678 lines
44 KiB
Plaintext
678 lines
44 KiB
Plaintext
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Consent or Coercion
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An anarchist case for social transformation
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and answers to questions about anarchism
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"The State is a condition, a certain relationship between human beings, a
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mode of human behavior; we destroy it by contracting other relationships,
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by behaving differently."
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Gustav Landauer
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Anarchism is the belief that people can voluntarily cooperate to
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meet everyone's needs, without bosses or rulers, and without sacrificing
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individual liberties. A common misunderstanding is that anarchism is the
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total absence of order; that it is chaos, or nihilism. There are even
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people who call themselves "anarchists" who have this misperception.
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Anarchists are opposed to order arbitrarily imposed and maintained through
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armed force or other forms of coercion. They struggle for the order that
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results from the consensual interaction of individuals, from voluntary
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association. If there is a need, anarchists believe that people are
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capable of organizing themselves to see that it is met.
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J. A. Andrews used the example of a group of friends going on a
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camping trip. They plan their trip, and each person brings useful skills
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and tools to share. They work together to set up tents, fish, cook, clean
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up, with no one in a position of authority over anyone else. The group
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organizes itself, chores are done, and everyone passes the time as they
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please, alone or in groups with others. People discuss their concerns and
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possible solutions are proposed. No one is bound to go along with the
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group, but choosing to spend time together implies a willingness to at
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least try to work out constructive solutions to the problems and frictions
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that will inevitably arise. If no resolution is possible, the dissenting
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individuals can form another grouping or leave without fear of persecution
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by the rest of the group.
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Compare this to the way most organizations function. A few
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individuals make the important decisions, with or without the approval or
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input of the rest of the group. Rules and bylaws are passed in the hope of
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preventing undesirable activities on the part of members. The leadership
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starts out by addressing legitimate concerns, but is soon corrupted by
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power. It begins doing what it thinks is best, for itself and the
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organization, even if it involves concealing its activities from the other
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members or using deception. The elite attempts to entrench itself by
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making it difficult for the members to oust it, and constantly works to
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increase its power. The elite may ban criticism of its leadership and
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policies, or it may attribute superhuman qualities to itself, far
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surpassing those of "mere" members. Eventually the elite is no longer
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under the control of the members, and cannot be challenged. It can run
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amok with all of the power and resources of the organization, punishing
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those who dare to defy it. Membership is no longer voluntary, but is
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imposed on whoever falls within whatever the organization decides is its
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jurisdiction. Laws and authority which were originally aimed at preventing
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harm are turned into tools for inflicting harm on whoever is targeted by
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the elite.
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Another problem with laws and rules is that if you do not have
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voluntary compliance, the unlawful behavior will still take place, whether
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or not there is a law against it. The outlawed activity will be driven
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underground or will be protected by the imprecise wording of the laws.
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Having failed to win people's voluntary cooperation, through education or
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persuasion, the government passes volumes and volumes of laws, in a
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hopeless attempt to address and control every possible situation.
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Sometimes the law is observed as if it were carved in stone, even when the
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results are clearly ridiculous. An example is the case of the female
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motorist who was stopped for speeding, and lectured by a police officer at
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length as she sat there suffering labor pains. The officer thought she was
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faking the pain of childbirth to escape a traffic ticket! Sometimes the
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police fabricate charges against people they wish to punish, or they simply
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beat people as an "attitude adjustment" (if you are not sufficiently
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terrorized by the police, they consider it an attitude problem). It is
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also not uncommon for the laws to be overly vague, or to be misapplied. In
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my town, in obvious violation of their own laws, the police set up
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roadblocks to stop all motorists, check their sobriety, and search their
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vehicles for contraband if there is suspicion of any illegal activity after
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questioning them. This is done under the guise of checking for valid
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driver's licenses, which is clearly a ruse since there is no indication of
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any wrongdoing when the people are stopped. But if anyone would refuse to
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submit to such a search, they would likely be charged with interfering with
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the duties of a police officer, disorderly conduct, and resisting arrest,
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plus whatever other charges the district attorney could dream up. If you
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were to challenge the roadblocks in court, the judge would probably say
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that the Constitution, the supreme law of the land, does not really mean
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what it obviously says when it forbids unreasonable searches and seizures,
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but that it has been interpreted to mean something entirely different. It
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now means that the government has the power to decide what is or is not
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reasonable, entirely voiding the purpose of the law. The law means
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whatever those in power say it means. The courts have ruled, for example,
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that conscription is not involuntary servitude, and that the government can
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force you to choose between a military uniform and a prison uniform. And
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the laws gradually become more and more restrictive, so that people
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gradually become accustomed to having less and less freedom. Children are
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assigned identification numbers at birth. Photos on driver's licenses are
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stored electronically in computers, where they can be accessed at will by
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law enforcement personnel. Employees must present specified forms of
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identification to be eligible for employment. Residents of public housing
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can have their apartments searched without a search warrant. What seems
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outrageously intrusive today is tomorrow's legislation.
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Anarchists do not wish to see traffic fatalities, rapes, or
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murders. Quite the contrary. They feel the current combination of tyranny
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and social chaos are responsible for much of the suffering in the world.
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What anarchists fear is the corrupting influence of power and the
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inevitable abuse of power. An individual can only do so much damage, but
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the same person in a position of authority, or worse yet, an organized,
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systematic application of corrupted power, can wreak horrible damage.
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Governments have sent millions upon millions of people to their deaths,
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through wars and persecutions, and have taken away the freedoms of billions
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of others. And note that the police only prevent crimes in rare
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situations, such as when a police officer just happens to be at the scene
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of a crime in progress. The police almost always show up after the crime
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has been committed. Most crimes go unsolved. Attempting to punish
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offenders after they have committed their crimes is not a very effective
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way to protect people. This false "cure" is just an attack on the symptoms
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without treating the underlying problem - a society that is losing its
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social consciousness. In other words, the individuals who make up the
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society have stopped thinking of themselves as being members of a society.
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If your neighbors are all strangers, and you feel powerless to improve
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anything, you are not likely to feel that you have a relationship with
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those around you. The police are not very effective against criminals, but
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they are extremely effective at controlling the general public. A lone
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individual has little hope of resisting the depredations of these heavily
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armed paramilitary organizations. Even if a benign and uncorrupted
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government was possible, many of us would prefer our freedom, with all of
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its responsibilities, to being forced to live according to volumes of well
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intentioned dictates written by others. Care to wear a crash helmet when
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you drive your car? How about banning bare feet on beaches so no one steps
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on a sharp rock? And absolutely no walking in remote areas or doing work
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outside of your profession.
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Fred Woodworth has pointed out that the claims of legitimacy made
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by governments, the justifications used by those in power as to why they
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have the right to order us about, would be laughable if the results were
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not so tragic. Any claims to power made by a monarchy, constitutional
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democracy, theocracy, nationalist fatherland or people's republic are
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totally bogus since they govern without the consent of the governed. Any
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constitution, contract or agreement that claims to bind everyone living in
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the same geographic area, unborn generations, or anyone other that the
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actual parties to it, are despicable falsehoods. Some governments rule
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through fear and brute force, while others, as a result of intense pressure
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from their subjects, have become dependent on winning the support of large
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sectors of the public in elections in order to stay in power. Bourgeois
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democracy, democracy controlled by the elite, is preferable to
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dictatorship, but these republics also rely on coercion to achieve their
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goals. The political party which wins, with the help of big money,
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restrictive ballot access, and winner-take-all election laws, does not have
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the right to inflict its will on those who do not support it. The state
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machinery uses coercion to compel obedience from its subjects, regardless
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of which party is at the controls. Democracy is often equated with
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tolerance, but Hitler was a product of democracy, and slavery and apartheid
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existed in the U.S. under democracy. Even in an ideal democracy, unwarped
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by elite control, the majority may actually support the persecution of
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people with unorthodox ideas.
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The public is constantly bombarded with propaganda justifying the
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existence of the government and explaining the necessity of the current
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social system, in the schools, the media, and in its own propaganda. But
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less than half of the eligible voters participate in elections in the U.S.
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The government loudly proclaims its mandate anyway.
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Most of the objections people have to anarchism as a social system
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are based on the assumption that people are unreasonable and irresponsible.
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If this were the case, no amount of police, judges and jails could conjure
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order out of chaos. People would be routinely killing and robbing one
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another, and taking advantage of any perceived weakness on the part of
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others. We would all be certain we were much too clever to be caught. But
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truly anti-social behavior on the part of individuals is the exception,
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rather than the rule. Most of us are very well behaved. Much of the
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destructive behavior we suffer from is committed by individuals who have
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been raised in the most dire conditions, and who face very limited personal
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choices due to the material and cultural poverty they were raised in. This
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occurs across all ethnic groups and in all countries, but some societies
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are wise enough to attack the conditions that foster destructive behavior
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instead of merely punishing offenders after the acts have been committed.
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This is a social problem which needs to be dealt with, not a given fact of
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human nature. Human beings, and even animals, which are raised in an
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environment of love, respect and security tend to be good natured and well
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adjusted. But any creature raised in an environment of fear, cruelty or
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deprivation will tend to exhibit anti-social behavior. Each society spawns
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its own predatory individuals. In general, the more atomized and alienated
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individuals are from their society, the more likely they are to engage in
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destructive behavior, against others and against themselves. And people
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cannot be blamed for not identifying with an unsympathetic, and even
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predatory, society. Some anarchists argue that it is precisely because
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people have become so maladjusted that no one can be trusted with power
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over others.
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A distinction must be made between socially destructive behavior
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and behavior which is not coercive, but which is banned by the government
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for other reasons. Besides the obvious examples of tax and draft evasion,
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governments, by passing laws, create entire classes of criminals by
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outlawing certain victimless or vice crimes. Certain activities may be
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distasteful to some of us, but if they are not predatory or coercive in
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nature then they are only crimes because the government says they are. But
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once an activity is outlawed, professional criminals become involved
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because these activities become highly profitable. This is why criminals
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were active in the alcohol and gambling trades when they were outlawed, and
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why they are still active in drugs, prostitution and immigration today. If
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guns are outlawed, organized crime will have another lucrative trade to
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pursue. The taxation of alcohol, cigarettes and gasoline has spawned
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entire bootleg industries.
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The for-profit nature of capitalism encourages other forms of
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anti-social behavior, such as taking advantage of the disorganization of
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workers by hiring them for as little as possible, working them as hard as
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possible (sometimes until they break, physically or mentally), and making
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them pay as much as possible for what they consume. Another example is
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"externalization of costs", which means getting society to pay the costs
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while private businesses get the profits, such as the education of workers
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at public expense; mining, fishing, grazing and lumbering on public land
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for token payments; government bailouts; strike breaking; and toxic waste
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clean up. This officially protected form of destructive behavior, known as
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corporate capitalism, creates a competitive, dog-eat-dog mentality that is
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extremely disruptive to human solidarity. Some anarchists believe
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capitalism is malignant by its very nature. Others argue that it is
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government interference which has made capitalism malignant, by favoring
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larger, established businesses and creating barriers for small businesses
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and self-employed people.
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Anarchists believe that people should be free to organize
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themselves as they see fit, but are divided as to which methods are the
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most just or desirable. Some anarchists claim that everyone has a right to
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an equal share of the wealth, since it has been produced primarily by
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generations of wage slaves living under the threat of dire poverty. They
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see the functioning of society as a team effort. How could a small
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fraction of the population have honestly gained such disproportional
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control of the existing assets while the majority has become so totally
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dependent? They simply couldn't have. As the saying goes, "it takes money
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to make money," and most of our families did not start us off with large
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sums of money. What business owners had was money to invest, and/or a
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willingness to go deeply into debt, while most of us make our living
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selling our labor power. Employees are treated like just another input
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into the production process: their labor is "bought" when needed, at the
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market price, and no longer "purchased" when the need has passed. But
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since employees need to provide for themselves and their families,
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regardless of the condition of the labor market or the treatment they
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receive at the hands of their employers, they live in constant insecurity.
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This insecurity is why employees form labor unions, or turn to laws and
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government for protection. So most socialist anarchists argue that the
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most just way to organize an economy is to treat it like one huge
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cooperative, shared and operated by all, in the interests of all.
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Anarchists favor a confederal form of organization, so that each locality
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or industry would be autonomous, but would be closely coordinated with the
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other units which make up a society. They believe that each unit will act
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responsibly in relation to the other units, because cooperation and good
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faith are in everyone's interest.
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The other general category includes anarchists who feel that people
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should be able to be independent of any organization if they so choose,
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including economic organizations. They fear socialization of the economy
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for the same reason they fear the government, because it puts the
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individual at the mercy of others. They also feel that some individuals
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are willing to work harder to achieve a higher standard of living than
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others might be willing to work, and that the more industrious should not
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be dragged down to the same level as those who choose to work less
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intensively and live at a more basic standard of living. They feel that
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the use to which one puts one's earnings is not the business of the rest of
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society, as long as it does not cause obvious harm to others, and that they
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should be free to pass their wealth on to others if they so choose.
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Individuals should be free to be self-employed, or to employ or be employed
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by others, as long as the arrangement is voluntarily. These
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anarcho-capitalists argue that the best way to organize the economy is
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through voluntary economic transactions of whatever type that people choose
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to make, with everyone taking responsibility for their own well-being.
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They claim that in a truly free market system, consumers would be able to
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control the socially destructive activities of business owners by
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boycotting their products and by buying from more socially conscious
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competitors.
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As different as these views are, it is possible to have an economy
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that includes both options, plus others not mentioned or even thought of,
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and to leave people free to choose whichever type of organization they
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prefer. The economy would function through the voluntary interaction of a
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multitude of differently organized groupings, each working out for itself
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the best methods of organization. The socialistically inclined groups
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could produce goods for their own consumption, and avoid market
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relationships to whatever extent they feel necessary. Gustav Landauer
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wrote, "We can establish a great number of crafts and industries to produce
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goods for our own consumption. We can go much further in this than the
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cooperatives have gone until now, for they still cannot get rid of the idea
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of competing with capitalist managed enterprise."1 What is important is
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that people have a choice, which most of us currently do not have. The
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various groupings could interact whenever they chose to do so. One serious
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barrier to cooperation among anarchists is the issue of property rights.
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At one extreme are those with an almost feudalistic attachment to private,
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for-profit ownership of the necessities of life, while at the other extreme
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even the ownership of personal property is seen to be anti-social and
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elitist. There is quite a bit of room to maneuver between these two
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extremes, but the question of expropriation of the workplace is the major
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issue dividing the movement. A communitarian approach would sidestep this
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issue entirely. These intentional, self-organized communities could not
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replace the existing system overnight, but eventually they could greatly
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reduce our dependence on it. Many of the goods currently produced are
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either unnecessary or are produced in excessive quantities. The use of
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automobiles, for example, could be greatly reduced through the use of mass
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transit, bike paths and better urban planning (and this would be a partial
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solution to the problem of traffic fatalities). And what would
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anarcho-socialists do with an expropriated cash register factory or mink
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ranch anyway? If we can't get people to choose to meet their needs
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cooperatively, buy buying or using cooperatively produced goods, they are
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probably not sufficiently interested in radical social change.
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What about those who argue "abolish work"? Like a perpetual motion
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machine, or cold fusion, there is no scheme currently known that can
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provide everyone with what they need which does not require anyone to
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perform tasks which they find unpleasant. If everyone does only what they
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enjoy, we would have a huge oversupply of performing artists and athletes,
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and a serious shortage of dental hygienists and plumbers. Through job
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sharing and the elimination of unproductive activities, the amount of
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unpleasant work can be fairly shared and reduced to a minimum. Those who
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wish to abstain from the consumption of work enhanced products could not
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reasonably be expected to work. But it seems just as reasonable for those
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who do a share of the work to deny access to those who voluntarily choose
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not to work, in the absence of barriers to productive activity such as
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unemployment, or harsh or dangerous working conditions.
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At the present time, since there is not widespread agreement that
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anarchism is the best form of social organization, it is up to us to spread
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these ideas and to implement them as best we can among ourselves. It would
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be impossible to compel people to participate in an anarchist project,
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since anarchism relies on voluntary cooperation and self discipline to make
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it work. Once large numbers of people agree that this is the way things
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should be organized, not even a tyrant can stop them from reorganizing
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themselves. As Elisee Reclus wrote, "When the miserable and disinherited
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of the earth shall unite in their own interest, trade with trade, nation
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with nation, race with race; when they shall fully awake to their
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sufferings and their purpose... powerful as may be the Master of those
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days, he will be weak before the starving masses leagued against him." 2
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Answers to frequently asked questions:
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Q: How will people deal with crime, resolve disputes, reach agreements and
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set standards if the government and laws are abolished?
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A: The main purpose of governments and laws are to keep most of us under
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|||
|
control so that we can be efficiently milked, like a herd of cows. With
|
|||
|
the exception of a small proportion of anti-social people, most of us are
|
|||
|
able to avoid harming others and resolve our disputes without resorting to
|
|||
|
the authorities. The legal system we have now puts the full force of the
|
|||
|
state behind the party that manages to win its favor. Many disputes are
|
|||
|
already resolved through arbitration and mediation, outside of the courts
|
|||
|
and the legal system. The laws are written and enforced in such a way that
|
|||
|
the poor are always held accountable for petty crimes such as writing bad
|
|||
|
checks to pay for groceries, while the authorities can literally get away
|
|||
|
with murder.
|
|||
|
If allowed to, people will always act to protect themselves from
|
|||
|
violent criminals. This is an involuntary reflex, like raising your hand
|
|||
|
to deflect a blow. People may decide to form special, recallable groups
|
|||
|
who are firmly under community control to perform that task as the need
|
|||
|
arises, or they may choose to do it on a neighborhood by neighborhood
|
|||
|
basis. But the police, courts and government we currently have are only
|
|||
|
accountable to the people in the most roundabout way, and they have clearly
|
|||
|
become a threat to our freedom. They are literally out of control. Self
|
|||
|
perpetuating elites have appointed themselves to perform our civic duties
|
|||
|
in our behalf. The amount of crime should drop sharply as soon as
|
|||
|
productive activity becomes less difficult and oppressive, and people begin
|
|||
|
to have a sense of belonging to a social unit. To protect the rights of
|
|||
|
unpopular individuals who are guilty of no real crime, it would be
|
|||
|
necessary for the community to agree that only acts that cause actual harm
|
|||
|
to others are subject to the justice of the community. Each community can
|
|||
|
debate the issue of "actual harm" for itself, and people can relocate
|
|||
|
according to their preference. People would need to work out a fair and
|
|||
|
open procedure for resolving disputes and for treating predatory
|
|||
|
individuals. There is the danger of a community oppressing its members,
|
|||
|
who would lack recourse to existing laws designed to protect them. We
|
|||
|
would hope that communities would incorporate respect for the rights of
|
|||
|
individuals into their processes; we do not expect this important value to
|
|||
|
mysteriously vanish from social consciousness. On the contrary, personal
|
|||
|
freedom should actually be respected even more than it presently is if we
|
|||
|
are successful in spreading our ideas more widely. It is hard to imagine
|
|||
|
an autonomous community expending the same level of resources on coercion
|
|||
|
that current governments do. There is an unavoidable tension between the
|
|||
|
good of the community and individual rights, but anarchists do not feel
|
|||
|
that one must be sacrificed to increase the other.
|
|||
|
If written contracts prevented fraud, we would not have "fine
|
|||
|
print" or a legal profession. In a free society it is of the utmost
|
|||
|
importance that people show real compassion and fairness in their dealings
|
|||
|
with others, or else it won't last very long. Living together in peaceful
|
|||
|
cooperation is a powerful form of protest against government and police.
|
|||
|
Concerning technical standards, these are best agreed upon by the
|
|||
|
people who do the work and who use the products involved, instead of being
|
|||
|
decided by corporate officers or government bureaucrats. Many standards
|
|||
|
are already set by professional associations. If you've ever tried to
|
|||
|
repair an automobile or link computers you understand how necessary, and
|
|||
|
how lacking, industry-wide standards are. If a product lacks a trusted
|
|||
|
"seal of approval" from consumer organizations, consumers can avoid it.
|
|||
|
Educated consumers can influence what is produced and how it is produced if
|
|||
|
they act together in large numbers.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Q: How will we defend ourselves from invasion by foreign governments
|
|||
|
without a government?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
A: We could have a truly volunteer and community controlled military,
|
|||
|
concerned strictly with defending our liberty and not with imposing our
|
|||
|
will on people in foreign countries. If volunteers want to participate in
|
|||
|
foreign wars, that would be up to them. We would soon find the world a
|
|||
|
less dangerous place when other societies no longer fear being attacked by
|
|||
|
our government and when we stop exporting arms for profit. The absence of
|
|||
|
government does not mean the absence of organization. It means the absence
|
|||
|
of coercion.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Q: The situations in places like Lebanon, Somalia, and the former
|
|||
|
Yugoslavia have often been referred to as "anarchy". Is this accurate?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
A: No, these are examples of competing elites struggling against one
|
|||
|
another for power. The result is chaos. Anarchy is the absence of a
|
|||
|
controlling elite. A government is the strongest gang of aggressors in a
|
|||
|
particular area at a particular time. Civil war is what happens when the
|
|||
|
dominant group is challenged. Anarchy has been a rare occurrence in recent
|
|||
|
history, since there is usually an elite willing to impose itself whenever
|
|||
|
it sees the opportunity. Emiliano Zapata, one of the major figures in the
|
|||
|
Mexican Revolution of 1911-1918, was influenced by anarchist ideas,
|
|||
|
especially those of the brothers Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magon. He
|
|||
|
temporarily liberated large parts of Mexico with his army of indian
|
|||
|
peasants. Following the Russian Revolution of 1917, a mostly peasant,
|
|||
|
anarchist army led by Nestor Makhno temporarily liberated various parts of
|
|||
|
what is now Ukraine in battles against several different armies; White,
|
|||
|
Red, Nationalist and foreign. Korean anarchists established an autonomous
|
|||
|
zone in Shimin province in northern Manchuria between 1929 and 1931, but
|
|||
|
were crushed by the Japanese army and Chinese/Russian Communists. During
|
|||
|
the Spanish Civil War and Revolution of 1936, anarchists liberated areas of
|
|||
|
Aragon, Catalonia and other parts of Spain. They entered into an uneasy,
|
|||
|
anti-Nationalist alliance with the Republican government, but were
|
|||
|
pressured and then forced to abandon their gains. They were then
|
|||
|
persecuted by both Republicans and Nationalists.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Q: Are people really so good that they can live without government?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
A: Are people really so good that they can be trusted to direct a
|
|||
|
government? Governments have killed far more people than all the
|
|||
|
criminals, bandit gangs and mass murderers in history, who look like
|
|||
|
hobbyists in comparison. Anarchists consider governments to be a very
|
|||
|
powerful form of organized crime. Some governments are worse than others,
|
|||
|
of course, but they all have the potential for committing atrocities.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Q: Don't anarchists advocate the violent overthrow of the existing authorities?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
A: Some anarchists do advocate this, in the hope that people will
|
|||
|
spontaneously organize themselves once the power of the elite has been
|
|||
|
broken. However, the contradiction between revolutionary social change and
|
|||
|
the anarchist ideal of voluntary social relations has always been troubling
|
|||
|
to some anarchists. In the absence of unanimous opposition to the elite,
|
|||
|
revolutions always involve coercion against the supporters and sympathizers
|
|||
|
of the elite, which may be a large proportion of a society. The most
|
|||
|
coercion is required when a minority attempts to implement radical social
|
|||
|
change on an unconvinced public. Not only does the old regime need to be
|
|||
|
defeated without the support of the population, but the new elite must also
|
|||
|
impose its program on society. The least coercion is required when a
|
|||
|
revolution is the result of demands made by large sectors of the general
|
|||
|
public. If the old elite resists, after a brief skirmish it can be pushed
|
|||
|
aside. Even the government's own troops cannot be relied upon to suppress
|
|||
|
a popular revolution, since the soldiers themselves come from the same
|
|||
|
public. Revolutionary violence occurs when demands for change are ignored
|
|||
|
or suppressed. But many elites are crafty enough to make concessions which
|
|||
|
split the public and weaken people's resolve. Demands for change within
|
|||
|
the structure of the existing system lead to compromise and ultimately to
|
|||
|
broader political support for the system. Demands that the state reform
|
|||
|
itself in a fundamental way are hopeless, because the very nature of the
|
|||
|
state is to forever expand its power and its autonomy from its subjects.
|
|||
|
Revolutionary anarchists argue that violence against tyranny is a
|
|||
|
duty and that coercion in the name of a better world is justified. They
|
|||
|
argue that it is very unlikely that many people, if given the choice, would
|
|||
|
choose to remain slaves. But after the emancipation of the slaves in the
|
|||
|
U.S. and of the peasants in Russia, many did just that, and instead of
|
|||
|
fleeing their masters, remained employed on the same estates. This is why
|
|||
|
some anarchists prefer a strategy of working to transform society
|
|||
|
gradually, through education and self organization, so that people will be
|
|||
|
less and less dependent on employers and the government, and more and more
|
|||
|
able to organize themselves in non-coercive ways. This point of view sees
|
|||
|
the current social system continuing mainly due to the absence of practical
|
|||
|
alternatives and to the comfort of inertia. Most of us are compelled to
|
|||
|
sell our labor to capitalist employers since workers' and consumers'
|
|||
|
cooperatives aren't widely established. Likewise, if people hear someone
|
|||
|
breaking into a neighbor's house, they call the police, since there are no
|
|||
|
neighborhood based organizations to deal with crime. With an evolutionary
|
|||
|
strategy, "the new society is built within the shell of the old," which
|
|||
|
makes for a slow, but smooth, transition. The revolutionary strategy,
|
|||
|
which promises quicker results, would leave a dangerous vacuum during the
|
|||
|
period immediately following the revolution, when most revolutions are
|
|||
|
defeated or else lapse back into a modified version of the old system.
|
|||
|
Unless a large majority of the population actively supports anarchism,
|
|||
|
coercion will likely be necessary to abolish the old social order, since
|
|||
|
people would not yet be convinced that this is desirable. The political
|
|||
|
struggle, convincing people of the need for change in an anarchist
|
|||
|
direction, must be won before the old order can be successfully abolished.
|
|||
|
Revolutionaries will argue that any significant gradual efforts
|
|||
|
will be violently suppressed. Perhaps, but if the gradual efforts involve
|
|||
|
no violence or coercion, it would be politically risky for the government
|
|||
|
to suppress them. They would have to crack down on people's liberties to
|
|||
|
such an extent that they would be illustrating to the public exactly the
|
|||
|
point we are trying to make. We risk less by trying persuasion, including
|
|||
|
our ideals. There are also practical reasons to avoid the use of violence
|
|||
|
(with the possible exception of self-defense). The party that resorts to
|
|||
|
violence first is almost always blamed by the public for causing the
|
|||
|
conflict. A violent attack on the government would give it another excuse
|
|||
|
to justify its own existence, the excuse it would need to eliminate us.
|
|||
|
Armed struggle encourages the formation of a conspiratorial directing
|
|||
|
elite, which may not be controlled by its supporters (as Fidel Castro said
|
|||
|
recently, "Revolutionaries do not resign"). Successful armed struggle
|
|||
|
relies on the use of treachery and violence, and these strategies may carry
|
|||
|
over even after the original enemy is defeated. And victory does not go to
|
|||
|
the most worthy, but to the most powerful. Some anarchists simply believe
|
|||
|
that violence and coercion are morally wrong, and would not use these
|
|||
|
means, even if there were hope of achieving the desired end.
|
|||
|
Historically, violent revolution has achieved modest results at a
|
|||
|
staggering cost in death and suffering. France, Mexico, the U.S., Russia,
|
|||
|
China and Cuba have all experienced "successful" revolutions, yet these
|
|||
|
societies are not substantially freer nor is the working class
|
|||
|
substantially better off than in Great Britain, Sweden or Canada. But, you
|
|||
|
may protest, these were not true social revolutions. Conceded. But true
|
|||
|
social revolutions require the conscious, enthusiastic support of the
|
|||
|
general public. This support can only be won on the political or
|
|||
|
educational front and not on the military front. Once there is popular
|
|||
|
support for anarchist ideas, the only force required will be to disband any
|
|||
|
government forces which refuse to disperse. You can't win the public's
|
|||
|
support militarily. You can only frighten people into passivity or rouse
|
|||
|
them to lash out in a confused, unorganized manner. The case for
|
|||
|
revolution directed by a vanguard group or party on behalf of the oppressed
|
|||
|
requires us to argue that the public has either been brainwashed, that they
|
|||
|
are too ignorant to understand their own self interest, or that they have
|
|||
|
been beaten into passivity. If any combination of these are true, what
|
|||
|
good will it do to use armed struggle on their behalf, if they do not
|
|||
|
consciously support social change? They will either fight against us or
|
|||
|
passively watch us die. Complex, voluntary, and cooperative social
|
|||
|
arrangements are unlikely to appear spontaneously. As the anarchists in
|
|||
|
Spain discovered during the social revolution and civil war there in the
|
|||
|
1930's, you cannot direct society and not direct society at the same time.
|
|||
|
If people do not organize themselves, they will either flounder in chaos
|
|||
|
and be unable to resist the forces of reaction, or they will allow
|
|||
|
themselves to be led by politicians. Significant numbers of workers did
|
|||
|
organize themselves in Spain, but the working class as a whole was not able
|
|||
|
to achieve the level of self organization necessary for it to do away with
|
|||
|
the leadership of the revolutionary parties. There can be no revolutionary
|
|||
|
government that serves anarchist purposes or which can lead to anarchy.
|
|||
|
The only way to avoid the creation of a new elite is if the mass of society
|
|||
|
is consciously aware of what it is trying to accomplish.
|
|||
|
As the anonymous authors of "You Can't Blow Up a Social
|
|||
|
Relationship" pointed out, "The total collapse of this society would
|
|||
|
provide no guarantee about what replaced it. Unless a majority of people
|
|||
|
had the ideas and organization sufficient for the creation of an
|
|||
|
alternative society, we would see the old world reassert itself because it
|
|||
|
is what people would be used to, what they believed in, what existed
|
|||
|
unchallenged in their own personalities."3 Alexander Berkman wrote, "As
|
|||
|
[people's] minds broaden and develop, as they advance to new ideas and lose
|
|||
|
faith in their former beliefs, institutions begin to change and are
|
|||
|
ultimately done away with. The people grow to understand that their former
|
|||
|
views were false, and that they were not truth, but prejudice and
|
|||
|
superstition.... The social revolution, therefore, is not an accident, not
|
|||
|
a sudden happening. There is nothing sudden about it, for ideas don't
|
|||
|
change suddenly. They grow slowly, gradually, like the plant or flower....
|
|||
|
It develops to the point when considerable numbers of people have embraced
|
|||
|
the new ideas and are determined to put them into practice. When they
|
|||
|
attempt to do so and meet with opposition, then the slow, quiet, and
|
|||
|
peaceful social evolution becomes quick, militant, and violent. Evolution
|
|||
|
becomes revolution. Bear in mind, then, that evolution and revolution are
|
|||
|
not two separate and distinct things. Still less are they opposites as
|
|||
|
some people wrongly believe. Revolution is merely the boiling point of
|
|||
|
evolution. Because revolution is evolution at its boiling point you cannot
|
|||
|
"make" a real revolution any more than you can hasten the boiling of a tea
|
|||
|
kettle. It is the fire underneath that makes it boil: how quickly it will
|
|||
|
come to the boiling point will depend on how strong the fire is. The
|
|||
|
economic and political conditions of a country are the fire under the
|
|||
|
evolutionary pot. The worse the oppression, the greater the
|
|||
|
dissatisfaction of the people, the stronger the flame.... But pressure from
|
|||
|
above, though hastening revolution, may also cause its failure, because
|
|||
|
such a revolution is apt to break out before the evolutionary process has
|
|||
|
been sufficiently advanced. Coming prematurely, as it were, it will fizzle
|
|||
|
out in mere rebelling; that is, without clear, conscious aim and purpose."4
|
|||
|
The recent riots in Los Angeles are an example of mere rebelling, without
|
|||
|
a conscious aim beyond venting anger and looting. The uprising in Chiapas,
|
|||
|
Mexico is an example of a much more developed, but still premature,
|
|||
|
rebellion. Both of these rebellions were quickly isolated and contained in
|
|||
|
the absence of widespread popular support. We must work to build the
|
|||
|
functioning parts of a new society, while maintaining a clear vision of our
|
|||
|
alternatives. We must not be co-opted by the State on the one hand, nor
|
|||
|
recklessly overestimate our support on the other. Through education,
|
|||
|
interaction, and example we can work to gradually rid humanity of statism,
|
|||
|
nationalism, deprivation, racism, sexism, violence, child and animal abuse,
|
|||
|
and all the other evils humanity is afflicted with. But we have to get our
|
|||
|
own act together if we expect people to take us seriously.
|
|||
|
In the event that the existing order collapses on its own, people
|
|||
|
would be free to organize themselves into groups regardless of what the
|
|||
|
majority is doing. As long as a group is large enough to be economically
|
|||
|
viable and to defend its autonomy, even relatively small groups could set
|
|||
|
up new social relations. The issue of violence only arises because of the
|
|||
|
ruthless suppression of secessionist movements by the world's governments.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Q: What if some people really do prefer having a government?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
A: As long as the relationships are strictly voluntary, and not enforced
|
|||
|
by poverty or force, it would be hard for anarchists to justify suppressing
|
|||
|
any voluntary association, just as it would be difficult to justify
|
|||
|
suppressing religions, superstitions or vices. Under what conditions is
|
|||
|
the use of force justified? Only in response to the prior use of force.
|
|||
|
But governments, by definition, are institutions of coercion and control,
|
|||
|
so only if a government supported itself through voluntary donations, or
|
|||
|
enforced its will by merely asking for compliance, could it conceivably
|
|||
|
function without coercion, in which case it would not really be a
|
|||
|
government at all.
|
|||
|
"Panarchy" is the name for a society made up of a multitude of
|
|||
|
diverse but peacefully coexisting forms of social relations. The theory of
|
|||
|
panarchy is that people have different ideas and preferences about how to
|
|||
|
organize themselves. Instead of each group trying to achieve the power to
|
|||
|
impose its ideas and preferences on everyone, each group organizes itself
|
|||
|
and allows other groups to do likewise. One variant even has people
|
|||
|
sharing the same geographic space, with each individual acting according to
|
|||
|
his or her own conscience, in much the same way that different religions
|
|||
|
coexist in societies that allow some religious freedom. The difference
|
|||
|
would be the absence of a supreme authority setting rules that all must
|
|||
|
obey. Of course this would require everyone to respect the choices of
|
|||
|
others, and to refrain from using coercion or violence. Anarchists would
|
|||
|
do their thing, and those who wanted to continue to voluntarily submit to a
|
|||
|
particular type of government could do so. Why won't the statists allow us
|
|||
|
this same freedom today? Panarchy should appeal to everyone, because as it
|
|||
|
is now, no one really gets what they want. We all must live under a
|
|||
|
mish-mash of strictly enforced rules that come out of battles fought on the
|
|||
|
elite turf of the official political process. Panarchy is letting people
|
|||
|
"do their own thing".
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Q: How do you propose to achieve anarchist social relations?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
A: We argue that the proper course for the anarchist movement is to
|
|||
|
concentrate its efforts on two tasks: educating the public and organizing
|
|||
|
our own social relations here and now as much as possible. Our objective
|
|||
|
should not be to overthrow the existing social relations, because those
|
|||
|
social relations are not viewed as intolerable by most of the public. We
|
|||
|
need to inform people about our ideas and demonstrate to them that
|
|||
|
anarchist social relations can actually function. Gustav Landauer
|
|||
|
suggested that when people saw functioning villages based on voluntary
|
|||
|
cooperation, the public's envy would result in more and more villages being
|
|||
|
formed. These voluntary organizations will eventually render the old,
|
|||
|
coercive institutions useless, and they will be done away with or rendered
|
|||
|
powerless, like the monarchy and the Church have been in the past. By
|
|||
|
combining our efforts with other non-statists in a panarchist federation,
|
|||
|
we could greatly hasten the pace of non-coercive social change.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Q: Is anarchy a goal that can actually be reached, or is it only an ideal
|
|||
|
to be approximated?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
A: If you approximate your ideal well enough, eventually you reach your goal.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Footnotes
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
The quote on the cover is from "Paths in Utopia" by Martin Buber,
|
|||
|
p.46, 1988 Collier Books reprint of a book written in 1945 and first
|
|||
|
published in English in 1949 by Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd.
|
|||
|
1. "For Socialism" by Gustav Landauer, p. 140, Telos Press, St.
|
|||
|
Louis, 1978 (English translation). Originally published in 1911.
|
|||
|
2. "Evolution and Revolution" by Elisee Reclus, p. 16, Kropotkin's
|
|||
|
Lighthouse Publications reprint of the 7th edition published by William
|
|||
|
Reeves. No dates of publication or reprint given.
|
|||
|
3. "You Can't Blow Up a Social Relationship", p. 20, 1989 See
|
|||
|
Sharp Press reprint of a pamphlet originally published by anonymous
|
|||
|
Australian anarchists in 1979.
|
|||
|
4. "ABC of Anarchism" also known as "What is Communist Anarchism"
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by Alexander Berkman, p. 36-38, 1977 Freedom Press reprint of a book first
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published by the Vanguard Press in 1929.
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This pamphlet was published in early 1995. It was drafted by Ed
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Stamm, with substantial help from Carl Bettis, Brendan Conley, Ed D'Angelo,
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Greg Hall, David King, and Dick Martin, whose excellent suggestions were
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usually, but not always, adopted. We borrowed extensively from the ideas
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and expressions of many other anarchists and philosophers, living and dead.
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Ed Stamm is ultimately responsible for the content and style of this
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pamphlet. He would like to thank John Zube for broadening his perspective
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by introducing him to the concept of panarchy.
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We request that this pamphlet not be reproduced for commercial purposes.
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This pamphlet is a project of the Affinity Group of Evolutionary
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Anarchists, but does not presume to represent the personal opinions of its
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members. More information about AGEA can be obtained by sending a
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self-addressed, stamped envelope to: Ed Stamm, PO Box 1402, Lawrence KS,
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660448402 USA.
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