textfiles/politics/SPUNK/sp000245.txt

	Russia

"We say to the Russian workers, peasants, soldiers, 
revolutionists: above all continue the revolution.  
Continue to organise yourselves solidly and unite 
your new organisations: your communes, your 
committees, your soviets.  Continue, with firmness 
and perseverance, always and everywhere to 
participate more extensively and more and more 
effectively in the economic life of the country, 
continue to take into your hands, that is into the 
hands of your organisations, all the raw materials 
and all the instruments indispensable to your 
labour.  Continue the revolution.  Do not hesitate to 
face the solution of the burning questions of the 
present.  Create everywhere the necessary 
organisations to achieve these solutions.  Peasants, 
take the land and put it at the disposal of your 
committees.  Workers, proceed to put in the hands 
of and at the disposal of your own social 
organisations - everywhere on the spot - the mines 
and the subsoil, the enterprises and the 
establishments of all sorts, the works and the 
factories, the workshops and the machines". Golos 
Truda Russian Anarchist-Syndicalist paper August 
25th 1917

The Russian Revolution was truly a turning point in 
modern history.  For the first time workers took 
control and asserted their right to run society.  At 
the time of the revolution there were about 10,000 
active Anarchists in Russia, not including the 
movement in the Ukraine led by Nestor Makhno.  
There were at least four Anarchists on the Bolshevik 
dominated Military Revolutionary Committee 
which engineered the seizure of power in October.  
More importantly, Anarchists were involved in the 
Factory Committees which had sprung up after the 
February Revolution.  These were based in 
workplaces, elected by mass assemblies of the 
workers and given the role of overseeing the 
running of the factory and co-ordinating with other 
workplaces in the same industry or region.

Anarchists were particularly influential among the 
miners, dockers, postal workers, bakers and played 
an important part in the All-Russian Conference of 
Factory Committees  which met in Petrograd on the 
eve of the October Revolution.

It was to these factory committees that the 
Anarchists looked as the basis for a new self--
management which would be ushered in after the 
revolution.  They resisted all efforts to undermine 
the Committees and take away their power.

The Anarchists had co-operated with the Bolsheviks 
in seizing power from the ruling class, believing 
that once captured power could be diffused.  It was 
not long before they saw that the real intention of 
the Bolsheviks was to take power and keep it.  Their 
concept of socialism did not allow them to trust in 
the ability of ordinary people to run society in their 
own interests.  Power was wrested away from the 
Factory Committees and placed in the hands of 
bodies controlled by the Bolsheviks. Firstly they 
were subjected to control by Bolshevik dominated 
trade unions.  These unions were then put under the 
thumb of the state, which was totally dominated by 
the Bolsheviks.  Once the Anarchists' usefulness to 
them had ended the Bolsheviks ensured they were 
suppressed.  Their papers were closed down and 
many of the activists arrested.

                 Ukraine

Anarchist influence here was dominant right up to 
1921.  An insurgent army led by Nestor Makhno 
played a central role in defeating the local counter-
revolutionary forces and the numerous armies of 
foreign intervention.  The Red Army led by Trotsky 
signed a treaty of co-operation and Lenin talked of 
giving the Ukraine over as an experiment in 
building an anarchist society.  The Makhnovists 
were hailed as heroes of the revolution by the 
Bolshevik press.

However as soon as the threat of invasion had been 
overcome the Bolshevik leadership tore up the 
treaty and declared war on the Anarchists as if they 
were an army of reaction.  This stab in the back led 
to the destruction of the Makhnovist forces at the 
hands of the same Red Army which attacked the 
naval base at Kronstadt and murdered the 
revolutionaries who had been in the forefront of the 
struggle against the Tsar and the Provisional 
Government.  Their "crime" was to resist the new 
elite and demand workers power and freedom for 
all revolutionary organisations.

             Collectivisation

The achievements of the Makhnovists were not only 
military.  As their army moved through the Ukraine 
they encouraged and helped the setting up of 
collectives among the peasantry and farm labourers.  
Often this had to take second place to the need to 
fight and defeat the varied foreign armies of 
occupation.  What was important was that it was 
proved, even in the conditions of war and invasion, 
that production could be organised to benefit all 
rather than to line the pockets of a few.

The Russian experience also shows that the fake 
socialists and their parties cannot be trusted.  If 
socialism is to triumph power must stay with those 
who produce society's wealth.  No party, no matter 
how well intentioned, can deliver socialism on a 
plate.  Workers must take power and build the new 
order themselves.

                      Spain

Of all the western countries Spain is where the 
Anarchist influence predominated. Introduced in 
the last century it rapidly spread throughout the 
country.  This led to the formation of the Anarchist 
Union C.N.T.  (National Confederation of Labour) 
in 1911.  In the years up to the beginning of the 
Spanish Civil War in 1936 the CNT had over two 
million members.  It was the major union in the 
most industrialised areas, especially Catalonia and 
its capital Barcelona.  It also had a large base among 
day labourers and small peasants in most provinces.  

The CNT was a revolutionary union of workers 
(usually described as Syndicalist or anarcho-
syndicaIist).  Its role was twofold.  Firstly to fight to 
improve conditions for workers and secondly to 
organise for the overthrow of capitalism.  Its beliefs 
were translated into action at every opportunity and 
this militant tradition attracted workers in their 
hundreds of thousands.

The CNT organised itself from the place of work.  
Each workplace joined in a federation with other 
workplaces in their region to form a regional 
committee.  These regional committees were then 
federated on a national basis and formed a national 
committee.  Within each particular industry there 
was also a regional and national federation.

Assemblies of workers were the core of the CNT.  
These made the decisions and elected delegates to 
regional and national level.  All delegates could be 
recalled and replaced by the assembly if the 
members were not satisfied with their conduct.  
Thus no decisions could be made without 
consulting the rank and file membership.  There 
were no full-time union bureaucrats beyond the 
control of the workers.

The number of full-time officials was minimal.  
They were elected for specified periods after which 
they had to stand down and return to their previous 
job.  At all times they were subject to control by the 
rank and file.  The experience and organisation of 
the CNT shows that contrary to popular belief 
Anarchists are not anti-organisation.  In reality 
Anarchism is highly organised and allows for the 
participation of all.  Nor are we against 
centralisation.  What is important is that those at the 
centre are recallable and directly responsible to 
those they are elected to represent.

                 The Civil War

The Civil War started with an attempted fascist 
coup following the victory of the Popular Front (an 
alliance of liberal, republic, socialist, and Stalinist 
parties) in the 1936 elections.  In response to the 
coup the workers mobilised to defeat fascism. 
popular militias were formed by the unions and 
workers seized factories.  Peasants took over land 
which had been abandoned by the landlords.  This 
marked the beginning of the revolution for the 
Anarchists.  They believed that the Civil War had to 
be not just a fight against fascism but also against 
the capitalist system which had spawned fascism in 
the first place.  Thus they set about seizing factories 
and ranches and turning them over to workers 
control.

In the zones controlled by the Anarchists workers 
self-management became a reality.  In Catalonia 
there were at least 2,000 industrial and commercial 
collectives. At least 60% of "republican" Spain's 
agriculture (that part controlled by anti-fascist 
forces including the Anarchists) was collectivised.

In the workplaces councils or "comite" elected by 
assemblies of workers and representing all sectors 
of the enterprise, were given the task of 
administering the collectivised factory.  
Collectivised enterprises in each sector of industry 
were represented in an Economic Federation.  This 
in turn was topped by a General Industrial Council 
which would closely control the whole industry.

Here is a description of the organisation of gas, 
electricity and water in Barcelona. "Each type of job 
(e.g.  fitters )set up a section consisting of at least 
fifteen workers Where they were not the numbers to 
do this workers from different trades got together to 
constitute a general section .  Each section 
nominates two delegates which are chosen by 
assemblies of the workers.  One of the delegates will 
be of a technical calibre and will participate in the 
"comite" of the workplace.  The other will be 
entrusted with the management of work in the 
section.

The "comite" of the building or plant comes next.  It 
is nominated by the delegates of the sections and 
consists of a technician, a manual worker and an 
administrator.   The manual worker has to solve 
difficulties which might arise between different 
sections.  He or she receives suggestions from 
workers in the different trades and the sections give 
him or her daily reports on the progress of work.  
Periodically the delegate calls the sections to general 
meetings.  At these proposals and initiatives which 
are likely to improve production and productivity 
are studied as well as ones to improve the workers' 
situation.  A copy of the deliberation is sent to the 
Council for Industry

The delegates with administrative functions 
supervises the arrival and warehousing of materials, 
records requirements details with book-keeping for 
supplies and reserves, and keeps an eye on the state 
of income and expenditure.  S/He also deals with 
correspondence and it is his/her responsibility to 
see that balance sheets and reports addressed to the 
Council for Industry are prepared.

The delegate with technical functions supervises the 
activities of his section, and uses every endeavour to 
increase productivity.  to lighten the workers' 
burden by introducing new methods.  S/He checks 
on production at the power stations, the state of the 
network, prepares statistics and charts indicating 
how production is developing. At the summit there 
are the Councils of Industry.  One each for gas, 
electricity and water, Each is composed of eight 
delegates, four from the U.  G.  T.  (the socialist 
trade union) and four from the C.N.T.  These are 
capped by the General Council of the three 
industries, which is also made up by eight delegates 
drawn equally from the two unions.

This Council co-ordinates activities of the three 
industries; attunes the production and distribution 
of raw materials from a regional, national and 
international point of view; modifies prices; 
organises general administration; indeed takes and 
uses all initiatives useful to production and the 
workers' needs.  Meanwhile it is obliged at all times 
to submit its' activities to the scrutiny of local and 
regional union assemblies"

This account is taken from "Collectives in the 
Spanish Revolution"     by Gaston Leval.

               On the Trams

The achievements of collectivisation in Barcelona 
were many.  Take for example the tramways.  Out 
of the 7,000 workers 6,500 were members of the 
CNT.  Because of the street battles all transport  had 
been brought to a halt.  The transport syndicate (as 
unions of the CNT were known) appointed a 
commission of seven to occupy the administrative 
offices while others inspected the tracks and drew 
up a plan of repair work that needed to be done.  
Five days after the fighting stopped 700 tramcars, 
instead of the usual 600, all painted in the black and 
red colours of the CNT, were operating on the 
streets of Barcelona.

With the profit motive gone, the trams had 
belonged to a Belgian company before the workers 
took over, safety became more important and the 
number of accidents was reduced.  Fares were 
lowered and services improved.  In 1936, 
183,543,516 passengers were carried.  In 1937 this 
had gone up by 50 million.  The trams were running 
so efficiently that the workers were able to give 
money to other sections of urban transport.  Wages 
were equalised for all workers and increased over 
the previous rates. For the first time free medical 
care was provided for the workforce.

As well as giving a more efficient service the 
workers found time to produce rockets and 
howitzers for the war effort.  They worked overtime 
and Sundays to do their share for the anti-fascist 
struggle.  To further underline the fact that getting 
rid of the bosses and rulers would not lead to a 
breakdown of order it can be pointed out that in the 
three years of collectivisation there were only six 
cases of workers stealing from the workshops.

                On the Land

The countryside also saw collectivisation.  In 
Aragon which was near the war front-line 
collectivisation took root and spread like wildfire.  
In February 1937 there were 275 collectives totalling 
80,000 members.  Three months later there were 450 
collectives with 180,000 members.  Often the 
peasants and farm labourers went further than their 
counterparts in the towns and cities.  Not only was 
production collectivised but in rural areas 
consumption too.  In many of these areas money 
was abolished.

Large estates were taken over by landless labourers, 
small holders put their land together so that it could 
be worked more efficiently by the use of machinery.  
Collectives were based around the villages and 
federated on a regional basis.

Usually the decision to collectivise was made at an 
assembly (a meeting of all the village).  It meant 
handing over land, livestock, tools, seed, stocks of 
wheat and other produce.  The land was then 
divided into sectors, each of which was assigned to 
a work group of about a dozen who elected their 
own delegate.  Produce went into the "pile" for 
communal consumption.  Each would produce 
according to their ability, each would consume 
according to their needs.

Collectivisation did not only apply to the land.  In 
the villages workshops were set up where all the 
local trades people would produce tools, furniture, 
etc.  for the village and also carry out repairs to the 
collectivists houses.  Bakers, butchers, barbers and 
so on were also collectivised.

The lot of rural workers and peasants was improved 
by the introduction of machinery. Living standards 
rose, in the words of one collectivist "those who had 
less now ate more and better - no one went short".  
Education became a central concern and young 
children who had never been to school were given 
the education denied to them by the landlords and 
their system.

            Women's' Action

Gains were also made by women.  In relation to 
their role during the Civil War observers have 
pointed out that they played a full part in the anti-
fascist resistance. They were present everywhere - 
on committees, in the militias, in the front line. In 
the early battles of the war women fought alongside 
men as a matter of course. It was not merely a case 
of women filling in for men who were away at the 
front. (Which is usually the case in wartime.  When 
the war is over and women are no longer needed in 
the labour force, they are pushed back  into the 
home).

They were in the militias and fought alongside the 
men as equals.  They were organising the collectives 
and taking up the fight for against the sexist 
attitudes of the past which have no place in any real 
revolution.

The Anarchist  women's organisation, Mujeres 
Libres (Free Women), had 30,000 members.  It had 
been active before the Civil War organising women 
workers and distributing information on 
contraception.  During the war abortion was 
legalised in the "republican zone".  Centres were 
opened for women, including unmarried mothers 
and prostitutes.

>From all accounts there truly were changes in 
attitudes towards women.  One woman participant 
in the Civil War has said "It was like being brothers 
and sisters.  It had always annoyed me that men in 
this country didn't consider women as beings with 
full human rights.  But now there was this big 
change.  I believe it arose spontaneously out of the 
revolutionary movement"  Margorita Balaguer 
quoted in "Blood of Spain" ed.  Ronald Fraser.  page 
287

This sort of thing is common to most revolutionary 
situations.  When people begin to throw off the old 
ideas and start creating a new society their views on 
many things change.  This is not inevitable though 
and does not negate the need for propaganda and 
activity against sexism, not only in society as a 
whole but also within the revolutionary movement 
itself.

                 Not all Roses ...

This account of the collectivisation is, of necessity, 
brief.  The main point is that given the right 
conditions mutual aid and co-operation will flourish 
- Problems did arise in Spain as is inevitable.  The 
Anarchists made mistakes.  In our opinion they 
hesitated in carrying out their programme - Instead 
of seizing power and making a direct appeal to the 
workers to take control of economic and social 
affairs, they collaborated with the Popular Front 
and ended up joining the government.

They were also attacked by the Communist party 
who preferred defeat by the fascists  then the 
victory of anarchism.  The Communists were tied to 
the needs of Stalin's foreign policy which meant not 
upsetting the Western powers.  To them the 
restoration of the capitalist order was preferable to 
seeing the working class take power.  And that 
should come as no surprise as the Stalinist system in 
Russia is no more than another form of capitalism.

              The Lessons

History is not neutral.  What we learn in school is 
the necessity for government, rulers and capitalism.  
What we do not learn is that many times it has been 
shown that this government is not necessary.  
People are not inherently bad.  Given the right 
conditions a spirit of mutual aid and co-operation 
can grow.  People are not naturally evil and greedy.  
We only have to look at the response from ordinary 
people to the appeal for aid for Ethiopia to see this.

Economic conditions determine peoples' behaviour.  
How we act is related to the structure of society and 
the dominant value system within it.  When 
structures are changed and oppression and 
exploitation is done away with the "goodness" that 
is in most of us come through and flourishes as it 
did when the workers held the reigns in Russia and 
Spain.  The experience of self-management is not 
limited to these countries but is something that has 
been seen in most countries at some stage.  In the 
early 1920's creameries, farms, Cork Harbour and 
Kilkenny gasworks were taken over and run as 
Soviets (the Russian word for workers councils).

What Anarchists are saying are not just' `nice ideas.  
History shows us that these ideas can work.  A new 
society can be created with the workers in control.  
But it won't happen spontaneously - We must 
organise for it.

That is why we need revolutionary organisation.  
An organisation that draws together all those 
fighting for workers control.  An organisation that 
gives us the chance to exchange ideas and 
experiences, and to learn from the lessons of history.  
An organisation that allows us to struggle together 
for a new society.

We do not need a group of leaders and their passive 
followers.  We do need an organisation working 
towards mobilising the mass of ordinary people in 
the process of making the revolution.  The Workers 
Solidarity Movement is such an organisation. If you 
like what you have just read, you should join us.

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

The Workers Solidarity Movement can be contacted at 
     PO Box 1528, Dublin 8, Ireland

Some of our material is available via the Spunk press electronic archive

             by FTP to etext.archive.umich.edu or 141.211.164.18
              or by gopher ("gopher etext.archive.umich.edu")

in the directory /pub/Politics/Spunk/texts/groups/WSM
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