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444 lines
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IS THIS AN UNTAMPERED FILE?
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This ASCII-file version of Imprimis, On Line was
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packaged by Applied Foresight, Inc. (AFI hereafter).
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Every AFI-packaged ASCII version of Imprimis is
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distributed in an "-AV protected" ZIP file format.
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"AV" is the authenticity verification feature provided
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to registered PKZIP users, which Applied Foresight,
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Inc., is. If you are using the MS-DOS PKUNZIP.EXE
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program written by PKWARE Inc. and do not see the "-AV"
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message after every file is unzipped AND receive the
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message "Authentic files Verified! # JAA646 ZIP
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Source: Applied Foresight Inc. (CIS 71510,1042)" when
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you unzip this file then do not trust it's integrity.
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If your version of PKUNZIP is not the PKWARE-authored
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program (for instance, you are running a non-MS-DOS
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version), then this message may not be displayed.
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Trust only genuine AFI-packaged archives ... anything
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else may be just that: ANYTHING ELSE.
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+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
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Imprimis, On Line -- March 1992
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Imprimis, meaning "in the first place," is a free monthly
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publication of Hillsdale College (circulation 355,000 worldwide).
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Hillsdale College is a liberal arts institution known for its
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defense of free market principles and Western culture and its
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nearly 150-year refusal to accept federal funds. Imprimis
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publishes lectures by such well-known figures as Ronald Reagan,
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Jeane Kirkpatrick, Tom Wolfe, Charlton Heston, and many more.
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Permission to reprint is hereby granted, provided credit is given
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to Hillsdale College. Copyright 1992. For more information on
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free print subscriptions or back issues, call 1-800-437-2268, or
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1-517-439-1524, ext. 2319.
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"Inner City Kids: Why Choice Is Their Only Hope"
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by A. Polly Williams, State Representative, Wisconsin
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"Private Vouchers: A New Idea in Education Reform"
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by J. Patrick Rooney, Chairman, Golden Rule Insurance Company
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Volume 21, Number 3
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Hillsdale College, Hillsdale, Michigan 49242
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March 1992
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Preview: Education is the nation's top growth industry. Annual
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spending on education has increased over 300 percent in less than
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twenty years. And we are spending five times more on each student
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than we did fifty years ago. Why, then, are America's schools in
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crisis? Why have education task forces failed to achieve
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significant reform?
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Polly Williams and J. Patrick Rooney say it's time to stop
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relying on more money, more task forces, more experts, and more
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bureaucrats: genuine reform can only be brought about by creating
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incentives for schools - and therefore students - to succeed,
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i.e., by introducing competition. Williams and Rooney addressed
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350 St. Louis community leaders and educators during the Shavano
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Institute for National Leadership seminar, "Public/Private
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Education: Should Parents Be Free to Choose?" on October 16-17,
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1991
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---------------
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"Inner City Kids: Why Choice Is Their Only Hope"
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by A. Polly Williams, State Representative, Wisconsin
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Since 1976, Milwaukee has been under court order to "racially
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balance" its public schools. Now, there are about one hundred
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thousand school-age children in this city. Approximately 70
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percent are black or belong to other minorities. How do you
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"racially balance" a system in which 70 percent of the population
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is made up of minorities and only thirty percent is white? How do
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you justify the millions of dollars that the federal and state
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government are paying the schools to achieve this impossible
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goal?
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The same court order mandates that only 30 percent of the
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teachers can be black. "Racial balance" is the goal once again.
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But if the city is 70 percent minority, where are the non-black
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teachers supposed to be coming from? And why are black teachers
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who want to work in the inner city prevented from teaching?
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Below are some maps that will show what happens when the
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government and the courts try to force "racial balance." In the
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middle of the first map, the small circle is an inner city
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school, and every one of the round black dots represents one of
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the other schools in Milwaukee. Under the "racial balance" plan,
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black children who would ordinarily attend the inner city school
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in question are bussed all over the district - to a hundred and
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four different schools.
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[Editor's note: the maps are not included
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in the electronic version of Imprimis]
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Historically, blacks have demanded equal opportunity
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education; what they've gotten instead is forced desegregation.
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What do blacks want? We want the same thing whites want. We want
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our kids educated in their own communities. Yet look at the
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second map, showing the bus routes for just three schools.
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(Imagine a map showing the bus routes for over one hundred
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schools!)
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Better than anything, these bus routes show the chaos and
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confusion caused by forced "racial balance." They also show
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corruption: the government pays the educrats an extra thousand
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dollars in desegregation funds for every new route. For the last
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decade and a half, forced busing in Milwaukee has cost taxpayers
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$335 million.
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Public Schools: 90 Percent Failure Rate
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In the meantime, the public schools are failing to educate our
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children. Sixty percent of all Milwaukee ninth graders do not
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complete high school, and of the 40 percent who stay in the
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school and walk across the stage to receive their diplomas, only
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10 percent can read. For what amounts to a 90 percent failure
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rate, we pay $600 million a year to support the Milwaukee public
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schools - that averages out to about $6000 per student. The
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educrats keep saying, "You've got to give us more money, because
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it's tough to educate these inner city kids. They are poor, and
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they are raised by single mothers; we can't expect them to learn.
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. . ."
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That's the stereotype: poor black children are slow
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learners, difficult and expensive to educate. Well, my children
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were raised in a single parent home. My husband and I divorced
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when the eldest was thirteen and the youngest was five. After the
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divorce, five of us had to live on my salary, which was only
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$8000 a year. And we did live on it, though we were certainly
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living below the poverty level. According to the educrats and all
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the experts defining who we were, my children were simply not
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supposed to make it. I am happy to tell you that the educrats
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were wrong, because my children did make it and they were not
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stereotypes.
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But poor black children do share a major disadvantage.
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Unlike those whose parents can vote with their feet and enroll in
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good private schools, poor black children are forced to go to the
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school the government selects for them. That's not right. We're
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supposed to educate all children, because if we don't educate
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them we're going to incarcerate them - Wisconsin, for example,
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has eight new prisons on the drawing board, but no new schools.
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The state should be encouraging the establishment of more private
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and public schools and more private businesses - giving children
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basic academic skills and putting adults to work instead of
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giving them endless social programs. Blacks want to learn and to
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earn their way just like everybody else. We don't want welfare
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that just puts us back on the plantation - this time the
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government plantation.
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And blacks don't want their children to be forced to attend
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public schools if there are better alternatives. In the Milwaukee
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public school system, 62 percent of the teachers and
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administrators refuse to send their kids to the public schools.
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This flight from the system has had ironic results. When 23
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suburban public schools were recently in danger of closing due to
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low enrollment, black children were simply bussed in, and the
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state gave the schools an extra $12,000 for each. So, the failing
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suburban public schools received a guaranteed source of students
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and more than $22 million a year in additional government
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funding.
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Private Schools and Parental Empowerment
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I opposed forced desegregation from the start. I wanted what most
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parents want: for my children to be educated in their own
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community. At the time, there were about a dozen private schools
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in the inner city of Milwaukee. They were previously Catholic
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institutions that had been reorganized as private nonsectarian
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academies, and they were a wonderful alternative for low-income
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and minority students - predominantly blacks, but also Hispanics,
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Asians and whites. They allowed students to get a good education
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in their own neighborhoods with teachers who really believed in
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them, rather than the educrats' stereotypes. What's really
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impressive is that these private schools had a 98 percent
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graduation rate.
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But they couldn't get by on the tuition they charged, and
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although successful, they were in danger of closing their doors.
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Meanwhile, the public schools were getting millions of our tax
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dollars whether they did a good job or not. So a few years ago, a
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small group banded together and approached the state legislature.
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We said: "Why not allow tax dollars to go to the schools that are
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working?" We didn't know that vouchers had already been defeated
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in every other state where they'd been proposed, We didn't even
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call our proposal a voucher plan; we called it "parental
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empowerment" or "choice." Meetings were organized to discuss our
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proposal. We hoped to attract a few dozen people, but hundreds of
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enthusiastic parents began showing up and staying for sessions
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that ran on for hours. This shocked public school officials,
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especially since they couldn't get more than a few parents to any
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of their meetings.
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People often fall into the habit of saying, "How do you get
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the poor involved in the education of their children? They just
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don't care, or they don't know enough to make 'intelligent'
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choices." But, in reality, if you give them a sense that they can
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make a difference in the lives of their children, if you give
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them some power, you'll find out that poor parents can care more
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than anyone. They don't take education for granted. They know
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that education is the only way out of poverty. And when you em-
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power people and give them a sense of ownership, they be-come
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responsible, and they learn how to make decisions. And when they
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are treated with dignity and respect, they respond to it.
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Choice empowers parents. It allows them to choose the best
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school for their children. It doesn't say, as the educrats do,
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that poor people are too dumb (they use the word "uniformed") to
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make choices. Poor people are the same as rich people. They may
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not have much money, but they have the same desires and the same
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needs. And poor people make decisions all the time. They decide
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where they are going to live, what grocery store to buy from,
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where to shop for clothes - they decide everything, but all of a
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sudden, the educrats claim that they don't have enough sense to
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make a decision about the education of their children.
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But the teachers' unions, the NAACP, the bureaucracy, and
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the educational establishment didn't agree. In the name of
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protecting the poor, they all opposed choice. We didn't try to
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beat them - they were too powerful. Instead, we went directly to
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the parents, and we organized the community from the grassroots
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level, from the bottom up. And they kept coming to our meetings
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by the hundreds - even the Joe Six-Packs and the Archie Bunkers.
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Republicans, Democrats, Jews, Catholics, Protestants and Muslims
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publicly spoke up in favor of the plan, even when it had nothing
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to do with their agendas.
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When we proposed choice, the parents in the audience said,
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"Are you serious? You mean we can take our children out of public
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schools?" They began showing up and sitting in the galleries at
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the state capitol and watching the legislators, who, for their
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part, were shocked that the parents were there. Like the
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educrats, they also believed that the poor didn't care.
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And to everyone's surprise, the parental empowerment bill -
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the first in the U.S. - passed into law. Starting in the 1990-91
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school year, up to 1000 students could claim $2500 worth of
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tuition vouchers (a fraction, of course, of the per-student
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expense at public schools). This year, one private school had 600
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applicants for 100 openings. Every private school in the inner
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city has a waiting list. Hundreds of low-income families want out
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of the public school system. Those who have succeeded in getting
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out are spreading the word: Their children, two to three grade
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levels behind in the public school, are now working at their
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grade levels. Once always absent, they are even refusing to stay
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home sick! A typical response is, "Please don't make me stay home
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- my teacher is expecting me." There are no gang problems and
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only a two percent drop out rate.
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Sure it's only one thousand in a city that has one hundred
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thousand students, and the educrats are fighting the bill in the
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state supreme court, but I think it's a real victory - and we've
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only just begun. If the poor people of Milwaukee can achieve
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something no other group in the nation has been able to do, then
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anything is possible.
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---------------
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"Private Vouchers: A New Idea in Education Reform"
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by J. Patrick Rooney, Chairman, Golden Rule Insurance Company
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Advocates of choice in Indiana have worked hard to achieve
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meaningful education reform, but we just can't get an educational
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choice bill through the state legislature. (If you have ever
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worked with any government branch, you know that it is a lot
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easier to prevent something from happening than it is to get
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anything innovative done.)
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The odds are clearly on the side of the bureaucrats, even
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though there is considerable evidence that choice, where it has
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been tried in states such as Minnesota and districts such as East
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Harlem, is a phenomenal success. We know that educational choice
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in Indiana might be realized someday, but, in the meantime, we
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are abandoning another generation of children who are not getting
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a decent education.
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Private Vouchers: No Red Tape, No Bureaucrats, No Strings
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Recently, we at the Golden Rule Insurance Company decided to do
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something about education reform right now. In 1991, we created
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private vouchers; that is, as a company in the private sector, we
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offered to pay half of the tuition of any student who wanted to
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leave the public system and go to a private school. (Most of the
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non-public schools in Indianopolis charge $1600 or less - our cap
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was, therefore, $800.) This voucher program is for grade school
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children. We would have loved to extend it to the high school
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level, but we have limited resources, so it was a matter of
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priority.
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The only criterion is financial need. If students qualify
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for the free or reduced cost lunch program in the public schools,
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then they qualify for our educational grant. This is purposely a
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very generous criterion. We do not impose academic requirements
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of any kind, and there is a "first come, first served" basis for
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awarding the vouchers. (When we began, we tried elaborate
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questionnaire forms but quickly abandoned them. We are a society
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that is accustomed to filling out too many forms that are of
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dubious value.) We make no attempt to decide which private
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schools are eligible. We are about the business of helping
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parents and students, hence they are free to choose any school
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that meets their needs.
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The beauty of private vouchers is that they are so simple -
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no red tape, no need to depend on bureaucrats to administer them,
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no worries that the vouchers will be used later as a way for the
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government to claim that private schools are accepting federal or
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state subsidies. And they start working right away.
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Unexpected Success
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Golden Rule's private vouchers are a great success, much greater
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than we expected, in fact. We called a press conference to
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announce the start of the program only three weeks before the
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commencement of the 1991-92 school year. We stated very
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cautiously that we anticipated that only 100-200 students would
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want to be involved in this program. Well, within the first three
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days, Golden Rule had 621 requests for applications, and at the
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present time, we have distributed more than 2,000 applications.
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A temporary obstacle is that most of the private schools
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already have full or near-full enrollments. But the response to
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our private voucher plan will inevitably lead to expansion, as it
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has created a whole new supply of potential students for private
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schools. In the first school term of this year, 705 students were
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awarded vouchers and there were 199 on the waiting list. (This
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list would have been larger, but many parents knew that the
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private schools were full.)
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Why Support Private Education?
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Why do we support private education through vouchers? There are
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three reasons. The first reason is that Golden Rule is interested
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in helping the disadvantaged, particularly the minority citizens
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of our country. Our vouchers are not awarded on the basis of race
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or ethnic background - they are colorblind - but since they go to
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mainly inner city residents, the natural effect is to help
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blacks, Hispanics and other minorities.
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Sources such as the Hudson Institute's report, Workforce
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2000, estimate that over the next decade, the work force will be
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very slowly growing older, more female, more minority, and more
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|
disadvantaged. Only 15 percent of the new entrants to the labor
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|
force during that period will be white males compared with 30
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|
|
percent today. The demographic opportunity of the 1990s will be
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missed unless something is done now - the problems of minority
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|
unemployment, crime and dependency could be far worse than they
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are today.
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The second reason for Golden Rule's interest in vouchers is
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very practical. New jobs in service industries will demand much
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|
|
higher skill levels than the jobs of today. Many companies are
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already forced to run remedial education programs for their
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|
employees. We can't put off educating people until the time they
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apply for work - that is the wrong time to fix the problem. But
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according to their own standardized tests, Indiana public schools
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are failing to teach adequate basic skills and are far behind the
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|
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private schools in terms of overall student achievement. If for
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|
|
no other reason that this, competition is needed at the
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|
elementary and secondary school levels where the monopoly
|
||
|
|
position of the public school has stifled innovation.
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||
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|
||
|
|
The third reason is linked to the second: It is vital to the
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||
|
|
public interest that students work hard and learn basic habits
|
||
|
|
like punctuality and diligence. Yet, the Committee for Economic
|
||
|
|
Development published a study several years ago arguing that one
|
||
|
|
of the most important failures of the public schools is that they
|
||
|
|
have failed to teach even a basic "work ethic."
|
||
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|
||
|
|
Add drug abuse and violence to the list: Public schools have
|
||
|
|
failed there too, resorting to metal detectors, locker searches
|
||
|
|
and security guards. And despite all such efforts, many students
|
||
|
|
do not learn to respect or heed authority. Lastly, there is the
|
||
|
|
dropout rate in public institutions. In one Indianapolis high
|
||
|
|
school, 80 percent of the student body typically does not
|
||
|
|
graduate.
|
||
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|
||
|
|
The American Federation of Teachers (AFT) and the National
|
||
|
|
Education Association (NEA) have recently begun a new media
|
||
|
|
campaign to convince Americans that the public schools are doing
|
||
|
|
every bit as well as the private schools. I don't think Americans
|
||
|
|
will be convinced, simply because there is too much evidence to
|
||
|
|
the contrary. Who, for example, has ever heard of a private
|
||
|
|
school with metal detectors or with an 80 percent drop out rate?
|
||
|
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|
||
|
|
A Call to Act - Now
|
||
|
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|
||
|
|
In summary, with private vouchers, we have made a real and
|
||
|
|
practical investment in the future of our own business as well as
|
||
|
|
our society. Every business and charitable organization should
|
||
|
|
start its own voucher program, for one or one thousand students,
|
||
|
|
it doesn't matter. What does matter is that they will have taken
|
||
|
|
a step toward helping others as well as themselves.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
For more information on private vouchers, write:
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Timothy Ehrgott Executive Director
|
||
|
|
Educational CHOICE Charitable Trust
|
||
|
|
Golden Rule Insurance Company
|
||
|
|
7440 Woodland Drive
|
||
|
|
Indianapolis, IN 46278-1719
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
---------------
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
Polly Williams is America's leading advocate of parental choice
|
||
|
|
in education. Time, Newsweek, the Wall Street Journal, and "60
|
||
|
|
Minutes" have reported on her successful efforts to secure
|
||
|
|
private school vouchers - the first in the nation - for inner
|
||
|
|
city students in Milwaukee. To millions of American parents who
|
||
|
|
want the freedom to decide what education is best for their
|
||
|
|
children, Polly Williams has become a national symbol of hope,
|
||
|
|
courage and determination. A six-term state representative in the
|
||
|
|
Wisconsin legislature, she holds the record for the highest
|
||
|
|
number of votes for reelection - in 1986, the figure was 94
|
||
|
|
percent.
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
---------------
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
J. Patrick Rooney has been in the health insurance industry for
|
||
|
|
over three decades. He is chairman of the board of the Golden
|
||
|
|
Rule Insurance Company, which is licensed in 49 states and which
|
||
|
|
earns a premium income of almost $600 million annually. The
|
||
|
|
company is generally considered the nation's largest writer of
|
||
|
|
individual medical insurance and is marketed by over 70,000
|
||
|
|
independent brokers. Mr. Rooney has gained national attention in
|
||
|
|
the last year for establishing a $1.2 million fund for private
|
||
|
|
education vouchers which enable hundreds of low-income parents in
|
||
|
|
Indiana to send their children to the private schools of their
|
||
|
|
choice. In two recent headline editorials, the Wall Street
|
||
|
|
Journal hailed Mr. Rooney's efforts as a real "breakthrough in
|
||
|
|
corporate support for educational choice."
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
###
|
||
|
|
|
||
|
|
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
|
||
|
|
End of this issue of Imprimis, On Line; Information
|
||
|
|
about the electronic publisher, Applied Foresight,
|
||
|
|
Inc., is in the file, IMPR_BY.TXT
|
||
|
|
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
|