232 lines
12 KiB
Plaintext
232 lines
12 KiB
Plaintext
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Is "anarcho" capitalism against the state?
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by Iain MacSaorsa
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"Anarcho"-capitalism implies a class division of society into
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bosses and workers, due to its support of private property. Any
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such division will require a state to maintain it. However, it
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need not be the same state as exists now. In so far as this goes,
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"anarcho" capitalism plainly states that "defence associations"
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would exist to protect property. For the "anarcho" capitalist,
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these companies are not states. According to Rothbard [Nomos
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XIX], a state must have one or both of the following
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characteristics :-
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1) The ability to tax those who live within it.
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2) It asserts and usually obtains a coerced monopoly of the
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provision of defence over a given area.
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Instead of this, the "anarcho"-capitalist thinks that people
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should be able to select their own defense companies, which would
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provide police, courts, etc. These associations would "all...
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would have to abide by the basic law code" [op cit, p.206]. Thus
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a "general libertarian law code" would govern the actions of
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these companies. Like anything else under capitalism, this "law
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code" would reflect supply and demand, particularly if "judges...
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will prosper on the market in proportion to their reputation for
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efficiency and impartiality" [Rothbard, op cit, p. 204].
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It does not take much imagination to think who's interests
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"prosperous" judges and defense companies would defend. Their
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own, as well as those who pay their wages, other members of the
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rich elite. If the system is based on $1, one vote, its easy to
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see whose values the "law" would defend. The terms of ``free
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agreements'' under such a law system would be titled in favour of
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lenders over debtors, landlords over tenants, employers over
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employees, in a way which is identical to the current system. As
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would be expected in a system based on "absolute" property rights
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and the free market. How the laws would actually be selected is
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anyone's guess, although I would imagine most "anarcho"-
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capitalists support the myth of "natural law", the authoritarian
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implications of which are discussed in section X.X.X. In any
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event, it would not be based on one person, one vote and so the
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"general law" code would reflect invested interests and be very
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hard to change, and so would not develop as society develops.
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In a free market, supply and demand would soon result in a legal
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system which favoured the rich over the poor. As rights would be
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like everything else, a commodity, they would soon reflect the
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interest of the rich.
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However, some "anarcho" capitalists claim that just as cheaper
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cars were developed to meet demand, so would defense associations
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for the poor. This forgets a few key points, the general
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"libertarian" law code would be applicable to all associations,
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so they would have to operate within a system determined by the
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power of money. Secondly, in a race between a jaguar and a mini,
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who do you think will win? And lastly, as with any business, the
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free market would soon result in a few companies dominating the
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market as capital costs increase as the result of profit making
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and competition. With obvious implications for "justice".
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The "anarcho" capitalist imagines that they will be police
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agencies, "defence associations", courts and appeal courts all
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organised on a free market basis and available for hire. As David
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Wieck notes however, the major problems with such a system is not
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the corruption of "private" courts and police forces (although
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this is a problem) :-
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"There is something more serious than the "Mafia danger", and
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this other problem concerns the role of such "defense"
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institutions in a given social and economic context.
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"[The] context.... is one of a free-market economy with no
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restraints upon accumulation of property. Now, we had an American
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experience, roughly from the end of the Civil War to the 1930's,
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in what were in effect private courts, private police, indeed
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private governments. We had the experience of the (private)
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Pinkerton police which, by its spies, by its *agents
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provocateurs*, and by methods that included violence and
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kidnapping, was one of the lost powerful tools of large
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corporations and an instrument of oppression of working people.
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We had the experience as well of the police forces established to
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the same end, within corporations, by numerous companies... (The
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automobile companies drew upon additional covert instruments of a
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private nature, usually termed vigilante, such as the Black
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Legion). These were in effect, and as such they were sometimes
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described, private armies. The territories owned by coal
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companies, which frequently included entire towns and their
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environs, the stores the miners were obliged by economic coercion
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to patronize, the houses they lived in, were commonly policed by
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the private police of the United States Steel Corporation or
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whatever company owned the properties. The chief practical
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function of these police was, of course, to prevent labour
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organisation and preserve a certain balance of "bargaining"."
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"These complexes were a law unto themselves, powerful enough to
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ignore, when they did not purchase, the governments of various
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jurisdictions of the American federal system. This industrial
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system was, at the time, often characterised as feudalism....."
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Here we have one of the closest examples to the "ideal" of
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"anarcho" capitalism, limited state intervention, free reign for
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property owners, etc. What happened? The rich reduced the working
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class to a serf-like existence, capitalist production undermined
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what forms of independent producers that existed (much to the
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annoyance of individualist anarchists at the time) and basically
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produced the corporate america most "anarcho" capitalists say
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they are against.
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The rise of Corporations within America indicates exactly how a
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"general libertarian law code" would reflect the interests of the
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rich and powerful. The laws recognising corporations were *not* a
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product of "the state" but of the law system, something which
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Rothbard has no problem with. As Howard Zinn notes, "the American
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Bar Association, organised by lawyers accustomed to serving the
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wealthy, began a national campaign of education to reverse the
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[Supreme] Court decision [that companies could not be considered
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as a person]... By 1886... the Supreme Court had accepted the
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argument that corporations were "persons" and their money was
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property protected by the process clause of the Fourteenth
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Amendment... The justices of the Supreme Court were not simply
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interpreters of the Constitution. They were men of certain
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backgrounds, of certain [class] interests" [A People's History of
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the United States, p. 255].
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This would be the obvious result for "when private wealth is
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uncontrolled, then a police-judicial complex enjoying a clientele
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of wealthy corporations whose motto is self-interest is hardly an
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innocuous social force controllable by the possibility of forming
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or affiliating with competing "companies" [Weick, op cit, p225].
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Particularly if these companies are themselves Big Business, and
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so with a large impact on the laws they are enforcing.
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Wieck's sums up by saying "any judicial system is going to exist
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in the context of economic institutions. If there are gross
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inequalities of power in the economic and social domains, one has
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to imagine society as strangely compartmentalised in order to
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believe that those inequalities will fail to reflect themselves
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in the judicial and legal domain, and that the economically
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powerful will be unable to manipulate the legal and judicial
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system to their advantage. To abstract from such influences of
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context, and then consider the merits of an abstract judicial
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system... is to follow a method that is not likely to take us
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far. This, by the way, is a criticism that applies ... to any
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theory that relies on a rule of law to overrider the tendencies
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inherent in a given social and economic system."[Weick, op cit]
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In evaluating "anarcho" capitalism's claim to be a form of
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anarchism, Peter Marshall notes that "private protection agencies
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would merely serve the interests of their paymasters" [Demanding
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the Impossible, p. 653]. With the increase in private "defense
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associations" under "really existing capitalism" which many
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"anarcho" capitalists point to as examples of their ideas, we see
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that this is the case. There have been many documented
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experiences of protesters being badly beaten by private "security
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guards". As far as market theory goes, the companies are only
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supplying what the buyer is demanding. The rights of others is
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*not a factor* (yet more externalities, obviously) . With the
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reversion to "a general libertarian law code" enforced by private
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companies, this form of "defense" of "absolute" property rights
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can only increase, to levels which we have indicated above in
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American history.
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It is clear from considering section C.1 (what is the state),
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that the "anarcho"-capitalist defense associations meet the
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criteria of state-hood. They defend property and authority
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relationships, they exercise coercion and they are hierarchical
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institutions which govern those under them for those who employ
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them both.
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As far as even meeting its own definitions, "anarcho"-capitalism
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runs into trouble. Under capitalism, most people send a large
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part of their day on other people's property - namely they work
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and/or live in rented accommodation. Hence, if property owners
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select a "defense association", would this not appear as a
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"coerced monopoly of the provision of defence over a given area"?
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Even considering the "common law code", could this not be
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considered a monopoly? Particularly if ordinary people have no
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real means of affecting it (either it is market driven, and so
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would be money determined, or it will be "natural" law and so
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unchangeable by mere mortals). In addition, the costs for these
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associations will be deducted from the wealth created by those
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who use, but do not own, the property. Hence workers would pay
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for the agencies that enforce their employers authority over
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them, taxation in a different form.
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In effect, "anarcho"-capitalism has a *different* sort of state,
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one in which bosses can fire the policeman. As Peter Sabatini
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notes [Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy], "Within Libertarianism,
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Rothbard represents a minority perspective that actually argues
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for the total elimination of the state. However Rothbard's claim
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as an anarchist is quickly voided when it is shown that he only
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wants an end to the public state. In its place he allows
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countless private states, with each person supplying their own
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police force, army, and law, or else purchasing these services
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from capitalist vendors.[Murray N. Rothbard, "Society Without A
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State", in Pennock and Chapman, eds., p. 192.] Rothbard has no
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problem whatsoever with the amassing of wealth, therefore those
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with more capital will inevitably have greater coercive force at
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their disposal, just as they do now."
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As Peter Marshall again notes, "anarcho" capitalists "claim that
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all would benefit from a free exchange on the market, it is by no
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means certain; any unfettered market system would most likely
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sponsor a reversion to an unequal society with defense
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associations perpetuating exploitation and privilege" [Demanding
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the Impossible, p. 565].
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So it appears that "anarcho" capitalism would have laws, police,
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armies and so forth. Sounds familiar, doesn't it? However, there
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is one slight difference. Property owners would be able to select
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between competing companies for their "services". Hence,
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"anarcho" capitalism does not get rid of the state, it only
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privatises it.
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Far from wanting to abolish the state, "anarcho" capitalists only
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desire to privatise it. Their "companies" perform the same
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service, for the same people, in the same manner. By being
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employed by the boss, they only reinforce the totalitarian nature
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of the capitalist firm by having the police being not even
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slightly accountable to ordinary people.
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Therefore, far from being anarchists, "anarcho"-capitalism are
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just capitalists who desire to see private states develop, states
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which are strictly accountable to their pay masters without even
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the sham of democracy we have today. Therefore, a far better name
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for "anarcho"-capitalism would be "private state" capitalism, at
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least that way you get a fairer idea of what they are trying to
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sell you.
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