270 lines
14 KiB
Plaintext
270 lines
14 KiB
Plaintext
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Message #10 board "P_Metaphysical (Mag Articles)"
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Date : 22-Jan-93 15:57
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From : Simon Novali
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To : All
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Subj : Lanning (7 of 11)
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victimization is not only not a counterindication of abuse, but is
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in fact a corroborative indicator of extreme physical,
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psychological, and/or sexual abuse. I do not believe it is a
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coincidence nor the result of deliberate planning by satanists that
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in almost all the cases of ritual abuse that have come to my
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attention, the abuse is alleged to have begun prior to the age of
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seven and perpetrated by multiple offenders. It may well be that
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such abuse, at young age by multiple offenders, is the most
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difficult to accurately recall with the specific and precise detail
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needed by the criminal justice system, and the most likely to be
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distorted and exaggerated when it is recalled. In her book _Too
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Scared to Cry_ (1990), child psychiatrist Lenore Terr, a leading
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expert on psychic trauma in childhood, states "that a series of
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early childhood shocks might not be fully and accurately
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'reconstructed' from the dreams and behaviors of the adult" (p. 5).
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-- c. NORMAL CHILDHOOD FEARS AND FANTASY.
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The third possible answer may be *normal childhood fears and
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fantasy*. Most young children are afraid of ghosts and monsters.
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Even as adults, many people feel uncomfortable, for example, about
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dangling their arms over the side of their bed. They still remember
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the "monster" under the bed from childhood. While young children may
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rarely invent stories about sexual activity, they might describe
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their victimization in terms of evil as they understand it. In
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church or at home, children may be told of satanic activity as the
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source of evil. The children may be "dumping" all their fears and
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worries unto an attentive and encouraging listener.
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Children do fantasize. Perhaps whatever causes a child to allege
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something impossible (such as being cut up and put back together) is
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similar to what causes a child to allege something possible but
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improbable (such as witnessing another child being chopped up and
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eaten).
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-- d. MISPERCEPTION, CONFUSION, AND TRICKERY.
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Misperception, confusion, and trickery may be a fourth answer.
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Expecting young children to give accurate accounts of sexual
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activity for which they have little frame of reference is
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unreasonable. The Broadway play _Madame Butterfly_ is the true story
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of a man who had a 15-year affair, including the "birth" of a baby,
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with a "woman" who turns out to have been a man all along. If a
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grown man does not know when he has had vaginal intercourse with a
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woman, how can we expect young children not to be confused?
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Furthermore some clever offenders may deliberately introduce
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elements of satanism and the occult into the sexual exploitation
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simply to confuse or intimidate the victims. Simple magic and other
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techniques may be used to trick the children. Drugs may also be
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deliberately used to confuse the victims and distort their
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perceptions. Such acts would then be M.O., not ritual.
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As previously stated, the perceptions of young victims may also be
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influenced by any trauma being experienced. This is the most popular
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alternative explanation, and even the more zealous believers of
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ritual abuse allegations use it, but only to explain obviously
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impossible events.
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-- e. OVERZEALOUS INTERVENORS.
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*Overzealous intervenors*, causing intervenor contagion, may be a
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fifth answer. These intervenors can include parents, family members,
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foster parents, doctors, therapists, social workers, law enforcement
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officers, prosecutors, and any combination thereof. Victims have
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been subtly as well as overtly rewarded and bribed by usually well-
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meaning intervenors for furnishing further details. In addition,
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some of what appears not to have happened may have originated as a
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result of intervenors making assumptions about or misinterpreting
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what the victims are saying. The intervenors then repeat, and
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possibly embellish, these assumptions and misinterpretations, and
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eventually the victims are "forced" to agree with or come to accept
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this "official" version of what happened.
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The judgment of intervenors may be affected by their zeal to uncover
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child sexual abuse, satanic activity, or conspiracies. However
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"well-intentioned", these overzealous intervenors must accept
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varying degrees of responsibility for the unsuccessful prosecution
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of those cases where criminal abuse did occur. This is the most
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controversial and least popular of the alternative explanations.
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-- f. URBAN LEGENDS.
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Allegations of and knowledge about ritualistic or satanic abuse may
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also be spread through *urban legends*. In _The Vanishing
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Hitchhiker_ (1981), the first of his four books on the topic, Dr.
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Jan Harold Brunvand defines urban legends as "realistic stories
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concerning recent events (or alleged events) with an ironic or
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supernatural twist" (p. xi). Dr. Brunvand's books convincingly
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explain that just because individuals throughout the country who
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never met each other tell the same story does not mean that it is
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true. Absurd urban legends about the corporate logos of Proctor and
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Gamble and Liz Claiborne being satanic symbols persist in spite of
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all efforts to refute them with reality. Some urban legends about
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child kidnappings and other threats to citizens have even been
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disseminated unknowingly by law enforcement agencies. Such legends
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have always existed, but today the mass media aggressively
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participate in their rapid and more efficient dissemination. Many
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Americans mistakenly believe that tabloid television shows check out
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and verify the details of their stories before pulling them on the
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air. Mass hysteria may partially account for large numbers of
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victims describing the same symptoms or experiences.
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Training conferences for all the disciplines involved in child
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sexual abuse may also play a role in the spread of this contagion.
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At one child abuse conference I attended, an exhibitor was selling
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more than 50 different books dealing with satanism and the occult.
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By the end of the conference, he had sold nearly all of them. At
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another national child sexual abuse conference, I witnessed more
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than 100 attendees copying down the widely disseminated 29 "Symptoms
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Characterizing Satanic Ritual Abuse" in preschool-aged children. Is
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a four-year-old child's "preoccupation with urine and feces" an
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indication of satanic ritual abuse or part of normal development?
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-- g. COMBINATION.
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Most multidimensional child sex ring cases probably involve a
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*combination* of the answers previously set forth, as well as other
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possible explanations unknown to me at this time. Obviously, cases
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with adult survivors are more likely to involve some of these
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answers than those with young children. Each case of sexual
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victimization must be individually evaluated on its own merits
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without any preconceived explanations. All the possibilities must be
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explored if for no other reason than the fact that the defense
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attorneys for any accused subjects will almost certainly do so.
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Most people would agree that just because a victim tells you one
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detail that turns out to be true, this does not mean that every
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detail is true. But many people seem to believe that if you can
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disprove one part of a victim's story, then the entire story is
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false. As previously stated, one of my main concerns in these cases
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is that people are getting away with sexually abusing children or
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committing other crimes because we cannot prove that they are
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members of organized cults that murder and eat people.
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I have discovered that the subject of multidimensional child sex
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rings is a very emotional and polarizing issue. Everyone seems to
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demand that one choose a side. On one side of the issue are those
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who say that nothing really happened and it is all a big witch hunt
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led by overzealous fanatics and incompetent "experts". The other
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side says, in essence, that everything happened; victims never lie
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about child sexual abuse, and so it must be true.
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There is a middle ground. It is the job of the professional
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investigator to listen to all the victims and conduct appropriate
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investigation in an effort to find out what happened, considering
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all possibilities. Not all childhood trauma is abuse. Not all child
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abuse is a crime. The great frustration of these cases is the fact
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that you are often convinced that something traumatic happened to
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the victim, but do not know with any degree of certainty exactly
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what happened, when it happened, or who did it.
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7. DO VICTIMS LIE ABOUT SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION?
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The crucial central issue in the evaluation of a response to cases
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of multidimensional child sex rings is the statement "Children never
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lie about sexual abuse or exploitation. If they have details, it
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must have happened." This statement, oversimplified by many, is the
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basic premise upon which some believe the child sexual abuse and
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exploitation movement is based. It is almost never questioned or
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debated at training conferences. In fact, during the 1970s, there
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was a successful crusade to eliminate laws requiring corroboration
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of child victim statements in child sexual abuse cases. The best way
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to convict child molesters is to have the child victims testify in
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court. If we believe them, the jury will believe them. Any challenge
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to this basic premise was viewed as a threat to the movement and a
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denial that the problem existed.
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I believe that children *rarely* lie about sexual abuse or
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exploitation, if a lie is defined as a statement deliberately and
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maliciously intended to deceive. The problem is the
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oversimplification of the statement. Just because a child is not
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lying does not necessarily mean the child is telling the truth. I
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believe that in the majority of these cases, the victims are not
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lying. They are telling you what they have come to believe has
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happened to them. Furthermore the assumption that children rarely
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lie about sexual abuse does not necessarily apply to everything a
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child says during a sexual abuse investigation. Stories of
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mutilation, murder, and cannibalism are not really about sexual
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abuse.
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Children rarely lie about sexual abuse or exploitation. but they do
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fantasize, furnish false information, furnish misleading
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information, misperceive events, try to please adults, respond to
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leading questions, and respond to rewards. Children are not adults
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in little bodies and do go through developmental stages that must be
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evaluated and understood. In many ways, however, children are no
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better and no worse than other victims or witnesses of a crime. They
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should not be automatically believed, nor should they be
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automatically disbelieved.
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The second part of the statement - if children can supply details,
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the crime must have happened - must also be carefully evaluated. The
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details in question in most of the cases of multidimensional child
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sex rings have little to do with sexual activity. Law enforcement
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and social workers must do more than attempt to determine how a
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child could have known about the sex acts. These cases involve
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determining how a victim could have known about a wide variety of
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bizarre and ritualistic activity. Young children may know little
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about specific sex acts, but they may know a lot about monsters,
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torture, kidnapping, and murder.
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Victims may supply details of sexual and other acts using
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information from sources other than their own direct victimization.
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Such sources must be evaluated carefully by the investigator of
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multidimensional child sex rings.
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-- a. PERSONAL KNOWLEDGE.
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The victim may have personal knowledge of the sexual or ritual acts,
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but not as a result of the alleged victimization. The knowledge
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could have come from viewing pornography, sex education, or occult
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material; witnessing sexual or ritual activity in the home; or
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witnessing the sexual abuse of others. It could also have come from
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having been sexually or physically abused, but by other than the
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alleged offenders and in ways other than the alleged offense.
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-- b. OTHER CHILDREN OR VICTIMS.
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Young children today are socially interacting more often and at a
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younger age than ever before. Many parents are unable to provide
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possibly simple explanations for their children's stories because
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they were not with the children when the events occurred. They do
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not even know what videotapes their children may have seen, what
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games they may have played, or what stories they may have been told
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or overheard. Children are being placed in day care centers for
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eight, ten, or twelve hours a day starting as young as six weeks of
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age. The children share experiences by playing house, school, or
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doctor. Bodily functions such as urination and defecation are a
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focus of attention for these young children. To a certain extent,
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each child shares the experiences of all the other children.
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The odds are fairly high that in any typical day care center there
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might be some children who are victims of incest; victims of
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physical abuse; victims of psychological abuse; children of cult
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members (even satanists); children of sexually open parents;
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children of sexually indiscriminate parents; children of parents
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obsessed with victimization; children of parents obsessed with the
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evils of satanism; children without conscience; children with a
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teenage brother or pregnant mother; children with heavy metal music
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and literature in the home; children with bizarre toys, games,
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comics, and magazines; children with a VCR and slasher films in
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their home; children with access to dial-a-porn, party lines, or
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pornography; or children victimized by a day care center staff
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member. The possible effects of the interaction of such children
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prior to the disclosure of the alleged abuse must be evaluated,
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Adult survivors may obtain details from group therapy sessions,
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support networks, church groups, or self-help groups. The
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willingness and ability of siblings to corroborate adult survivor
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accounts of ritual abuse varies. Some will support and partially
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corroborate the victim's allegations. Others will vehemently deny
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them and support their accused parents or relatives.
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-- c. MEDIA.
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The amount of sexually explicit, occult, anti-occult, or violence-
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oriented material available to adults and even children in the
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--- msgedsq 2.1a
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* Origin: The Northern Lights 916-729-0304 (1:203/444)
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