176 lines
13 KiB
Plaintext
176 lines
13 KiB
Plaintext
From dali.cs.montana.edu!rpi!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!wuarchive!uunet!stanford.edu!neon.Stanford.EDU!news Thu Apr 25 11:43:54 PDT 1991
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On Friday, April 19th, I was placed on administrative leave by Stanford
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University pending an investigation. I write this article to explain the
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events leading up to my leave.
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I have used drugs and I feel they have been a positive influence in my life.
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I have watched the ever-escalating war on drugs with increasing apprehension
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and disapproval. When the federal government forced Stanford to adopt a new
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alcohol and drug policy that apparently nobody at Stanford wanted, I felt that
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I could no longer sit idly by.
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I attended many of the discussions about the new policy to see how it would
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be translated into action. The impression I got was that little would change.
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Stanford would continue to internally stress its policy of respecting privacy
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as long as individuals behave responsibly, but would appease the government by
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publicly acknowledging a more stringent policy.
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Many people have said to me, "Why can't you accept that? As long as Stanford
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does the right thing, what does it matter what we say?" I understand this
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point of view, but I personally have never been able to live with hypocrisy.
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The expectation that people should and will lie, particularly to the
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government, seems to be an increasing phenomenon in American culture, but I've
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never learned to lie without feeling some loss of integrity. That is why I
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wrote my Daily article last October and sent it to various government
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officials. In all, I have done four things that some find objectionable.
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First, I violated etiquette, and this is the criticism that nobody seems to
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want to make public. I was angry that the federal government coerced Stanford
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into accepting a policy that it didn't want and that Stanford was too cowardly
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to object. I have vented that anger in a series of letters to the government.
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My letters have been intentionally provocative and have purposely targeted the
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most ignorant and objectionable officials (e.g., Dan Quayle, Jesse Helms, and
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Ronald Buckham, who was quoted in The Daily as saying that Stanford should get
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more "rules-oriented" RAs to police the dorms). This, I am told, is rude; it's
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not the way to get things done. Thus, some people tell me, I have brought this
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catastrophe on myself, and I agree with them to a great extent. But if this
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country has reached the point where I, as a university staff member, may not
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attack the government and university officials when I disagree with their
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policies, then there is no hope for preserving liberty in this country.
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Second, I have demanded that the university respect my privacy. In
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particular, I refuse to allow the university to dictate what I will and won't
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carry in my backpack while on campus. I have carried illegal drugs in my
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backpack since the new policy was instituted, which is a direct violation.
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Carrying drugs in my backpack is not, in all honesty, essential to my continued
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happiness. I did so to draw attention to the larger issue of violation of
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privacy. Students are much more adversely affected than I am because the same
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policy that applies to my backpack also applies to their dorm rooms. How can
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students feel comfortable at Stanford if they have no place that they can think
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of as private and exempt from meddling rules that limit victimless behavior?
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There is also the question of escalation. If this violation of privacy is
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acceptable, why not require drug tests of entering freshmen and random drug
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testing of faculty and staff? This idea has been seriously proposed by several
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proponents of the war on drugs. The backpack may seem trivial, but to me it
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symbolizes the entire debate, which is why I chose it as my "battleground."
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Oddly enough, there has been little attention paid to the backpack, although it
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might yet prove the official grounds for my dismissal.
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My third offense came about rather unexpectedly and has been reported only to
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university officials, not to the government (mostly because it happened just
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two weeks ago). I run a contest in CS106X and take the winning section to
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dinner at McArthur Park. I use my unrestricted funds to pay for this event
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(money that I earn when I teach courses on instructional television). When we
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arrived, we ordered drinks. Most students were either over 21 or ordering
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non-alcoholic drinks, but some underage students wanted to order alcoholic
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drinks. It seemed silly to me that I should check their IDs or scold them for
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drinking underage, so I said that I was not going to interfere in their
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personal choices. The waiter did not ask anyone for IDs, and so a few students
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who were over 18 but under 21 had a single before-dinner alcoholic beverage.
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And for this Stanford will fire me? If so, I think this sounds the death-knell
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for relaxed interaction between faculty and students at social events like
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dinners and wine-and-cheese get-togethers.
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My fourth violation has drawn the most attention from all sides, and it is
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the one that I am most convinced is not a violation of university policy. I
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bumped into a student that I know while we were both waiting to take the 7-F
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bus back from the airport after Thanksgiving break. Before the bus arrived he
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sheepishly said, "Can I ask you a personal question?" When I said yes, he told
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me that he wanted advice on whether or not to experiment with the drug MDA that
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I had mentioned in my article. That started a fascinating hour-long
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conversation about drug use and what we thought we could learn intellectually
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and spiritually from our drug experiences. He had two major concerns about
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MDA: addiction and loss of control. In response to the former, I informed him
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that MDA is not physically addictive. To respond to the latter, I first asked
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about his previous experiences. LSD, for example, is a drug that I caution
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people about exactly because users often experience a significant loss of
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control while under its influence. He had tried LSD several times, so I was
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able to allay his fears. I told him that loss of control is rare on MDA if
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taken in moderate doses, and that in any case, it was certainly no worse than
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the loss of control experienced while under the influence of LSD. In answer to
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his question, then, I told him that his two reasons for not doing the drug
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sounded like bad reasons and that I personally have had excellent experiences
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on MDA. In essence, I recommended that he try it.
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I believe that anything I might have said to this student in a private
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conversation constitutes protected free speech. I was expressing my personal
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opinion, and the student understood it as such. The government is upset about
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this incident because my opinion differs from theirs.
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The more I see the drug war proceed, the more I become convinced that drug
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users are viewed in the 90's in the way that communists were viewed in the
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50's. They are to be wiped out by whatever means are necessary because they
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constitute a plague on society. Thus, drug education means convincing people
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not to do drugs. No sympathetic opinions are to be tolerated.
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My suspension and the current investigation of my actions was prompted by a
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letter to President Kennedy from Bob Martinez, the new national drug czar.
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Martinez says, "In all candor, I would find it beyond comprehension that a man
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who openly professes to have encouraged an undergraduate to ingest MDA could
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continue to enjoy faculty privileges at a pace-setting institution like
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Stanford University...I can think of no action more radically at odds with the
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responsibilities of an educator to his students." McCarthy could hardly have
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put it better. Communists and communist-sympathizers are corrupting the youth
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of America and must be eradicated.
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Ken Down, Associate Dean of Engineering, echos this same sentiment in his
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letter informing me of my suspension: "I want to be clear about my view that a
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Senior Lecturer's specifically advising an individual student 'that he...should
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go ahead and experiment with MDA' is conduct, and not protected speech. If the
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conduct occurred as you described it, it violates the University's policy on
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Controlled Substances and Alcohol, and would constitute professional
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misconduct."
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If I had forced the student to swallow a hit of MDA, I can see why this would
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constitute conduct and not free speech, but I do not comprehend the distinction
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Ken is trying to make. I believe that it seems different to him and to Bob
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Martinez because they are so much in the anti-drug mindset that they cannot see
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how any reasonable person could have a differing opinion, which was also true
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during the anti-communist hysteria.
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I find it ironic that in 1949 Stanford's President Wallace Sterling made a
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comment that almost parallels Martinez'. He said, "I doubt very much that a
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member of the Communist Party is a free agent. If he is not a free agent, then
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it would seem to follow that he cannot be objective. If he cannot be
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objective, he is by definition precluded from being an educator."
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Stanford seems to have decided that the same is true of drug users. This
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incident indicates that Stanford has become a full partner in the government's
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war on drugs, including intrusive invasion of privacy, punishment of offenders,
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and suppression of dissenting opinions. How Stanford and other universities
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can do this and still consider themselves open environments that foster reason
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and free inquiry, I do not know.
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I expect that the media will portray me as a Timothy Leary who runs around
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advising everyone to do drugs. In fact, I have never given such advice. I
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advised a particular student to do a particular drug after having an extensive
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conversation with him. I don't want to see everyone doing drugs. But I would
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like to see college campuses having intelligent and open discussions about
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drugs, and not simply regurgitating the government's "drugs are evil" view.
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Then individuals would have the knowledge they need to make informed and
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rational choices about what they think the law should say (or not say) about
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drugs and what they will themselves choose to do in their personal lives.
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Everyone at Stanford knows that underage drinking here is rampant, that drugs
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like marijuana are used by a large number of students, faculty and staff, and
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that the university knowingly chooses to ignore such behavior. My guess is
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that in the grand scheme of things, I am actually a relatively minor offender
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relative to others at Stanford. But I won't "toe the line." As a result, I
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expect that in the end the university will fire me for what I've said, but base
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the action on the two specific direct violations of the policy: my backpack and
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the alcohol incident.
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I will continue to express my views as long as the university and the
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government allow me to do so. Because I am on paid leave, I have lots of time
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on my hands, so if any dorms would like to invite me over to discuss this
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topic, I'd be glad to oblige. The only outcome that would truly sadden me is
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if I'm forced to leave Stanford and nobody really notices.
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I would like to end by quoting from a pamphlet called "Vices are Not Crimes"
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written over a hundred years ago by Lysander Spooner in response to the debate
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over prohibition. I did not discover it until after I had published my
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article, but I was surprised to find that Spooner expresses much more clearly
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than I can exactly what I feel about the government's war on drugs.
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In the midst of this endless variety of opinion, what man, or what
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body of men, has the right to say, in regard to any particular action,
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or course of action, "We have tried this experiment, and determined
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every question involved in it? We have determined it, not only for
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ourselves, but for all others? And, as to all those who are weaker
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than we, we will coerce them to act in obedience to our conclusion? We
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will suffer no further experiment or inquiry by any one, and,
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consequently, no further acquisition of knowledge by anybody?"
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Who are the men who have the right to say this? Certainly there are
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none such. The men who really do say it, are either shameless
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imposters and tyrants, who would stop the progress of knowledge, and
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usurp absolute control over the minds and bodies of their fellow-men;
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and are therefore to be resisted instantly, and to the last extent; or
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they are themselves too ignorant of their own weaknesses, and of their
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true relations to other men, to be entitled to any other consideration
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than sheer pity or contempt.
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