170 lines
10 KiB
Plaintext
170 lines
10 KiB
Plaintext
Jefferson's First Inaugural Address
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March 4, 1801
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Friends and Fellow-Citizens:
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Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive
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office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion
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of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled to express my grateful
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thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward
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me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my
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talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful
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presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of
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my powers so justly inspire. A rising nation, spread over a wide and
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fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of
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their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and
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forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of
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mortal eye--when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see
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the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country
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committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from
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the contemplation and humble myself before the magnitude of the
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undertaking. Utterly, indeed, should I despair did not the presence
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of many whom I here see remind me that in the other high authorities
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provided by our Constitution I shall find resources of wisdom, of
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virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties. To you,
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then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of
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legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with
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encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to
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steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the
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conflicting elements of a troubled world.
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During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the
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animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an
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aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to
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speak and to write what they think; but this being now decided by the
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voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the
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Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will
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of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. All,
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too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of
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the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful
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must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights,
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which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression.
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Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one
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mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and
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affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary
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things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that
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religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered,
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we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance
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as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody
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persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient
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world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through
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blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that
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the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and
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peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and
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less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety.
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But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We
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have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We
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are all Republicans, we are all Federalists. If there be any among
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us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican
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form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with
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which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to
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combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a
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republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not
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strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of
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successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us
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free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this
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Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to
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preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the
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strongest Government on earth. I believe it the only one where every
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man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law,
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and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal
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concern. Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the
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government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government
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of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern
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him? Let history answer this question.
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Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own
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Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and
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representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide
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ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too
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high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a
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chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the
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thousandth and thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our
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equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of
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our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens,
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resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of
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them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and
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practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty,
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truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and
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adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations
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proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater
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happiness hereafter--with all these blessings, what more is necessary
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to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more,
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fellow-citizens--a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain
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men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to
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regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall
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not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is
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the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle
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of our felicities.
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About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties
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which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper
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you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our
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Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its
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Administration. I will compress them within the narrowest compass
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they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its
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limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state
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or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest
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friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the
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support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most
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competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest
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bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies; the preservation of the
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General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet
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anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the
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right of election by the people--a mild and safe corrective of abuses
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which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies
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are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the
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majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal
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but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism;
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a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the
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first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy
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of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public
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expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of
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our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement
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of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of
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information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public
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reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and freedom of
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person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries
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impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation
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which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of
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revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our
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heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the
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creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the
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touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should
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we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to
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retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace,
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liberty, and safety.
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I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned
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me. With experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the
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difficulties of this the greatest of all, I have learned to expect
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that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from
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this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into
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it. Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our
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first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services
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had entitled him to the first place in his country's love and
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destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history,
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I ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the
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legal administration of your affairs. I shall often go wrong through
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defect of judgment. When right, I shall often be thought wrong by
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those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground. I
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ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be
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intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who may
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condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts. The
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approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for
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the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion
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of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of
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others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental
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to the happiness and freedom of all.
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Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance
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with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you
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become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make.
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And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe
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lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue
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for your peace and prosperity.
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