117 lines
7.0 KiB
Plaintext
117 lines
7.0 KiB
Plaintext
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Infantile Disorders
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Recent issues of Here & Now have criticised the way in which managerial
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groups seek and extend their power by presenting their own interests as
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everyone's. This should indicate concerns which differ from all those for
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whom politics is ultimately an administrative programme.
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Rival groups' arguments appeal to a general interest which just happens to
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coincide with their own. Attention paid to this "ventriloquism" can show how
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disputes within managerial sectors escalate and are contained. But there are
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pitfalls in discarding the progressive "solutions" supported by professional
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sectors. A refusal to identify with a specific group makes it possible to
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float off into a general rhetoric which is no longer tethered to any
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specifics. Emphasising the need to reject all "progressive" political groups
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also brings the risk of identifying instead with the apparent negativity of
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various subcultures.
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Living within such constraints can amount to no more than continuation of
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politics by other means. The decks may seem to have been cleared, but the
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same furniture keeps appearing: scathing critiques of conventional politics,
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and commentaries on events and actions falling within the "crisis" category
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which defines the borders of political interest.
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Off-limits lie the associative, mundane, and often non-political, forms
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through which our lives are constructed. This is something much more diffuse
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than the "public sphere" where many try to rebuild socialism. That "public
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sphere" already divides doing from speaking - and hence brings opportunities
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for the intelligentsia's aspirations.
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The associative area is, of course, being subjected to stresses similar to
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those faced in informal workplace organisation and the like. The remainder of
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this article considers some pressures faced by one such associative form -
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toddler and play groups. It would be nice to be able to say that no apology
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is offered for this choice, but the preceding four paragraphs do amount to
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some kind of apology.
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Toddler and under-five playgroups have been affected by the 1989 Children
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Act. In many ways, the Act consolidated previous legislation; in other ways
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it responded to the "issues" of the moment (such as in declarations in favour
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of equal opportunities). As a result, its passage was untroubled by
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controversy and gained all-party support. (Other aspects of the Act may be
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discussed in future issues of Here & Now.)
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The Scottish Office guidelines to the Act ("Regulation and Review of
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Childminding, Daycare and Education Services for Children Under Eight:
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Guidance for Local Authorities") place playgroups under the same broad
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category as child-minding and private and employer-organised nurseries.
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although allowing for some differences in staffing ratios, etc. They do
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acknowledge that the "playgroup movement stresses the role of parents as
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prime educators of their children" and that the "playgroup philosophy is
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based on parental involvement in all aspects of management and organisation".
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Nonetheless, the category hides even the basic economic difference between
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playgroups and paid childcare. Paid childcare is based not on association but
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on marginal utility: the squeeze between the monetary or positional rewards
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which a parent gains by working and that passed on to the child-minder. The
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legislation, with its checks, balances and administrative opportunities,
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regards association and marginal utility as commensurate. But if they are
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converging, this is partly due to the legislation itself.
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The Act wears the fashions of its time. It requires registration of anyone
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who supervises children, and police checks on their pasts to detect child
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abusers. All child-care premises must be registered and inspected annually.
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With a straight face, the guidelines intone that this inspection will
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"provide reassurance to parents about the involvement of the local
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authority". When association becomes something permitted by central
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authorities, its limits fall under the notion of exemption: exemption from
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registration when two families have a mutual arrangement or for a conference
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creche used fewer than 6 times in a year. Ample potential here for repressive
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application of norms! And by diluting the associative principle, it permits
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administrative intervention under the notion of needs. Rather than standing
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outside capitalism, a need is already something which can be manipulated in
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terms of resource allocation.
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So Section 19 of the Act requires a regular review of services for young
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children. Responsibility for the review is placed on the Social Work and
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Education Departments, but many of the facilities under review are outwith
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their control, and may be based on these different social models. The "two
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departments" need the voluntary sector to underwrite their legitimacy, but do
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associations need the departments? The question becomes acute when they
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organise the recommended "Under-Fives Forum" to seek any "representations
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which they consider relevant". This is described as an "open process" but is
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just a prelude to the concocting of a report by the two departments. They are
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to summarise resource availability, compare this "with known policy
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objectives" and identify "centres of excellence and known mismatches between
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supply and demand". These expressions in bureaucratic language have no known
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translation into dialects of association. After all, what if a particular
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toddler group was identified as a "centre of excellence"? Its success results
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from the relations of the people involved. How could this be ported to other
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situations, even if it was desirable?
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Political attitudes to processes like the Review can range from "take-over"
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to "abstention". A "take-over" to use the institutions proclaimed values
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against it may be presented as more subversive but is based on the general
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abstention in the "black hole of the social". People recognise and avoid a
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purposeless meeting intended to underwrite the bureaucrats' Review process.
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Despite abstention, the legislation and its processes may increase the extent
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to which Social Work Departments regard voluntary associations as
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self-administered colonies of their own empires. (Already, it is not unknown
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for groups of Council bureaucrats under such false impressions to carry out
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unannounced and uninvited tours of playgroups.)
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But federated toddler and under-five groups are equally able to give
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themselves the managerialist veneer of the times. The keynote speech at a
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recent Scottish Pre-School Play Association conference was delivered by an
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Educationalist who focussed on training and standards, the setting of
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objectives, etc. The subsequent Editorial in the Association's Parent to
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Parent magazine suggests that "his definition of a good manager could just as
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easily be a definition of a 'good' parent". Again, this indicates how a
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separate goal-oriented public sphere amenable to administrative logic can
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emerge from lack of appreciation of the value of association in its own right
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and with its own limitations..
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Alex Richards
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From Here & Now 13 1992 - No copyright
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