346 lines
18 KiB
Plaintext
346 lines
18 KiB
Plaintext
October 1990
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COMMUNITY POLICING
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IS NOT POLICE COMMUNITY RELATIONS
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By
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Robert C. Trojanowicz, Ph.D.
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Director, School of Criminal Justice
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Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan
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Confusion persists concerning what community policing is,
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how it works, and what it can accomplish. Much of the continuing
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criticism suggests that community policing merely retreads
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shopworn elements of police-community relations and repackages
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them with a trendy new buzz word.
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This misperception is used to argue that community policing,
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therefore, cannot address serious contemporary problems, like
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crime and drugs. It also provides detractors with hope that
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community policing will someday be discarded as yet another
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great-sounding gimmick that failed to make a valid difference in
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the real world. As one sergeant recently said to me, ``We
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waited the chief out on other programs, so we can wait him out
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on community policing, too.''
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Much of the blame for this persistent misunderstanding
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rests with academics, myself included, because we have hesitated
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to state clearly that police-community relations was not an
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evolutionary step on the way to community policing, but an
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unfortunate detour. In 1972, I wrote a piece bemoaning the
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loss of the decentralized and personalized police service
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provided by foot patrol officers: ``The direct, extended,
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face-to-face relationship between police officers and citizens
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is missing.'' (1)
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But we were like the automakers in Detroit who tried to
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solve deep and fundamental problems with the quality of their
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cars by tacking on more chrome and bigger fins at the end of the
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process. We knew that the police had to forge new positive
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links to the law-abiding people, particularly in inner-city
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minority communities. We also understood that the police had to
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shift to becoming more proactive. And, we were beginning to see
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that fear of crime, heightened when people feel powerless to
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protect themselves, was becoming as big a problem as crime
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itself.
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However, instead of proposing a restructuring of the
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overall mission of the police and insisting that the community
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take a more active part, we invested our energies in
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police-community relations. The benefit of 20/20 hindsight
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makes it seem obvious that such monumental challenges could not
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be met by merely tinkering at the margins. From today's vantage
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point, it seems clear that these piecemeal programs all too
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often ended up as token add-ons--peripheral to the day-to-day
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operation of the ``real'' police in the community. Likewise,
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the community could continue to have unrealistic expectations of
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the police.
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This is not meant to denigrate the many well-meaning,
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dedicated, and sincere people who struggled to try to make these
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doomed efforts succeed. The failure was not in the nobility of
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our intentions, but in the scope of our vision. Police-community
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relations advocates argued that social conditions of the time
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required that something be done, because improved police-community
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relations was a necessity and focusing efforts in a Police-
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Community Relations Unit was practical and made sense.
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To meet the challenge of becoming more proactive, many
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departments inaugurated or expanded Crime Prevention Units, and
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these efforts offered concrete help to the community by showing
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people how they could do more to prevent their own victimization.
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In part, it was the success of these efforts that helped to spur
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interest in how to do more to help communities help themselves.
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Most crime prevention specialists are enthusiastic supporters of
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community policing, and many work closely with community
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officers, training them on the latest techniques and assisting
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them in presentations in the community.
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COMPARISONS AND CONTRASTS
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By comparing and contrasting the differences between
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community policing and police-community relations, we can clear
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up lingering confusions. At the same time, we can clarify how
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community policing works.
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Theory
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Both community policing and police-community relations are
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grounded in their respective theoretical frameworks. Community
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policing is based on organizational theory, open systems theory,
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critical theory, normative sponsorship theory, and public policy
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analysis. Police-community relations are based on conflict
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theory, intergroup relations theory, and communications theory. (2)
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Mission
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Community policing requires a department-wide philosophical
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commitment to involve average citizens as partners in the process
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of reducing and controlling the contemporary problems of crime,
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drugs, fear of crime, and neighborhood decay, and in efforts to
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improve the overall quality of life in the community.
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Police-community relations is not a philosophy, but rather a
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limited approach that was often viewed as public relations aimed
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at reducing hostility toward the police among minorities. In
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essence, police-community relations implies a narrow,
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bureaucratic response to a specific problem, rather than a
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fundamental change in the overall mission of the department and
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increased expectations of the community.
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Organizational Strategy
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Community policing requires everyone in the department,
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sworn and civilian personnel at all levels, to explore how they
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can carry out the mission through their actions on the job.
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Equally essential is that the department must permanently deploy
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a portion of its patrol force as community officers in specified
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beats so they can maintain direct, daily contact with average
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citizens.
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Police-community relations is an isolated specialty unit,
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made up exclusively of staff personnel whose duties are bound
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by the narrow definition of their goals. These units have
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limited ongoing, intensive outreach to the community and no
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mechanism to effect change within the police department itself.
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Operational Goals
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A department-wide commitment to community policing means
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that everyone's job must be reassessed in light of the new
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mission. For example, this may mean providing motor patrol
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officers new freedom to experiment with problem-solving
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techniques. It can also mean small courtesies, such as
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providing civilian personnel a revised telephone directory
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designed to allow them to connect a caller to the right person
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on the first try.
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Yet, the ultimate success or failure of community policing
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rests primarily with the new community officers, the generalists
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who operate as mini-chiefs within their own beat areas. They act
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as full-service law enforcement officers who react to problems as
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they occur, but their mandate also requires them to involve
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average citizens in short- and long-term proactive efforts aimed
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at the department's expanded mission. The resulting improvement
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in police-community relations is a welcomed byproduct of
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delivering decentralized and personalized police service, but is
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not the primary goal.
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Freed from the isolation of the patrol car and the incessant
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demands of the police radio, community officers serve as the
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department's community outreach specialists and problem-solvers.
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The community officer must both overcome apathy and restrain
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vigilantism, recognizing that the police alone cannot hope to
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maintain order and solve crucial contemporary neighborhood
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problems. Citizens can no longer expect the police to be ``guns
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for hire.'' They need to discard the ``mask'' of anonymity and
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become actively involved.
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As the community's ombudsman and liaison, community officers
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not only have the right but also the responsibility to mobilize
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others, individually and in groups. Many situations require
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input and assistance from other government agencies--code
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enforcement, animal control, mental health, sanitation. Other
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solutions require help from nonprofit groups, such as advocates
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for the homeless. Community officers also involve local
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businesses in developing new initiatives. The scope of these
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community-based, police-supervised local efforts is bound only by
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the time available, the collective imagination and enthusiasm of
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the community officer and the citizens involved, and the specific
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resources available.
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Because community officers work so closely with people in
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their neighborhoods, they build trust and they often generate
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more and better information than other officers and units can.
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Therefore, the job requires them to share what they know with
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other units in the department.
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In contrast to this grassroots approach that involves
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average citizens who live in the neighborhood, police-community
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relations officers tend to communicate most often with the
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elite, both inside and outside the department. Their outreach
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consists of meetings with blue-ribbon panels and community
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leaders, particularly those who represent the predominant
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ethnic, religious, and racial minorities (and who may or may
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not have their fingers on the pulse of their constituents).
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These sessions usually focus on resolving formal complaints
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and discussing issues and concerns, but police-community
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relations officers have no direct authority to implement change.
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Instead, the officers serve as advisors to police command, which
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means that results depend less on the officer's specific actions
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than on the willingness of top police administrators to take
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action.
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Police community relations officers enjoy few sustained
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contacts with the community, so they are unlikely to generate
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specific information on crime, drugs, and disorder to share with
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the rest of the department. Conversely, these jobs also provide
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no opportunity for the officers to identify local priorities or
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to initiate and follow up on creative community based
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initiatives. Unlike the community officer, they do not have a
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stake in specific neighborhoods and are viewed as outsiders.
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Performance Measures
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Community policing implies moving away from narrow
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quantitative measures of success--number of arrests, average
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response time, clearance rates, number of complaints against
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officers--toward qualitative measures, such as citizen
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involvement, fear of crime, improvement in quality of life, and
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real and perceived improvement in chronic problems.
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Accountability
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Community officers are not only supervised by superiors but
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the new relationship with the community also means that average
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citizens serve as an additional check on their behavior.
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Community officers must confront every day the people who care
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most about whether their new solutions are working.
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Since police community relations officers have no direct
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authority to make changes, they are often perceived by the
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community as ``flak catchers'' bureaucrats with no real power
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who are there merely as a buffer between the community and the
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police department. Particularly in departments where there is
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little commitment to resolving problems, police community
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relations officers often find themselves trapped between angry
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community leaders and a defensive police administration.
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The problem is compounded because police-community relations
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officers are never the officers who respond directly to the crime
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calls, so people cannot hold them directly accountable. It also
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removes them from the feedback loop that might allow them to
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tailor their recommendations to local situations. Civilian
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review boards and ``blue-ribbon'' committees are often viewed as
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the appropriate methods of insuring police accountability.
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In general, the public perception is that community officers
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are real, personalized police officers who offer concrete help,
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whereas police-community relations officers are strangers whose
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assistance, although well-meaning, is sporadic and limited.
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Scope of Impact
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A department-wide community policing mission carried out
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directly by community officers on the streets can make dramatic
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changes fast. Particularly in the case of illegal drugs,
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community policing has demonstrated the flexibility to respond to
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emerging problems in creative ways. People who live in
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crack-infested neighborhoods need relief not only from the
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dealers but also from intoxicated addicts on the street.
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Involving average citizens in community-based, police-supervised
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anti-drug initiatives to drive drug dealing from their
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neighborhoods offers new solutions that do not focus exclusively
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on arrest, which rarely does more than clog the rest of the
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criminal justice system. Citizens are expected to take an active
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part in solving many of their own problems, using the officer as
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a leader and catalyst when necessary. In community policing,
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unlike police-community relations, the officer educates citizens
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on issues like response time and how they can effectively use
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scarce resources rather than expect increased services.
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Also, in community policing, average citizens nominate the
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problems and cooperate in setting the police agenda. This
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process often reveals that the community views social and
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physical disorder--from potholes to panhandlers--as higher
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priorities than actual crime. Because they have been involved
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in setting priorities, they are more willing to cooperate in
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finding solutions.
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Within departments as well, community policing has a much
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greater impact than police-community relations. In police-
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community relations, change trickles down from the top
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with ``blue ribbon'' committees and top command having the most
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influence. With community policing, change can bubble up from
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the bottom. The entire department benefits from enhanced
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understanding about the underlying dynamics and concerns at
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street level as viewed by average citizens and patrol officers.
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When this information reaches the chief and other high-ranking
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officials, it allows them to balance the needs of powerful
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special-interest groups, who have always had access to the top,
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with the needs of many who might otherwise be ignored. The chief
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of police sees a broader picture and becomes an advocate for the
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effective delivery of both law enforcement and social services
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in the jurisdiction.
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THE FUTURE
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Most police-community relations programs have faded away,
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and unrelenting budget pressures will no doubt mean that others
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will die--often so that the department can put those resources
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directly into community policing.
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The advent of community policing has also threatened budgets
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for crime prevention units. However, because the goals dovetail
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so well, many departments find that community policing can help
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reinvigorate crime prevention. In larger units, budget cuts can
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mean some staff officers in crime prevention simply switch to a
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line function and become community officers. Most prove to be
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``naturals'' at the job, because of their experience in
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organizing block watchers and neighborhoods associations and in
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teaching proactive techniques.
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Those who remain in staff positions in crime prevention
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often find themselves serving more as a resource for others in
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the department than as direct providers to the community. Many
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work closely with community officers, providing training and
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keeping them abreast of the latest advances and assisting them in
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community projects.
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Community policing owes a debt to both police-community
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relations and crime prevention for clarifying the scope of the
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problem and attempting to solve it. However, community policing
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most directly addresses the need to restructure and refocus
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officer selection, training, evaluation, and promotion. As we
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approach the 21st century, we see that community policing is the
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wave of the future because it delivers direct services and
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challenges the community to do its share.
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Among the trendsetting big-city police departments
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nationwide, more than half have formally and visibly adopted
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community policing. As urban, rural, and suburban police
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departments of all sizes follow their lead, community policing
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makes the transition from being a promising trend to becoming the
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mainstream.
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The challenge ultimately will be to drop the ``community''
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from community policing, as everyone recognizes that it is
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synonymous with quality policing. As the police continue to
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strive for excellence, community policing is rapidly becoming the
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standard by which all departments will be judged.
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FOOTNOTES
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(1) Robert C. Trojanowicz, ``Police-Community Relations:
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Problems and Process,'' Criminology, vol. 9, No. 4, February
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1972, pp. 401-425.
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(2) For an extended discussion, refer to Police Management
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in the 21st Century, Robert Trojanowicz and Bonnie Bucqueroux,
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Prentice-Hall (in progress).
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