong probability
|
|
that the CMU research team did not reveal their research identity to
|
|
Thomas or other sysops. Thus, it would appear that they collected
|
|
data deceptively. It is curious that of all the BBSes studied, only
|
|
Thomas is identified by name and enterprise. He is also stigmatized
|
|
in the discussion in a separate subjection titled "The Marquis de
|
|
Cyberspace" (GLJ, p. 1912).
|
|
|
|
It is unlikely that Thomas (or any other subject) would approve of
|
|
such public stigmatizing and revelation of private data of the
|
|
enterprise and user habits. The information revealed includes not
|
|
only file lists and file descriptions, but also (and especially
|
|
disturbing) publication of presumably private information that the
|
|
AA BBS subscriber list includes subscribers from two cities in which
|
|
Thomas faced legal problems. One might argue that because Thomas is
|
|
currently incarcerated on charges related to distribution of
|
|
pornography, the researcher would therefore be released from the
|
|
ethical obligations to protect the privacy and safety of informants.
|
|
However, as both the Belmont Report and Federal Policies indicate,
|
|
precisely because Thomas is unable to provide full consent increases
|
|
the ethical obligation to protect him. Recall the wording of the
|
|
Belmont Report:
|
|
|
|
Respect for persons incorporates at least two ethical
|
|
convictions: first, that individuals should be treated as
|
|
autonomous agents, and second, that persons with diminished
|
|
autonomy are entitled to protection (BR: 4).
|
|
|
|
Because of Thomas's legal vulnerability, it is especially important
|
|
that a researcher not disclose information about a subject,
|
|
regardless of whether consent was given. Both the nature of the
|
|
information about Thomas and AA BBS and the tone of the discourse in
|
|
which it is delivered (p 1912-13) constitute an explicit violation
|
|
of established ethical conventions intended to assure the respect,
|
|
well-being, and autonomy of human subjects. The disclosure is of
|
|
special concern because AA BBS remains in existence as a viable
|
|
enterprise.
|
|
|
|
c) The Carnegie Mellon study identifies several defunct BBSes by
|
|
name (GLJ, p. 1909). Assuming that the sysops of these BBSes were
|
|
unaware that they were being monitored and their logs captured by
|
|
researchers who would make their name public, revealing the names of
|
|
the BBSes publicly in a stigmatizing context constitutes a violation
|
|
of privacy restrictions. That the BBSes are defunct is irrelevant.
|
|
|
|
d) The most serious violation in this category, one that
|
|
constitutes an explicit breach of the principles to minimize risk to
|
|
subjects, is Appendix D of the Carnegie Mellon study, in which the
|
|
cities from which BBS users called are listed. Given the
|
|
stigmatizing language and context of the article, such revelation
|
|
reflects failure to comply not only with privacy norms of sysops,
|
|
but it also puts at potential risk third parties (users) who would
|
|
be unaware of data collection and subsequent publication. The CMU
|
|
article acknowledges that in some countries, the penalty for
|
|
possession of pornography is death. Yet, these countries are
|
|
included in Appendix D. Small U.S. communities with a population of
|
|
only a few thousand or less are also included. What is the risk of
|
|
such a list to third-parties who are unaware of covert surveillance
|
|
of their activities? How might prosecutors, politicians, or parents
|
|
in a small town react if they suspected a "porn consumer" lurked in
|
|
the community? Perhaps serious, perhaps not. But, given the manner
|
|
in which the data are presented as "paraphilia," "pedophilia," or
|
|
worse, the consequences of discovery or suspicion would be of no
|
|
small consequence to users in the current climate of "anti-porn"
|
|
concern. Even if risks to users were negligible, it is simply not
|
|
the right of Carnegie Mellon University to make the decision to put
|
|
others at even minimal risk. Further, nothing is served by Appendix
|
|
D that couldn't have been equally--indeed, better--served with a
|
|
simple table summarizing, rather than detailing, the data. Appendix
|
|
D reflects an exceptionally egregious violation.
|
|
|
|
4. The most serious and explicit ethical violation is the deceptive
|
|
nature in which Carnegie Mellon collected the data. Virtually every
|
|
principle of informed consent was breached, because there is
|
|
sufficient evidence to conclude that the research team gathered data
|
|
deceptively, perhaps even fraudulently.
|
|
|
|
The Carnegie Mellon study's research team indicated that it
|
|
initially contacted over 1,000 BBSes by modem or voice to create a
|
|
final population of (apparently) 91 BBSes (GLJ, p. 1853).
|
|
|
|
Then the team either subscribed to, or logged on as a new user
|
|
or guest, to a number of representative pornographic BBS (sic)
|
|
and collected descriptive lists of the files offered by each
|
|
(GLJ, p. 1876).
|
|
|
|
The Carnegie Mellon study indicates (p 1879, 1880) that:
|
|
|
|
Many BBS (sic) either hide this information from their
|
|
customers or do not provide it because of space or software
|
|
limitations (pp. 1879-80).
|
|
|
|
..........
|
|
|
|
In these instances, MEMBERS OF THE RESEARCH TEAM EITHER
|
|
SCREEN CAPTURED THE "ALLFILES" LIST IN DOUBLE LINE FORMAT, OR
|
|
PERSUADED THE SYSOP TO PROVIDE THE LIST PRIVATELY (GLJ, p.
|
|
1880, emphasis added).
|
|
|
|
The CMU research team also indicates that they conducted "chats"
|
|
(private computer interaction) with the sysops to obtain information
|
|
(1875). Not only is there no indication that the sysops knew they
|
|
were being studied covertly, but there is every indication that they
|
|
did not:
|
|
|
|
MEMBERS OF THE RESEARCH TEAM DID NOT, AS A RULE, IDENTIFY
|
|
THEMSELVES AS RESEARCHERS (GLJ, p. 1878, emphasis added).
|
|
|
|
Recall the words from the Belmont Report:
|
|
|
|
In most cases of research involving human subjects, respect for
|
|
persons demands that subjects enter into the research
|
|
voluntarily and with adequate information (BR: 4).
|
|
|
|
If subjects do not know they are being researched, it's not
|
|
immediately obvious how they can enter into a project voluntarily
|
|
with adequate information. And, again from the Belmont Report:
|
|
|
|
Persons are treated in an ethical manner not only by respecting
|
|
their decisions and by protecting them from harm, but also by
|
|
making efforts to secure their well-being (BR, p. 4).
|
|
|
|
There are numerous ways to secure the well-being of subjects in a
|
|
research project in which there is the risk of revealing potentially
|
|
damaging or embarrassing information. In a climate of public and
|
|
legislative fears of "pornography" and in the midst of the proposed
|
|
Exon legislation/Computer Decency Act to restrict "indecent"
|
|
material on the Information Highway, dramatizing "pornography"
|
|
through misleading data and rhetoric isn't one of them. Nor is
|
|
increasing the visibility of the discredited findings of such a
|
|
study by shopping them around to major media sources one of them. As
|
|
Brock Meeks reported, the Carnegie Mellon study seemed more an
|
|
exercise in media promotion than in intellectual inquiry (CyberWire
|
|
Dispatch, July 4, 1995). Not only did the Carnegie Mellon team make
|
|
no apparent effort to protect the well-being of their subjects, but
|
|
by deceptive data collection and high-profile revelation, they seem
|
|
to have done the opposite.
|
|
|
|
It is absolutely and unequivocally clear that Carnegie Mellon
|
|
University engaged in deception to gather the data in a way that
|
|
violated informed consent, privacy, and other explicit conventions
|
|
followed by social scientists and mandated by federal principles and
|
|
guidelines. If the remarks of the principle investigator were
|
|
reported accurately (CyberWire Dispatch, July 4, 1995), it is
|
|
possible that Carnegie Mellon University might even have gathered
|
|
data fraudulently:
|
|
|
|
Dispatch asked Rimm: "Did your team go uncover, as it were,
|
|
when getting permission from these [BBS operators] to use their
|
|
information?" He replied only: "Discrete, ain't we?"
|
|
|
|
When asked how he was able to obtain detailed customer profiles
|
|
from usually skeptical operators of adult BBSs he says: "If
|
|
you were a pornographer, and you don't have fancy computers or
|
|
Ph.D. statisticians to assist you, wouldn't you be just a wee
|
|
bit curious to see how you could adjust your inventories to
|
|
better serve your clientele? Wouldn't you want to know that
|
|
maybe you should decrease the number of oral sex images and
|
|
increase the number of bondage images? Wouldn't you want
|
|
someone to analyze your logfiles to better serve the tastes of
|
|
each of your customers? (Cyberwire Dispatch July 4, 1995).
|
|
|
|
SUMMARY
|
|
|
|
The broad principles and explicit guidelines that alert human
|
|
subjects researchers to potential ethical problems are intended to
|
|
1) protect subjects from risk, 2) minimize potential harm resulting
|
|
from exposure to research methods or results, 3) assure the subjects
|
|
are fully informed that research is occurring, 4) assure that data
|
|
is collected in a manner consistent with privacy tenets, and 5)
|
|
assure that deception or fraud in research do not occur. The
|
|
Carnegie Mellon study demonstrably violated each of these tenets.
|
|
|
|
Some might argue that the principle investigator bears the
|
|
responsibility for the ethical lapses. Perhaps. But, as the NIU
|
|
guidelines--which are standard among research
|
|
universities--indicate, the faculty advisor and oversight committees
|
|
within an institution's administration are ultimately responsible.
|
|
It is the principle faculty advisor who bears the immediate
|
|
responsibility for socializing and mentoring the student into the
|
|
world of empirical research, and this socialization includes
|
|
imparting ethical precepts.
|
|
|
|
Because the research was funded with four Carnegie Mellon Small
|
|
Undergraduate Research Grants (SURG) (GLJ, p. 1849), those who
|
|
reviewed grant proposals are also responsible for the ethical
|
|
failures of the study. If the CMU human subjects review board read
|
|
the proposals and did not respond negatively to the deceptive
|
|
methodology (which would presumably be specified in the proposals),
|
|
they, too must accept responsibility for the deception. If, as the
|
|
principal investigator's comments suggest, subjects were defrauded
|
|
into participating by being deceived into believing that they were
|
|
receiving marketing consultation rather than being the subjects of a
|
|
covert study that would put them and their users at potential risk,
|
|
then perhaps the human subjects' review committee should re-read
|
|
Federal and other documents or, better, take a refresher course in
|
|
basic ethics.
|
|
|
|
In the end, however, Carnegie Mellon University must accept the
|
|
ultimate responsibility for their unethical behavior. This is,
|
|
after all, the CARNEGIE MELLON study: It has been so-labeled in the
|
|
GLJ article; It is so-labeled by the media; It is so-labeled by
|
|
Congressional observers; It is so-labeled by the commentators of the
|
|
study in the GLJ review who respond to the study; and, above all, it
|
|
is so-labeled by Carnegie Mellon University itself. When asked
|
|
point-blank if this is a Carnegie Mellon study conducted under the
|
|
auspices of Carnegie Mellon, and a study to which Carnegie Mellon
|
|
gives its name, a spokesperson in the public relations office said,
|
|
"Yes." She then indicated as evidence the list of nearly two dozen
|
|
CMU and other personnel, including professors, deans, and
|
|
administrators, who participated[1].
|
|
|
|
There seems to be a rather long list of people on the Carnegie
|
|
Mellon research team who might have benefited from familiarization
|
|
with social science ethics. On the other hand, if Carnegie Mellon
|
|
condones such ethical lapses, then the debates following Laud
|
|
Humphries' research were over nothing. But, I doubt if any serious
|
|
social scientists would accept that.
|
|
|
|
-------------------------------------------------------------------
|
|
|
|
|
|
[1] The Following are listed in the GLJ article footnotes as members
|
|
of the research team, as contributors, or acknowledged for other
|
|
assistance. To date, three of those listed (Lisa Siegel,
|
|
Adam Epstein, and Daniel Weitzner, have disavowed the study).
|
|
|
|
Researcher and Principal Investigator, College of Engineering,
|
|
Carnegie Mellon University. This interdisciplinary project was made
|
|
possible by four grants from Carnegie Mellon University. The author
|
|
[hereinafter "principal investigator" wishes to thank members of the
|
|
research team for their encouragement, patience, and support.
|
|
Principal faculty advisor: Dr. Marvin Sirbu, Department of Engineering
|
|
and Public Policy. Faculty advisors: Dr. David Banks, Department of
|
|
Statistics; Dr. Timothy McGuire, Dean, Charles H. Lundquist School of
|
|
Business, University of Oregon; Dr. Nancy Melone, Associate Professor
|
|
of Management, Charles H. Lundquist School of Business, University of
|
|
Oregon; Carolyn Speranza, Artist/Lecturer, Department of Art; Dr.
|
|
Edward Zuckerman, Department of Psychology. Senior Programmer: Hal
|
|
Wine. Programmers: Adam Epstein, Ted Irani. Research Assistants:
|
|
Patrick Abouyon, Paul Bordallo, G. Alexander Flett, Christopher Reeve,
|
|
Melissa Rosenstock. Administrative Assistant: Timothy J. Burritt.
|
|
Administrative Support: Dr. Chris Hendrickson, Associate Dean,
|
|
Carnegie Institute of Technology; Robert P. Kail, Associate Dean,
|
|
Carnegie Institute of Technology; Barbara Lazarus, Ph.D., Associate
|
|
Provost for Academic Projects; Jessie Ramey, Director, SURG.
|
|
Contributors: Lisa Sigel, C.J. Taylor, Erikas Napjas, John Gardner
|
|
Myers. Special thanks to Ron Rohrer, Wilkoff University Professor,
|
|
Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering; and Daniel
|
|
Weitzner, Deputy Director, Center for Democracy and Technology, for
|
|
review of the legal notes.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
--------------------
|
|
|
|
Jim Thomas is a professor of sociology/criminal justice at
|
|
Northern Illinois University. He is also co-editor of Cu Digest.
|
|
Homepage: http://www.soci.niu.edu/~jthomas
|
|
E-mail: jthomas@sun.soci.niu.edu
|
|
|
|
------------------------------
|
|
|
|
Date: Sun, 19 Apr 1995 22:51:01 CDT
|
|
From: CuD Moderators <cudigest@sun.soci.niu.edu>
|
|
Subject: File 2--Cu Digest Header Info (unchanged since 19 Apr, 1995)
|
|
|
|
Cu-Digest is a weekly electronic journal/newsletter. Subscriptions are
|
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available at no cost electronically.
|
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CuD is available as a Usenet newsgroup: comp.society.cu-digest
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Or, to subscribe, send a one-line message: SUB CUDIGEST your name
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Send it to LISTSERV@VMD.CSO.UIUC.EDU
|
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The editors may be contacted by voice (815-753-0303), fax (815-753-6302)
|
|
or U.S. mail at: Jim Thomas, Department of Sociology, NIU, DeKalb, IL
|
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60115, USA.
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Issues of CuD can also be found in the Usenet comp.society.cu-digest
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COMPUTER UNDERGROUND DIGEST is an open forum dedicated to sharing
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------------------------------
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|
End of Computer Underground Digest #7.58
|
|
************************************
|
|
|