667 lines
28 KiB
Plaintext
667 lines
28 KiB
Plaintext
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Title: Anarchism and Ireland
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Author: Workers Solidarity Movement
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Description: An introduction to the ideas of
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anarchism, its relevance to Ireland and what
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happened in Russia and Spain.
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Keywords: Anarchism, Russia, Spain
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Introduction to the second edition (1989)
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In the intervening four years since the Workers
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Solidarity Movement first published Anarchism and
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Ireland the reasons for doing so again have been
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more than demonstrated. Despite the great
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technological advances, the huge wealth and
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resources that now exist throughout the world,
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millions continue to die from starvation and from
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four major preventable diseases.
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Ireland is no exception to the injustice and
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inequality that prevails. The standard of living has
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dropped for most working class people in the last
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three years, while unemployment has gone higher
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and emigration increased. The government has
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used the climate of despondency to push through
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its own cuts in the health service and in education -
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putting the squeeze, more and more, on those less
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well off. But meanwhile huge profits are being
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made, not just by multinationals but also by some of
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Ireland's own capitalists like Tony O'Reilly and
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Michael Smurfit.
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That this situation must be changed is beyond
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doubt. Capitalism survives not just by physical
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force but also by making people feel and believe
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that they are powerless to do anything about it. It
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convinces us that "this is the way things will always
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be". Our real power to resist the inequality and
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injustice around us, and ultimately to radically
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change the way things are run, is obscured from us.
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But it is none the less there.
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Anarchism and Ireland aims to make this clearer, to
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show the long tradition of ideas and action - our
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history - that has sought radical change by
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abolishing capitalism and replacing it with a better
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society based on socialism and freedom.
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Anarchist ideas are not new, though in Ireland they
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have only a short history. The WSM aims to further
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popularise these ideas, to convince as many as
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possible that the solution to the problems around us
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will not be found in electing a "socialist"
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government to the Dail or any other parliament.
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Rather it lies in our own industrial and social power
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as workers. It lies in our ability to organise in
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unions, to stop production to further our aims.
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Ultimately it lies in the fact that it is we and not the
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bosses who create the wealth of the world.
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Kevin Doyle
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The Workers Solidarity Movement is anarchist
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organisation. We believe in a revolution by the
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working class which will overthrow the bosses and
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their governments, and create a society run and
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controlled by those who actually produce the
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wealth of the world. We believe that it is possible to
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live without government and to put in its place
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councils and assemblies where the "ordinary
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people" can decide what happens to this wealth.
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We believe in the equality of all and that maximum
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solidarity is needed between workers and other
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oppressed groups if we are to defeat those who live
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off our sweat.
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Anarchists are against chaos
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When you hear about anarchists you are led to
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believe that we are mad bombers. Every other
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group that lets off a bomb is immediately labelled
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'anarchist' whether they be nationalists, socialists or
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even fascists. The myth is created that we believe in
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violence for the sake of it. The other myth is that
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anarchism is chaos It is claimed by politicians,
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bosses and their hacks in the media that if there was
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no government there would be chaos. But did you
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ever wonder about society today and come to the
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conclusion that perhaps we are already living in
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chaos. At the moment thousands of builders are on
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the dole yet homeless people need housing to live
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in. The price of butter is scandalously dear yet
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every year the EEC has to deal with a butter
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mountain. Thousands of people are dying of
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starvation around the world yet millions of pounds
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are spent every day on nuclear arms which have the
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potential for wiping us and the world out.
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You might ask why is this so? We say that there is
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one big reason - PROFIT! At the moment we live in
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a society in which there are two major classes - the
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bosses and the workers. The bosses own the
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factories, banks, shops, etc. Workers don't. All they
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have is their labour which they use to make a living.
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Workers are compelled to sell their Labour to the
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boss for a wage. The boss is interested in squeezing
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as much work out of the worker for as little wages
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as possible so that he/she can maintain high profits.
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Thus the more wages workers get the less profits
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the bosses make. Their interests are in total
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opposition to each other.
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Production is not based on the needs of ordinary
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people. Production is for profit. Therefore although
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there is enough food in the world to feed everyone,
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people starve because profits come first. This is
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capitalism.
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What is the State?
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There are other classes in society such as the self-
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employed and small farmers but fundamentally
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there are workers and bosses whose interests are in
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opposition to each other. For workers needs to be
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fully met we must get rid of the bosses. But this is
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no easy task. The bosses are organised. They have
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the media on their side. They also have the State
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and the force of the army and police that go with it.
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We only have to look at the miners strike in Britain
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to see how the forces of the state can be used against
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the working class. We only have to look at the
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North to see to what extent the ruling class are
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prepared to go to protect their interests.
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The state (i.e. governments, armies, courts, police,
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etc.) is a direct result of the fact that we live in a
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class society. A society where only 7% of the people
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own 84% of the wealth.
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The state is there to protect the interests of this
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minority, if not by persuasion then by force. Laws
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are made not to protect us but to protect those who
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own the property. Look at how the Ranks workers
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were flung into jail when they decided to fight for
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their jobs.
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Compare this with the treatment handed out to the
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multi-nationals who were able to take 500m in
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profits out of the country tax free without the
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government even knowing about it. If you think
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that the state is there to protect you, think about the
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fact that PAYE workers pay 88% of all income taxes
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while the rest - farmers, self-employed ,and multi-
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nationals pay only 12% between them.
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Elections: Putting numbers on a piece of paper
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We are led to believe that the state is run in our
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interests. Don't we have elections to ensure that any
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government not behaving itself can be brought to
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task? Democracy is about putting numbers on a
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piece of paper every four years. We are given a
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choice all right but between parties who all agree
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with the system of a tiny minority ruling the
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country.
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People often say that if we really want to change
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things we should run in elections. Take a good look
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at this idea and it becomes clear that it cannot be
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done if we are to remain true to our anarchism.
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Electioneering inevitably leads to revolutionaries
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forsaking their revolutionary principles. Look at the
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so-called Labour Party. First of all they do not go to
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the people with a clear socialist message. They go
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for whatever is popular and will ensure that they
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get elected. This becomes more important to them
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than educating people about the meaning of
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socialism. It also means that they look on the mass
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of voters as mere spectators. People are seen as
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voters, not as people who can be actually involved
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in politics and bringing socialism about. We do not
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accept that we should hand over the running of our
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lives to 160 odd people who are not accountable and
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can basically do whatever they like.
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Can socialism come through the Dail (Parliment)
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There is another reason why we do not stand for
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election. Socialism cannot come through the Dail.
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If we look at a country like Chile we can see why.
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In 1973 the people elected a moderate socialist
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government led by President Allende. This
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democratically elected government was toppled by
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a CIA backed military coup. Repression followed in
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which the workers movement was smashed and
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thousands of militants lost their lives.
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This happened for two reasons. The Chilean
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socialists did not understand that real power is not
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in the parliament but in the boardrooms of the
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multinationals. It is those who have the money who
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hold real power. Socialism does not come through
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electing socialists to the Dail but through the direct
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action of workers taking control of the factories and
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land. For us socialism can only come from below,
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not from the top.
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This point is not understood by the so called
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socialist parties of Europe which are in government
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at the moment. In France, Spain and Greece
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'socialist' governments are pushing working class
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peoples living standards down because
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international banks want loans repaid and
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multinationals want to maintain profits.
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The second reason is that the Chileans did not
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smash the state but tried to capture it peacefully.
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We must understand that the army and police are
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against us. They are there to protect the wealth of
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the ruling class. To make a revolution it will be
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necessary to use violence, not because we believe in
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violence for the sake of it, but because we recognise
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that the ruling class will not give up its wealth
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without a fight. Allende refused to arm the workers
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and so made the job of the military much easier.
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How ideas change
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>From the moment we are born we are taught that
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we must give up control of our lives to those more
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capable of running things - that we must put our
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faith and loyalty in government to organise our
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lives. In school, in the papers and on television the
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working class are portrayed as sheep who need to
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be led and governed over. Even in the unions, the
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organisation of the working class, workers are
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discouraged from taking any initiative by
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themselves. Instead they are treated by the union
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bureaucracy supposedly on the workers' behalf.
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However, capitalists in their mad rush for profits
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are forced to keep workers' pay and conditions at
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the lowest possible level. In times of recession
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competition between capitalists increases, and if
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profits are to be maintained capitalists argue that
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workers must accept cuts in their pay and
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conditions. It is when workers are forced into
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conflict with their bosses, when they go on strike,
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that they realise their own strength.
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Without labour all production grinds to a halt. The
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bosses simply cannot run the factories by
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themselves. Workers who go on strike begin to rely
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on their own collective strength, they realise that if
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they are going to win they must stick together.
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They become more aware of what they can achieve
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and they become open to more ideas, new ideas.
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This was seen in the 1984/5 British miners strike.
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Before the strike most miners believed womens' role
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was in the home minding the children. But as the
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strike began, women took the initiative and set up
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support groups to aid the strike. Women actively
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took part in picketing as well as fund-raising. Faced
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with this many miners changed their sexist ideas.
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Their ideas about the police and the courts also
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changed. In conflict, they realised the main purpose
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of the police and courts was to protect the bosses
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and smash the strike.
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This is not to say that workers going on strike set
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out with socialist goals in mind. However when
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workers win on `bread and butter' issues, their
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confidence increases and so does their faith in their
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own ability to organise themselves. That is one of
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the reasons for the WSM being involved in
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supporting strikes - to build the links between
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workers' day-to-day struggles and our aim of a
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truly equal society.
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Socialism from Below
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Central to our politics is the belief that ordinary
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people must make the revolution. Every member of
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the working class (workers, unemployed,
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housewives, etc.) has a role to play. Only by this
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participation can we ensure that anarchism is made
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real. We believe in a revolution that comes from the
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bottom up and is based on factory and community
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councils. Freedom cannot be given, it has to be
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taken.
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This is where we disagree with what is called the
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"revolutionary left". While they say that they agree
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with all this they still hold to a belief that a party is
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necessary to make the revolution for the people.
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Most of them base their ideas on Lenin who
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believed that workers were only capable of
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achieving what he called "trade union
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consciousness". According to him they needed a
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party of professional revolutionaries to make the
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revolution for them. The result of this thinking is to
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be clearly seen in the Eastern Europe of today.
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What we see in Russia has nothing to do with
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socialism. Power rests in the hands of a tiny party
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elite. The state is the boss and the workers are still
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exploited and told what to do. This is state
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capitalism. Workers do not control their
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workplaces. All power is held by the bureaucracy.
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A workers revolution will be necessary to
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overthrow this bureaucratic elite and bring in true
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freedom.
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Of course the likes of the so called Workers Party
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have no problem supporting the Soviet system
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because that is what they aspire to. They were very
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quiet when Solidarnosc was suppressed in Poland.
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They support the Russian system up to the hilt so
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they decided for the sake of electoral advantage to
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stay quiet and not say anything. The reason for
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their attitude is that their vision of socialism is one
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where the state controls all. Socialism will come
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through nationalising everything. They would have
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no problem turning Ireland into a satellite of the
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state capitalists in Moscow.
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So we say it is up to ordinary people. Some ask is
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this possible? Would it not be chaotic? Of course
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not. At the moment capitalism would collapse
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without the support of the working class. We make
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everything, we produce all the wealth. It is possible
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to organise production so that the needs of all are
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met. It is also possible to create structures that
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allow everyone to participate in making the
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decisions that affect them.
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Democracy and Freedom
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As already stated society would be based on factory
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and community councils. These would federate
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with each other so that decisions could be made
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covering large areas. Delegates could be sent from
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each area and workplace. They would be recallable,
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i.e. if those who voted them in are not happy with
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their behaviour they can immediately replace them
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with someone else. With the new technology it will
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be much easier to involve lots of people in making
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quick decisions.
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Within this society there would be genuine
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individual freedom. Individuals would have to
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contribute to society but would be free to the extent
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that they do not interfere with the freedom of
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others. Fundamentally we believe that people are
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good and if they won freedom would not easily
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give it up or destroy it.
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So where does the Workers Solidarity Movement fit
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into all this? We are a new organisation - small in
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numbers but rich in ideas. We don't set ourselves
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up as "the leaders who know it all". We believe that
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our ideas are good and are worth trying out. We
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believe it is necessary for those agreeing with them
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to organise together so that our ideas will spread
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and be understood by a lot more people. To us it is
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important that those revolutionaries active in
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different areas are brought together so that
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experiences can be shared and learned from. We
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believe that in day-today struggles or in campaigns
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it is important that the message is driven home that
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only a revolution made by the working class can
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give us the freedom to run society so that all our
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needs are met. We see our role as encouraging the
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initiative of working people and arguing for
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structures which allow people to take part in local
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or workplace activities.
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We do not believe that the revolution is around the
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corner. We believe that making it is a slow process
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during which there may be huge jumps forward.
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Overall though it is a slow process of spreading
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ideas and building peoples confidence to bring
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about change. We accept that winning reforms and
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short term demands are all part of this process.
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Below we set out some of our ideas in relation to the
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Irish society of today.
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The Trade Unions Unions are defence organs of the
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working class. They are not revolutionary
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organisations. Today the majority of unions have
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become conservative institutions with a lot of
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emphasis being placed on the role of the full time
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officials as problem solvers and negotiators. Whole
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sections of the trade union bureaucracy have
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become outright defenders of the status quo. This is
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typified by the use of the two-tier picket (where
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groups of workers from another union in the same
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job are encouraged to pass pickets). Within the
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unions decision making has shifted from the
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shopfloor to the bureaucrats. With this the rank and
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file have become more isolated from control of their
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unions and thus more apathetic.
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For us the unions have to be made into real fighting
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organisations which are run and controlled by
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workers on the shopfloor. We do not think you can
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change the unions by capturing the full-time jobs at
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the top. Our role is to encourage the self-activity of
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as many workers as possible. The bureaucracy itself
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has to be torn down.
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We believe in building a rank and file movement
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which would embrace workers from different
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workplaces and areas of work. Its main function
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would be to encourage solidarity between all
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workers. It would support all strikes, fight for the
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election of all full-time officials so that they are
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responsible to the workers, fight for equal rights for
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women and ultimately resist any attempts by the
|
||
|
bosses to make us pay for their crisis.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We see the organised labour movement as an
|
||
|
essential area of activity for revolutionaries. Politics
|
||
|
have to be brought into the workplaces and unions
|
||
|
as it is here that we have strength and can inflict
|
||
|
real damage on the bosses.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Unemployment
|
||
|
|
||
|
Unemployment is always a direct effect of living
|
||
|
under capitalism, it is used by the bosses to depress
|
||
|
wages "there are plenty of people out there who
|
||
|
work for less money than you" is a common threat
|
||
|
as is "behave yourselves or I'll close down". The
|
||
|
chaotic nature of also leads to regular crisis which
|
||
|
cause massive unemployment
|
||
|
|
||
|
Unemployment will not be stopped while the
|
||
|
capitalist system exists but there are immediate
|
||
|
demands that can be put forward. Any workplace
|
||
|
threatened with closure should be occupied as the
|
||
|
workers in Ranks and Clondalkin Paper Mills did.
|
||
|
The workers should demand continued
|
||
|
employment whether it be under a new owner or by
|
||
|
nationalisation. We believe it makes little difference
|
||
|
because, for us, nationalisation is not a cure-all. It is
|
||
|
no guarantee of better wages or job security and it
|
||
|
does not bring us any nearer to socialism. There is
|
||
|
no essential difference between a boss who is a civil
|
||
|
servant and one who is a private employer. We also
|
||
|
call for a shorter working week, an end to
|
||
|
systematic overtime and double jobbing and an end
|
||
|
to all productivity deals. Basic wages should be
|
||
|
high enough so that workers do not need to work
|
||
|
excess hours.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We believe that the unemployed should accept no
|
||
|
responsibility for the situation. Dole payments
|
||
|
should be increased substantially. Where possible,
|
||
|
the unemployed should organise themselves to
|
||
|
defend their rights and link up with the broader
|
||
|
trade union movement.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Women's Freedom
|
||
|
|
||
|
We believe that women are oppressed as a sex.
|
||
|
They are denied equal rights, such as the right to
|
||
|
control their own fertility and the right to work, and
|
||
|
thus cannot fully participate in society. They have
|
||
|
been assigned the role of cooks and child minders,
|
||
|
their place is in the home. This kind of thinking is
|
||
|
reinforced in Ireland by the catholic church which
|
||
|
controls the educational system. The church can
|
||
|
flex its muscle when it pleases and clearly showed
|
||
|
its strength during the campaign to change the
|
||
|
constitution in relation to abortion.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We believe that the root of women's oppression lies
|
||
|
in the division of society into classes, and the
|
||
|
economic and social relationships that created. We
|
||
|
thus believe that for women to be really free we
|
||
|
have to smash capitalism and build a society based
|
||
|
on anarchism. We disagree with those feminists
|
||
|
who think that all you have to do is for women to
|
||
|
become bosses and politicians to achieve equality.
|
||
|
We want to destroy the existing power structures.
|
||
|
We also disagree with those who think that men are
|
||
|
the cause of women's oppression. We do not deny
|
||
|
that men gain from this but we identify the source
|
||
|
of this oppression as the class system, not
|
||
|
individual men.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Women's oppression is not purely a struggle for
|
||
|
women as it is a class issue but we hold that women
|
||
|
have the right to organise separately because it is
|
||
|
they who suffer the oppression. We do believe,
|
||
|
though, that the priorities of the woman's
|
||
|
movement have reflected the fact that it largely
|
||
|
consists of middle class women. We believe that it
|
||
|
must become more relevant to working class
|
||
|
women. Our priorities are those issues which
|
||
|
immediately effect thousands of working class
|
||
|
women e.g. work, childcare, housing, etc.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We believe in the right of women to control their
|
||
|
own fertility. Women must be free to decide to
|
||
|
have children or not, how many and when. Thus
|
||
|
we believe in the right to free contraception and
|
||
|
abortion on demand.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For these demands to won as many working class
|
||
|
women as possible must be brought together to
|
||
|
build confidence and defeat the isolation that comes
|
||
|
from being in the home. Thus in campaigns to win
|
||
|
these demands our emphasis is on building in
|
||
|
workplaces and on the estates where women are
|
||
|
directly affected.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Picture: Young women who occupied their factory
|
||
|
take to the streets of Drogheda
|
||
|
|
||
|
The National Question
|
||
|
|
||
|
This country was partitioned to suit the interests of
|
||
|
the ruling classes of Britain and Ireland. It divided
|
||
|
the working class in this country - a division which
|
||
|
has yet to be overcome.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Northern state was artificially created with an
|
||
|
in built protestant majority. It is a sectarian state
|
||
|
where marginal privileges are offered to Protestant
|
||
|
workers in return for loyalty. Unionist workers see
|
||
|
their interests as tied up with those of the ruling
|
||
|
class in the North.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The British army was not sent into the North to
|
||
|
keep the Catholics and Protestants from tearing into
|
||
|
each other but to protect the interests of the
|
||
|
establishment. They have stayed because it is not
|
||
|
possible for the British (and Irish) governments to
|
||
|
come up with a solution which will ensure stability
|
||
|
in the North. The British do not want an area of
|
||
|
instability so close to their own front door.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We believe that the British troops must get out and
|
||
|
that the Orange state must be destroyed. We
|
||
|
believe that it is only possible to do this on the basis
|
||
|
of anarchism. It is no longer possible to unite the
|
||
|
country on a capitalist basis. We must go forward
|
||
|
on the basis of anarchism and the class interest of
|
||
|
the working class.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We reject Sinn Fein's notion that we must unite the
|
||
|
country before we can have socialism. Their basic
|
||
|
belief is in "National Liberation". They put the
|
||
|
"nation" before the working class. They organise
|
||
|
around the slogan of "One Nation - One People". In
|
||
|
this country there is not one people - there is a
|
||
|
ruling class and there is a working class. Their
|
||
|
interests are not the same, in fact they are in total
|
||
|
opposition to each other. What the Provos want is
|
||
|
state capitalism of the sort found in Cuba or some of
|
||
|
the third world countries.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We believe that to defeat British imperialism the
|
||
|
maximum working class unity is needed. We
|
||
|
accept that most Protestant workers are tied to
|
||
|
loyalism which is reactionary and has nothing to
|
||
|
offer them as workers. We also believe that the
|
||
|
objective conditions are there to act as a basis for
|
||
|
building workers unity in the North. Protestants
|
||
|
are suffering from the crisis as well. This is not to
|
||
|
say that we are so naive as to think that Protestant
|
||
|
workers will automatically make common cause
|
||
|
with their catholic counterparts. It will be a hard
|
||
|
struggle.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The spread of multinationals thoughout the 32
|
||
|
counties has undermined to some extent the
|
||
|
traditional patterns of employment In the country
|
||
|
as a whole and in the North in particular. there is a
|
||
|
need to build on the basis of "bread and butter"
|
||
|
issues. This does not mean hiding the fact that we
|
||
|
are against the British army, U D.R. and R.U.C. or
|
||
|
that we forsake our anti-imperialism as the Workers
|
||
|
Party have done.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We do not accept that minorities of any sort can
|
||
|
bring about socialism. That includes armed ones.
|
||
|
We recognise the need for self-defence but as an
|
||
|
offensive strategy, the armed struggle cannot win.
|
||
|
The movement to get the British out must be used
|
||
|
on the organised working class, North and South.
|
||
|
|
||
|
This is but a most basic outline of our ideas on these
|
||
|
main issues. We do not see them as separate from
|
||
|
each other. They are obviously related. One role
|
||
|
for our organisation is to make the links between
|
||
|
the struggles. That is why we say that real
|
||
|
liberation for workers, women, gays or any
|
||
|
grouping oppressed by the present system can only
|
||
|
come through social revolution.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Anarchism in Action
|
||
|
|
||
|
You probably agree that what you have read so far
|
||
|
are mostly good ideas. You probably accept that the
|
||
|
wealth of society should be distributed equally and
|
||
|
also that ordinary people should have more say in
|
||
|
the running of their lives.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Like most people who hear about Anarchism you
|
||
|
probably believe that it is a good set of ideas but
|
||
|
unfortunately it would never work. People are
|
||
|
naturally greedy and selfish, if there was no
|
||
|
government to look after our interests there would
|
||
|
be complete chaos".
|
||
|
|
||
|
It has already been stated that we believe capitalism
|
||
|
is chaos. It does not and never can meet the needs
|
||
|
of ordinary people. On the other hand, a society
|
||
|
run by those who actually produce can. This kind
|
||
|
of society is not myth we have dreamed up. At
|
||
|
various stages of our history it has become a reality.
|
||
|
Working people have taken their destinies into their
|
||
|
own hands and made a success of it. Far from being
|
||
|
naturally greedy and selfish these experiences
|
||
|
actually show that given the right conditions people
|
||
|
can co-operate and act in a spirit of mutual aid.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In the Beginning
|
||
|
|
||
|
As Anarchists we trace our tradition back to the first
|
||
|
International Working Mens [sic] Association where
|
||
|
the Anarchists formed a distinct tendency
|
||
|
influenced mainly by the ideas of Michael Bakunin.
|
||
|
Since then Anarchism has always been deeply
|
||
|
rooted in the working class. Contrary to popular
|
||
|
belief Anarchists do not spend their time plotting in
|
||
|
back rooms. For most their activity means bringing
|
||
|
their politics into the daily struggles of the factories,
|
||
|
the offices and the communities. Anarchists have
|
||
|
been involved in all major modern revolutions They
|
||
|
have been there arguing and fighting for the right
|
||
|
and necessity of working people running society as
|
||
|
opposed to any so- called "socialist party" or
|
||
|
bureaucratic elite.
|
||
|
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Workers Solidarity Movement can be contacted at
|
||
|
PO Box 1528, Dublin 8, Ireland
|
||
|
|
||
|
Some of our material is available via the Spunk press electronic archive
|
||
|
|
||
|
by FTP to etext.archive.umich.edu or 141.211.164.18
|
||
|
or by gopher ("gopher etext.archive.umich.edu")
|
||
|
|
||
|
in the directory /pub/Politics/Spunk/texts/groups/WSM
|
||
|
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