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860 lines
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Computer underground Digest Sun May 14, 1995 Volume 7 : Issue 38
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ISSN 1004-042X
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Editors: Jim Thomas and Gordon Meyer (TK0JUT2@MVS.CSO.NIU.EDU
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Archivist: Brendan Kehoe
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Shadow Master: Stanton McCandlish
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Field Agent Extraordinaire: David Smith
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Shadow-Archivists: Dan Carosone / Paul Southworth
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Ralph Sims / Jyrki Kuoppala
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Ian Dickinson
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Goddess of Judyism Editor: J. Tenuta
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CONTENTS, #7.38 (Sun, May 14, 1995)
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File 1-- Jacking in from the "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest" Port
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File 2-- Jacking in from the Narco-Terrorist Encryption Port
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File 3--CDT Testifies At Sen. Jud. Comm. Hrg. on Bombs (CDT #13/fwd)
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File 4--Cu Digest Header Info (unchanged since 19 Apr, 1995)
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CuD ADMINISTRATIVE, EDITORIAL, AND SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION APPEARS IN
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THE CONCLUDING FILE AT THE END OF EACH ISSUE.
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---------------------------------------------------------------------
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Date: Sat, 13 May 1995 14:06:13 -0500
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From: Brock@well.sf.ca.us(Brock Meeks)
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Subject: File 1-- Jacking in from the "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest" Port
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CyberWire Dispatch // Copyright (c) 1995 //
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Jacking in from the "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest" Port:
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Washington, D.C. -- The Internet had its head placed on the chopping
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block during a Congressional hearing today (May 11th).
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Sen. Arlen Specter (R-Pa.) put it there. Sen. Herb Kohl (D-Wis.)
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tied its hands, while Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) welded the
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axe.
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Specter, as chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Technology and
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Government Information, called the hearing to investigate "The
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Availability of Bomb Making Information on the Internet." The
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hearing focused on "the use of the Internet by a variety of groups
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and individuals to propagate 'mayhem manuals,' which as their name
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suggests, are guides to assist people in committing acts of
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violence," Specter said.
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Specter didn't mince words about his intentions. The subtext of the
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hearing was that the Internet, somehow, now represents a "clear and
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present danger" to the American way of life, threatening innocent
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citizens and children. "There are serious questions about whether it
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is technologically feasible to restrict access to the Internet or to
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censor certain messages," Specter said.
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Feinstein rode into the hearing with blinders on. "I have a problem
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with people teaching others" how to build bombs that kill, she said.
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The First Amendment doesn't extend to the that kind of information,
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she said, especially when it resides in electronic format so easily
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available.
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Her remarks were directed at a panel of experts who had, for the most
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part, acknowledged that such information was readily available on the
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Net, but nonetheless was indeed protected by the First Amendment.
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The First Amendment argument didn't fly with Feinstein, who railed at
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the panel's testimony. "You really have my dander up," she said.
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"This is not what this country is about."
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That remark drew a sharp response from Jerry Berman, executive
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director of the Washington-based Center for Democracy and Technology:
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"Excuse me, Senator, but that *is* what this nation is all about."
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Feinstein would hear nothing of it. "I believe there is a difference
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between free speech and teaching someone to kill," she said, "And
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all we're doing here is protecting [terrorist information] under the
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mantle of free speech."
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Feinstein, former mayor of San Francisco, one of America's most
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liberal cities, carried a lot of baggage into the hearing; she was
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once the failed target of a letter bomb addressed to her office while
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mayor, according to a Subcommittee staffer.
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Sen. Kohl waded into the hearing reading from a tired script, saying
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that America would "be shocked" if they knew about "dark back alleys"
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of the "information superhighway." Kohl paid lip-service to the
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Constitution, saying that government shouldn't "be in the business of
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telling people what they can and cannot think." However, that didn't
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stop him from suggesting that government has every right to "prevent
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people from endangering public safety," which really means
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restricting access --somehow -- to the "dangerous" (ooohhh....) "dark
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back alleys" of the Internet.
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His suggestions: (1) Parents should be notified every time their
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kids get an online account. (2) Every parent should be able to block
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a kid's access to whatever areas they want. "If we have the
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technology to get kids on the Internet, we should have the technology
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to get them off it," he said. (3) Online companies should rip out a
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page from the video game industry, where "industry-wide cooperation
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to restrict access to minors has forestalled government
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intervention," he said.
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The vid-game industry, right, those cozy folks that bring Mortal
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Kombat into your living room and shopping malls, where even 8-year
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olds know how to punch in the infamous "blood codes" which, when
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enabled, show defeated characters being gutted while still alive,
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leaving the screen oozing. And this is the same video industry which
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drew a sharp rebuke from Sen. Specter himself last December when he
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found out that the so-called "industry-wide cooperation" to label
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games with "ratings" wasn't being implemented on anything more than a
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piecemeal basis.
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Fueling this hysteria-circus was Robert Litt, deputy assistant
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attorney general, Criminal Div. of the Department of Justice. Litt
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mouthed to the Subcommittee what will certainly become the "Scare
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Monger's Anthem": "Not only do would-be terrorists have access to
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detailed information on how to construct explosives, but so do
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children."
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... And so do children...
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"This problem can only grow worse as more families join the Internet
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'society,'" Litt warned. .
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"... And so do children..."
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But does any of this so-called terrorist information require any kind
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of congressional Constitutional tweaking? Not according to Litt's
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own testimony. There are, on the books now, "a number of federal
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laws" that can be used to "prosecute bomb-related offenses," and
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those can be directly transferred to any such investigations linked
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to the Internet, Litt testified, adding that such laws "can be
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applied even when the offense is accomplished through speech."
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Read it again: "[A]pplied even... through speech." If that was the
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sound of a hammer falling -- or an axe -- you're right.
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Litt outlined how current laws protect even bomb making materials on
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the Internet as expressions of free speech; however, he noted, with
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some glee, that the proposals before Congress right now, offered up
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by the White House, will "permit the government to better track and
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prosecute those who misuse information available on the Internet...."
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The hysteria of these doomsayers, however, ran into an unexpected
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brick wall during the hearing. Sen. Specter asked Litt point-blank
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if he had *any* kind of statistics or "direct knowledge" of any
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"criminal act" that had resulted from anyone obtaining information
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off the Internet. "No Senator, we do not," Litt answered somewhat
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shyly. Specter reframed the question -- twice -- giving Litt a
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chance to weasel an answer, but there was no weasel room.
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The cold, hard facts are and remain: No law enforcement agency has
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been able to link any criminal act to any information now residing on
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the Internet.
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But this wasn't good enough for Specter, who asked Litt to go back
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and "investigate" the question and report his findings back to the
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Subcommittee.
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Another blow to Internet foes was the testimony of Frank Tuerkheimer.
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Tuerkheimer, a professor of law at the U. of Wisconsin, made his fame
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in the 1970s as the U.S. Attorney which successfully argued to stop
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the publication of the "How to Make an H-Bomb" article in the
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_Progressive_ magazine. He won that case, which he admitted today,
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he had little enthusiasm for trying because the information in the
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article was gathered from public domain sources. However, all of that
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effort was moot point, he noted: Some other publication printed the
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article anyway.
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Information will find a way to get out, Tuerkheimer said. "We're not
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talking about regulating information," he said, "we're talking about
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regulating 'information-plus." That's when the information is taken
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and used in the commission of a criminal act, and it's that
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combination that needs to be addressed, not the information, he said.
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Putting a fine point on his arguments, Tuerkheimer noted in his
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testimony that the Encyclopedia Britannica "reveals great detail on
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explosive manufacture." [It's all right there on on pages 275-282 of
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Vol. 21 of the 1986 edition.] Adding insult to injury, he pointed
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out that on page 279 of that section, there is a description of the
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Ammonium Nitrate/Fuel oil mixture bomb like that used in the Oklahoma
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City bombing!
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I wonder, now, if Sen. Feinstein will rush to outlaw the
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encyclopedia... or maybe she'll introduce a bill that will have
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librarians issued X-acto knives to cut out just those pages. "...so
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the children" won't have access....
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Perhaps Tuerkheimer's finest blow was when he noted that the
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Department of Agriculture Forestry Service publishes the "Blaster's
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Handbook" (written with taxpayer money) that also includes a recipe
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for the Ammonium Nitrate/Fuel oil bomb like that used to blow little
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kids into chunks in the Oklahoma City bombing.
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America's online sweetheart, America Online, was represented ably by
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William Burrington. He admitted to the Subcommittee that although
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his company monitored "selected areas" for violations of the
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company's terms of service, there was no possible to keep an eye on
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every public message. The point he hammered on -- and rightly so --
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is that the "information ocean" that is the Internet is impossible to
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place restrictions on "because of its international nature," he said,
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more than once. Any laws the U.S. might try to apply don't mean shit
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internationally, as Burrington tried to point out, a point that
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apparently fell on deaf ears.
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One pair of ears that didn't fail to hear were those of Sen. Patrick
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Leahy (D-Vermont). This old warhorse continued to be what
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increasingly sounds like the only voice of reason on Capitol Hill.
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"Before we head down a road that leads to censorship," he said, "we
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must think long and hard about its consequences."
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Leahy is bothered about "tragic events" such as the Oklahoma bombing
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as much as anyone, he said. However, the "same First Amendment that
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protects each of us and our right to think and speak as we choose,
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protects others as well," he said. It is "harmful and dangerous
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*conduct*, not speech, that justify adverse legal consequences,"
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Leahy noted.
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There is "little to be gained in the way of safety by banning" access
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to so-called terrorist information "over electronic media," Leahy
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said, especially when it's so readily available in paper form... even
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from the Agriculture Department. Hell, there's probably even an
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government sponsored 800 number you can call to order the "Blaster's
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Handbook."
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In one lengthy discussion, Specter cited an Internet posting in which
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the poster asked for bomb making information that he (or she, gender
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wasn't noted) could use against "zionist government officials."
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Specter asked the panel if such a message could be considered a
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crime.
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"No," said the Justice Department's Litt. "But what about the
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response to the message?" Specter asked. Such a response
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"approaches, if it hasn't already crossed the line, a prosecutorial
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offense," Litt said.
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Tuerkheimer disagreed. "Too general," he said. There's "no target"
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identified, "it's hard to see how the Justice Department could
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prosecute" the responder to that message, he said.
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Of course, Specter's query begs the question: Would it be a crime to
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respond to the "bomb information wanted" message by sending them a
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copy of the taxpayer funded, government-sponsored "Blaster's
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Handbook"? You make the call, because if you don't, Congress will.
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"In other words, the industry acts now or Congress will do it for
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you," Kohl said.
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I doubt he was joking.
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Meeks out...
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------------------------------
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Date: Sat, 13 May 1995 14:06:13 -0500
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From: Brock@well.sf.ca.us(Brock Meeks)
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Subject: File 2-- Jacking in from the Narco-Terrorist Encryption Port
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CyberWire Dispatch// Copyright (c) 1995//
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Jacking in from the Narco-Terrorist Encryption Port:
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Washington, DC -- The other shoe has dropped. Several times.
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In the political backlash and emotional fallout of the bombing of of
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the federal building in Oklahoma City, FBI Director Louis Freeh has
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begun to wage his own private war on the use of private, encryption
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schemes.
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According to Administration sources, several different proposals are
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now being discussed on how to implement a policy of government
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mandated, government "certified" encryption. The most hardline of
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these proposals would outlaw the public's ability to choose an
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encryption scheme which the government couldn't break, under the
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authority of a court order.
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Freeh has left no doubts about his intentions. Not satisfied with a
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proposal he successfully rammed through Congress last year -- the bill
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that gives law enforcement agencies "easy wiretap access" to digital
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conversations, at a cost of $500 million in taxpayer money -- his next
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target is private encryption.
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During an appropriations hearing May 11th, Freeh told a congressional
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panel: "[W]e're in favor of strong encryption, robust encryption. The
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country needs it, industry needs it. We just want to make sure we
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have a trap door and key under some judge's authority where we can get
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there if somebody is planning a crime."
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That means an end to private, non-government encryption, which don't
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have keys the government can use.
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Private encryption schemes allow a person to scramble an electronic
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message that, if intercepted by an unintended party, renders it
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unreadable. These scrambling programs are useful from to a wide range
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of people and interests, including researchers that want to keep their
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proprietary breakthroughs safe from prying eyes to corporations
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sending trade secrets to a distant office across the Net to ordinary
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folks sending a steamy love letter to a lover.
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But these same encryption programs are being used by "terrorists and
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international drug traffickers," as well, claims FBI Director Freeh,
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and that makes private encryption schemes a threat to national
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security.
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Freeh's crusade against encryption has been enjoined by members of the
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Justice Department, with the gleeful back alley goading the nation's
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top spook group, the National Security Agency.
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And when it comes right down to it, your privacy rights don't stand a
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snowball's chance in hell of outweighing pictures of dead babies or
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pieces of dead babies.
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During an April 27th Senate Judiciary Committee on terrorism, Freeh
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boldly told a panel of lawmakers eager to give his agency more
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latitude to "catch the bad guys" (and civil rights violations be
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damned... as long as we don't have to watch the guts of little kids
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being splattered on steel girders and broken concrete...): "The FBI
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cannot and should not tolerate any individuals or groups... which
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would kill innocent Americans, which would kill *'America's kids.'*"
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To meet the "challenges of terrorism," Freeh said, several things must
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be done, among them, deal with "encryption capabilities available to
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criminals and terrorists" because such technology endangers "the
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future usefulness of court-authorized wiretaps. This problem must be
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resolved."
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While Freeh used the Oklahoma City bombing as convenient "news hook"
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to again make a pitch to "resolve" the private encryption "problem,"
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the Director was basically reading from a dog-eared script. Within
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the last 3 months he repeatedly has testified publicly before Congress
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about the "evils" of encryption.
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On March 30 the House Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Crime he
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said: "Even though access is all but assured [by the passage of the
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Digital Wiretap Act] an even more difficult problem with
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court-authorized wiretaps looms. Powerful encryption is becoming
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commonplace. The drug cartels are buying sophisticated communications
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equipment.... This, as much as any issue, jeopardizes the public
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safety and national security of this country.
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Drug cartels, terrorists, and kidnappers will use telephones and
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other communications media with impunity knowing that their
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conversations are immune from our most valued investigative
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technique."
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Then during a May 3 appearance before the same Committee, Freeh said:
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"Encryption capabilities available to criminals and terrorists, both
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now and in days to come, must be dealt with promptly. We will not
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have an effective counterterrorism counterterrorism strategy if we do
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not solve the problem of encryption."
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But there's nothing to be alarmed at here, according to Freeh. Just
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because he's asking the Congress and the White House to strip you of
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the right to choose how you scramble your messages, using a program
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that the government doesn't hold all the keys too, doesn't mean that
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the Director isn't a sensitive guy or that he has suddenly taken a
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liking to wearing jackboots.
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Freeh steadfastly maintains all these new powers he's asking for are
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simply "tools" and "not new authorities." These new powers are "well
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within the Constitution," Freeh told Congress.
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Freeh hasn't publicly outlined just how he proposes to "resolve" the
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"encryption problem." However, according to an FBI source, several
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plans are in the works. The source refused to detail any specific
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plan, but added: "Let's just say everything is on the table." Does
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that include outlawing private encryption schemes? "I said
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'everything,'" the source said.
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The encryption debate has been raging for years. Two years ago the
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Clinton Administration unveiled a new policy in which it proposed to
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flood the market with its own home-grown encryption devices -- a
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product of the National Security Agency -- called the "Clipper Chip."
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The Clipper is based on a "key-escrow" system. Two government
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agencies would hold the keys "in escrow", which are unique to each
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chip, in a kind of "data vault." Any time the FBI-- or your local
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sheriff -- wanted to tap your phone conversations, they would have to
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ask a judge to give the two government agencies to turn over the keys
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to you Clipper chip. With those keys, the FBI could then unscramble
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any of your conversations at will.
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That policy raised a huge firestorm of controversy and the Clipper
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sunk from sight, down, but not out. The intent of the White House,
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acting as a front man for the NSA and other intelligence agencies
|
||
|
along with the FBI, was to have Americans adopt Clipper voluntarily.
|
||
|
The FBI took it on good faith -- and I'm not joking here -- that
|
||
|
criminals, too, would buy Clipper equipped phones, allowing the
|
||
|
government to easily unscramble their wiretapped conversations.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Why would criminals knowingly use a device they knew the government
|
||
|
could easily tap? "Because criminals are stupid," was the FBI's party
|
||
|
line. No, I'm not making this up.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The "voluntary" aspect didn't stop the controversy. Indeed, buried in
|
||
|
the Administration's own background briefing papers on the Clipper was
|
||
|
the no nonsense statement that the Administration, after reviewing the
|
||
|
Constitution, had determined that "American's have no Constitutional
|
||
|
right to choose their own method of encryption." Call it a peremptory
|
||
|
strike on privacy.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The end of freely chosen encryption comes as no surprise to Jim
|
||
|
Dempsey, currently the executive director of the Center for National
|
||
|
Security Studies. Dempsey, you might remember, walked point for
|
||
|
former Congressman Don Edwards during last year's tussle over the
|
||
|
FBI's Digital Wiretap access bill. Dempsey, in fact was one of the
|
||
|
bill's principal authors. "I always felt [the Administration] had to
|
||
|
know they would ultimately go to [some kind of government] mandatory
|
||
|
encryption scheme," Dempsey said. "I don't think it's a big leap for
|
||
|
the government to think of private encryption like they do kiddie
|
||
|
porn."
|
||
|
|
||
|
An NSA source, when questioned about his agency's role in the process,
|
||
|
was reluctant to speak. He did say that Clipper was merely "Act One"
|
||
|
of a "Three part play." Pressed for further details, he said, "do
|
||
|
your own homework."
|
||
|
|
||
|
During the Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism hearing May 11, Robert
|
||
|
Litt, deputy assistant attorney general for the Criminal Division of
|
||
|
Justice, said the "widespread use of reliable, strong encryption that
|
||
|
allows government access, with appropriate restrictions... is designed
|
||
|
to achieve" a "delicate balance" between privacy rights and law
|
||
|
enforcement needs.
|
||
|
|
||
|
When Dispatch asked Litt to elaborate, he said his comments refereed
|
||
|
to the use of the Clipper Chip. But what if criminals bypass Clipper,
|
||
|
using private encryption schemes, such as those now being decried by
|
||
|
Freeh? "If one solution doesn't work, then we have to go to the next
|
||
|
step," he said. Is that next step the outlawing of private
|
||
|
encryption? Litt smiled and repeated his answer.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Dispatch has learned that one proposal being seriously discussed
|
||
|
would, indeed, outlaw all private, non-government approved encryption
|
||
|
schemes. Here's how the government plan breaks out, according to
|
||
|
sources familiar with the proposal:
|
||
|
|
||
|
(1) The government would "certify" a few so-called "Commercial
|
||
|
Key-Escrow" programs. These are similar in design to the government's
|
||
|
Clipper Chip, but industry would hold the keys and some of these
|
||
|
systems might not be classified, as is the software underlying
|
||
|
Clipper. However, the companies producing such "certified" programs
|
||
|
could claim trade secrets, not allowing the public access the
|
||
|
underlying programs.
|
||
|
|
||
|
(2) The government, tossing a bone to industry, would lift export
|
||
|
controls on all "certified" encryption programs. Currently, it's
|
||
|
against the law to export encryption programs, as they are controlled
|
||
|
by the State Department under the same classification as munitions.
|
||
|
|
||
|
(3) The use of government certified encryption would become a federal
|
||
|
mandate, making it illegal to use private encryption schemes that had
|
||
|
not passed the "certification" test.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The plans are "still really liquid," said an Administration source.
|
||
|
"We all know what a bitch this going to be trying to sell it to the
|
||
|
selling public," he said. "The flashpoint potential of this idea
|
||
|
isn't lost on anyone."
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Administration is hoping the public will buy off on the fact that:
|
||
|
(1) It's private industry holding the keys, not government agencies.
|
||
|
(2) The availability of "choice" among several different vendors will
|
||
|
squash the imagery of Big Brother.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Expect the rise of an off-shore, black market "encryption" trade. It
|
||
|
will surely come. And it will have to be a black market; the FBI has
|
||
|
already gone around the world preaching the evils of private
|
||
|
encryption, trying to get other law enforcement groups to push for
|
||
|
outlawing such programs in their own countries. And they already have
|
||
|
a convert: Russia. That country recently adopted such a policy...
|
||
|
nice to know we're following in Mr. Yeltsin's footsteps.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Meeks out...
|
||
|
|
||
|
------------------------------
|
||
|
|
||
|
From: jseiger@cdt.org (Jonah Seiger)
|
||
|
Subject: File 3--CDT Testifies At Sen. Jud. Comm. Hrg. on Bombs (CDT #13/fwd)
|
||
|
Date: 12 May 1995 16:04:54 -0500
|
||
|
|
||
|
--------------------------------------------------------
|
||
|
****** ******** *************
|
||
|
******** ********* *************
|
||
|
** ** ** *** POLICY POST
|
||
|
** ** ** ***
|
||
|
** ** ** *** May 12, 1995
|
||
|
** ** ** *** Number 13
|
||
|
******** ********* ***
|
||
|
****** ******** ***
|
||
|
|
||
|
CENTER FOR DEMOCRACY AND TECHNOLOGY
|
||
|
----------------------------------------------------------
|
||
|
A briefing on public policy issues affecting civil liberties online
|
||
|
--------------------------------------------------------
|
||
|
CDT POLICY POST Number 13 May 12, 1995
|
||
|
|
||
|
CONTENTS: (1) CDT Testifies at Senate Judiciary Subcommittee Hearing
|
||
|
On the Availability of Bomb-Making Materials on the Internet
|
||
|
(2) About the Center for Democracy and Technology
|
||
|
|
||
|
This document may be re-distributed freely provided it remains in its
|
||
|
entirety.
|
||
|
------------------------------------------------------
|
||
|
|
||
|
SUBJECT: CDT Testifies at Senate Judiciary Subcommittee Hearing
|
||
|
On the Availability of Bomb-Making Materials on the Internet
|
||
|
|
||
|
The availability of bomb-making information and 'mayhem manuals' on the
|
||
|
Internet was the subject of a hearing yesterday (5/11/95) before the Senate
|
||
|
Judiciary Committee Subcommittee on Terrorism, Technology, and Government
|
||
|
Information. CDT Executive Director Jerry Berman testified before the
|
||
|
panel. Berman's testimony is available on CDT's online archives (URL's
|
||
|
below).
|
||
|
|
||
|
The bombing in Oklahoma City has brought the Internet under new scrutiny by
|
||
|
Congress and the Clinton Administration. In his opening statement,
|
||
|
Subcommittee Chair Arlen Spector (R-PA) made clear the First Amendment
|
||
|
issues raised by government efforts to censor certain material in
|
||
|
cyberspace. However, Spector acknowledged that the availability of so
|
||
|
called "mayhem manuals" (one of which he displayed before the hearing)
|
||
|
raises concerns about public safety and national security.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT), in his opening statement, urged caution and
|
||
|
careful consideration of the benefits new communications technologies can
|
||
|
bring before Congress rushes to restrict and limit its use.
|
||
|
|
||
|
"Before we head down a road that leads to censorship, we must think long
|
||
|
and hard about its consequences. The same First Amendment that protects
|
||
|
each of us and our right to think and speak as we choose, protects these
|
||
|
others as well. The rule of this free society has long been that it is
|
||
|
harmful and dangerous conduct, not speech, that justify adverse legal
|
||
|
consequences", Leahy said.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Senator Leahy, an opponent of Senator Exon's Communications Decency Act (S.
|
||
|
314), and strong advocate of freedom of speech and the free flow of
|
||
|
information in cyberspace, recently introduced S. 714, an alternative to
|
||
|
Senator Exon's bill (the text of Leahy's bill is available from CDT, URL
|
||
|
below).
|
||
|
|
||
|
Witnesses on the panel included:
|
||
|
|
||
|
* Jerry Berman, Executive Director, Center For Democracy and Technology
|
||
|
* Rabbi Marvin Hier, Dean of the Simon Wiesenthal Center
|
||
|
* Robert Litt, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, US Detp. of Justice
|
||
|
* William Burrington, Assistant General Counsel. America Online
|
||
|
* Prof. Frank Tuerkheimer, U. of Wisconsin Law School
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
What Does It Mean To "Shout Fire In Cyberspace?"
|
||
|
-----------------------
|
||
|
|
||
|
CDT's Jerry Berman acknowledged the availability of bomb-making
|
||
|
instructions and terrorist manuals on the Internet, but argued that such
|
||
|
materials deserve the same degree of protection as identical materials
|
||
|
available in bookstores or libraries.
|
||
|
|
||
|
"As an open society, governed by the democratic principles of the First and
|
||
|
Fourth Amendments, we tolerate and even encourage robust debate, advocacy
|
||
|
and exchange of information on all subjects and in all media of expression,
|
||
|
without exception. Prior restraint or any government action which might
|
||
|
chill speech have long been labeled intolerable, expect in the few
|
||
|
circumstances in which that speech advocates imminent violence and is
|
||
|
likely to produce such violence. Even in these cases, Constitutional law
|
||
|
and long-standing law enforcement policy have dictated great restraint in
|
||
|
order to avoid chilling legitimate speech activity."
|
||
|
|
||
|
"Justice Holmes taught that the First Amendment does not protect a person
|
||
|
from punishment for "falsely shouting fire in a theater and causing a
|
||
|
panic," Schenk v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 52 (1919), but what does it
|
||
|
mean to "shout fire" in cyberspace? We believe that shouting fire in
|
||
|
cyberspace is actually far less threatening, and thus less deserving of
|
||
|
censure, than the equivalent act in the physical world. Though one can
|
||
|
shout fire in an email message or on an Internet newsgroup, the likelihood
|
||
|
that it will incite readers to imminent, criminal action is much reduced
|
||
|
because the readers are dispersed around the country, and even around the
|
||
|
world."
|
||
|
|
||
|
Berman added,
|
||
|
|
||
|
"The Center for Democracy and Technology believes that any prosecutorial or
|
||
|
investigative activity must be predicated on speech **plus** a reasonable
|
||
|
indication that the speech will lead to imminent violence. Speech alone is
|
||
|
not enough to prosecute or investigate in other media, and it should not be
|
||
|
sufficient in interactive media. Moreover, we assert that current law and
|
||
|
the FBI's strict interpretation of the existing Attorney General
|
||
|
investigative guidelines are adequate to serve both law enforcement
|
||
|
purposes and First Amendment interests.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In the sharpest exchange of the hearing, Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA),
|
||
|
expressed strong concern about the ability of children to access
|
||
|
bomb-making material on the Internet. Visibly outraged by the testimony,
|
||
|
Feinstein said, "I have a problem with people who use the First Amendment
|
||
|
to teach others how to kill [other people]" Protecting such speech, "... is
|
||
|
not what this country is about."
|
||
|
|
||
|
CDT's Jerry Berman responded, "Excuse me, Senator, but that *is* what this
|
||
|
nation is all about."
|
||
|
|
||
|
Feinstein countered that she believes that there is a " difference between
|
||
|
free speech and teaching someone how to kill others", and suggested that
|
||
|
the government should take a greater role in preventing the availability of
|
||
|
such materials.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Deputy Assistant Attorney General Robert Litt, agreeing with CDT's
|
||
|
assertion that the First Amendment protects bomb-making manuals and other
|
||
|
such material regardless of the medium of distribution, added that the
|
||
|
Justice Department has the authority under current law to prosecute
|
||
|
individuals who use the Internet to commit crimes relating to "extortion,
|
||
|
threats, conspiracy, and aiding and abetting the violation of other federal
|
||
|
laws". But Litt emphasized that such prosecutions must be predicated by
|
||
|
**conduct**.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Litt said:
|
||
|
|
||
|
"We can, therefore, clearly act to punish conduct that falls within the
|
||
|
scope of existing laws. But when we address not conduct by possibly
|
||
|
protected speech, the power of law enforcement is restricted by the First
|
||
|
Amendment. As the Committee well knows, we must guard the public's right to
|
||
|
free speech even while protecting the public from criminal activity. The
|
||
|
Constitution imposes stringent limits on our ability to punish the mere
|
||
|
advocacy of principals or the mere dissemination of information, without
|
||
|
more, even if the communications in question are utterly repugnant".
|
||
|
|
||
|
However, the Justice Department staked out a more aggressive line on the
|
||
|
issues of encryption and anonymity. On anonymity, Litt acknowledged the
|
||
|
necessity of confidentiality for whistle-blowers and informants, but argued
|
||
|
that the availability of complete anonymity on the Internet is of serious
|
||
|
concern to law enforcement.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In his prepared testimony, Litt echoed FBI Director Louis Freeh's recent
|
||
|
comments that "... unless the encryption issue is adequately addressed,
|
||
|
criminal communications over the telephone and the Internet will be will be
|
||
|
encrypted and inaccessible to law enforcement even if a court has approved
|
||
|
electronic surveillance," and pledged to continue to work to find solutions
|
||
|
to this issue.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In a statement which appears to dredge up previous arguments from the
|
||
|
Department in support of the Clipper Chip government key escrow proposal,
|
||
|
Litt said:
|
||
|
|
||
|
"We believe that it is possible to deal with both of these issues --
|
||
|
encryption and anonymity. Privacy rights should generally be protected,
|
||
|
but society should continue to have, under appropriate safeguards and when
|
||
|
necessary for law enforcement, the ability to identify people and hold them
|
||
|
accountable for their conduct. In the case of encryption, the appropriate
|
||
|
balance can be achieved by the widespread use of reliable, strong
|
||
|
cryptography that allows for government access, with appropriate
|
||
|
restrictions, in criminal investigations and for national security
|
||
|
purposes. The federal escrowed encryption standard issued last year is
|
||
|
designed to achieve this delicate balance for voice telephony."
|
||
|
|
||
|
Rabbi Marvin Hier of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, argued that the nature
|
||
|
of the Internet, including its broad reach and the veil of anonymity,
|
||
|
provides a fertile ground for hate-groups and other potentially dangerous
|
||
|
organizations. While stressing the importance of the First Amendment, Hier
|
||
|
recommended that:
|
||
|
|
||
|
* Law enforcement should have the ability to monitor hate groups and other
|
||
|
organizations that clearly advocate an intention to commit violence that
|
||
|
use the Internet to distribute information;
|
||
|
|
||
|
* Online service providers (particularly the commercial services such as
|
||
|
AOL and Compuserve) should take steps to prevent their networks from
|
||
|
being used to distribute material from these organizations; and
|
||
|
|
||
|
* To look at the uses of these communications technologies and to examine
|
||
|
what legal limits can be placed on it.
|
||
|
|
||
|
William Burrington, Assistant General Counsel and Director of Government
|
||
|
Affairs for America Online, stressed that AOL does take steps to address
|
||
|
violations of its terms of service agreement, and has removed users who use
|
||
|
the network to post inappropriate material to public forums.
|
||
|
|
||
|
However, Burrington cautioned that it is impossible and illegal under ECPA
|
||
|
for a service provider to monitor every communication that travels across
|
||
|
their network. Burrington further noted that, while it is possible for
|
||
|
America Online to exercise limited control inside its own networks,
|
||
|
monitoring and controlling content on the Internet is beyond the reach of
|
||
|
any one because of the decentralized nature and global reach of the
|
||
|
network.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Speaking from direct experience, University of Wisconsin Law Professor
|
||
|
Frank Tuerkheimer stressed that the government should not attempt too
|
||
|
prevent or censor the publication of bomb-making manuals or other such
|
||
|
materials -- not only because such action is clearly contrary to the First
|
||
|
Amendment, but also because the material would inevitably be published in
|
||
|
another forum, rendering the government's argument moot.
|
||
|
|
||
|
This is precisely what occurred in 1979 in United States v. Progressive,
|
||
|
Inc (476 F. Supp 990 (W.D. Wisc. 1979). In this case, the government,
|
||
|
sought to prevent the publication of instructions on how to make a hydrogen
|
||
|
bomb. Professor Tuerkheimer was the federal prosecutor in the Progressive
|
||
|
Case. The article was ultimately published and the case became moot
|
||
|
because the information was found to be available in a number of public
|
||
|
libraries.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Tuerkheimer noted that it would be futile for the government to attempt to
|
||
|
prosecute someone for distributing bomb making material on the Internet,
|
||
|
since information on how to build an ammonium nitrate bomb similar to the
|
||
|
device used in the Oklahoma City tragedy can be found in encyclopedias and
|
||
|
in publications available from the US Department of Agriculture.
|
||
|
|
||
|
NEXT STEPS:
|
||
|
|
||
|
Although the issue of the availability of bomb-making manuals and the use
|
||
|
of the Internet by malitia and hate-groups has received considerable
|
||
|
attention in the press and on Capitol hill in recent weeks, as of this
|
||
|
writing there has been no legislation introduced, and so far none of the
|
||
|
counter-terrorism proposals specifically address this issue.
|
||
|
|
||
|
CDT will closely track this issue, and will alert you to any developments
|
||
|
as soon as they become available.
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
Paths to Relevant Documents
|
||
|
--------------------------
|
||
|
|
||
|
CDT Executive Director Jerry Berman's testimony is available at the
|
||
|
following URL's:
|
||
|
|
||
|
http://www.cdt.org/policy/terrorism/internet_bomb.test.html
|
||
|
|
||
|
ftp://ftp.cdt.org/pub/cdt/policy/terrorism/internet_bomb.test
|
||
|
|
||
|
Additional hearing documents, including the Department of Justice testimony
|
||
|
can be found at the following URL's
|
||
|
|
||
|
http://www.cdt.org/terrorism/May11_hearing.html
|
||
|
ftp://ftp.cdt.org/pub/cdt/policy/terrorism/00-INDEX.terrorism
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Text of S. 714, Senator Leahy's Alternative to the Communications
|
||
|
Decency Act, can be found at:
|
||
|
|
||
|
http://www.cdt.org/policy/legislation/s714.html
|
||
|
|
||
|
ftp://ftp.cdt.org/policy/legislation/s714.bill
|
||
|
|
||
|
----------------------------------------------------
|
||
|
|
||
|
(2) ABOUT THE CENTER FOR DEMOCRACY AND TECHNOLOGY
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Center for Democracy and Technology is a non-profit public interest
|
||
|
organization. The Center's mission is to develop and advocate public
|
||
|
policies that advance constitutional civil liberties and democratic
|
||
|
values in new computer and communications technologies.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Contacting us:
|
||
|
|
||
|
General information on CDT can be obtained by sending mail to
|
||
|
<info@cdt.org>
|
||
|
|
||
|
CDT has set up the following auto-reply aliases to keep you informed on the
|
||
|
Communications Decency Act issue.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For information on the bill, including
|
||
|
CDT's analysis and the text of Senator
|
||
|
Leahy's alternative proposal and
|
||
|
information on what you can do to
|
||
|
help -- cda-info@cdt.org
|
||
|
|
||
|
For the current status of the bill,
|
||
|
including scheduled House and
|
||
|
Senate action (updated as events
|
||
|
warrant) -- cda-stat@cdt.org
|
||
|
|
||
|
World-Wide-Web:
|
||
|
|
||
|
http://www.cdt.org/
|
||
|
|
||
|
ftp:
|
||
|
|
||
|
ftp://ftp.cdt.org/pub/cdt/
|
||
|
|
||
|
gopher:
|
||
|
|
||
|
CDT's gopher site is still under construction and should be operational
|
||
|
soon.
|
||
|
|
||
|
snail mail:
|
||
|
|
||
|
Center For Democracy and Technology
|
||
|
1001 G Street, NW Suite 700 East
|
||
|
Washington, DC 20001
|
||
|
voice: +1.202.637.9800
|
||
|
fax: +1.202.637.9800
|
||
|
|
||
|
------------------------------
|
||
|
|
||
|
Date: Sun, 19 Apr 1995 22:51:01 CDT
|
||
|
From: CuD Moderators <cudigest@sun.soci.niu.edu>
|
||
|
Subject: File 4--Cu Digest Header Info (unchanged since 19 Apr, 1995)
|
||
|
|
||
|
Cu-Digest is a weekly electronic journal/newsletter. Subscriptions are
|
||
|
available at no cost electronically.
|
||
|
|
||
|
CuD is available as a Usenet newsgroup: comp.society.cu-digest
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Or, to subscribe, send a one-line message: SUB CUDIGEST your name
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Send it to LISTSERV@VMD.CSO.UIUC.EDU
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The editors may be contacted by voice (815-753-0303), fax (815-753-6302)
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or U.S. mail at: Jim Thomas, Department of Sociology, NIU, DeKalb, IL
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60115, USA.
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To UNSUB, send a one-line message: UNSUB CUDIGEST <your name>
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Send it to LISTSERV@VMD.CSO.UIUC.EDU
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(NOTE: The address you unsub must correspond to your From: line)
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Issues of CuD can also be found in the Usenet comp.society.cu-digest
|
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news group; on CompuServe in DL0 and DL4 of the IBMBBS SIG, DL1 of
|
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LAWSIG, and DL1 of TELECOM; on GEnie in the PF*NPC RT
|
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|
libraries and in the VIRUS/SECURITY library; from America Online in
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||
|
the PC Telecom forum under "computing newsletters;"
|
||
|
On Delphi in the General Discussion database of the Internet SIG;
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|
on RIPCO BBS (312) 528-5020 (and via Ripco on internet);
|
||
|
and on Rune Stone BBS (IIRGWHQ) (203) 832-8441.
|
||
|
CuD is also available via Fidonet File Request from
|
||
|
1:11/70; unlisted nodes and points welcome.
|
||
|
|
||
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EUROPE: In BELGIUM: Virtual Access BBS: +32-69-844-019 (ringdown)
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Brussels: STRATOMIC BBS +32-2-5383119 2:291/759@fidonet.org
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In ITALY: Bits against the Empire BBS: +39-464-435189
|
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In LUXEMBOURG: ComNet BBS: +352-466893
|
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UNITED STATES: etext.archive.umich.edu (192.131.22.8) in /pub/CuD/
|
||
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ftp.eff.org (192.88.144.4) in /pub/Publications/CuD/
|
||
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aql.gatech.edu (128.61.10.53) in /pub/eff/cud/
|
||
|
world.std.com in /src/wuarchive/doc/EFF/Publications/CuD/
|
||
|
uceng.uc.edu in /pub/wuarchive/doc/EFF/Publications/CuD/
|
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wuarchive.wustl.edu in /doc/EFF/Publications/CuD/
|
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EUROPE: nic.funet.fi in pub/doc/cud/ (Finland)
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ftp.warwick.ac.uk in pub/cud/ (United Kingdom)
|
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JAPAN: ftp.glocom.ac.jp /mirror/ftp.eff.org/Publications/CuD
|
||
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ftp://www.rcac.tdi.co.jp/pub/mirror/CuD
|
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|
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The most recent issues of CuD can be obtained from the
|
||
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Cu Digest WWW site at:
|
||
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URL: http://www.soci.niu.edu:80/~cudigest/
|
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COMPUTER UNDERGROUND DIGEST is an open forum dedicated to sharing
|
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information among computerists and to the presentation and debate of
|
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diverse views. CuD material may be reprinted for non-profit as long
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as the source is cited. Authors hold a presumptive copyright, and
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they should be contacted for reprint permission. It is assumed that
|
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non-personal mail to the moderators may be reprinted unless otherwise
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||
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specified. Readers are encouraged to submit reasoned articles
|
||
|
relating to computer culture and communication. Articles are
|
||
|
preferred to short responses. Please avoid quoting previous posts
|
||
|
unless absolutely necessary.
|
||
|
|
||
|
DISCLAIMER: The views represented herein do not necessarily represent
|
||
|
the views of the moderators. Digest contributors assume all
|
||
|
responsibility for ensuring that articles submitted do not
|
||
|
violate copyright protections.
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------------------------------
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End of Computer Underground Digest #7.38
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************************************
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