112 lines
6.3 KiB
Plaintext
112 lines
6.3 KiB
Plaintext
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The Freeman
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The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc.
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Irvington-on-Hudson, NY 10533
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(914) 591-7230
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February 1988
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Economic Power
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By Joseph S. Fulda
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Economic power is a recurring theme among political theorists ranging from
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radical political economist John Kenneth Galbraith on the left to
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neoconservative intellectual Irving Kristol on the right. The doctrine that
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wealth is power is almost never challenged in our day and in many rather subtle
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ways has come to underlie much public policy: Public campaign financing,
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campaign contribution limitations, equal time, antitrust laws, and estate taxes
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are examples. This concept, which originated in the late nineteenth century
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and has since lain dormant in the public mind, needs re-examination.
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Any analysis of economic power must being with a clear conception of power and
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its antithesis, liberty. Power, as I understand it, is the capacity to rule
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others: to make decisions for them without their consent and, in particular,
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to allocate their time and direct their energies. Liberty, in contrast, is a
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condition of noninterference and self-rule in which people make decisions for
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themselves without asking any man's leave and in which they themselves
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apportion their time and channel their energies in such a manner as to them
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seems most satisfying.
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An Unholy Alliance
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If the capacity to coerce is the sum of power, it is hard to see how it inheres
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in a pile of riches. The usual reply is that wealth can be used to obtain
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instruments of coercion along with those willing to use them, and that power
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can indeed be found in a stockpile of weapons and men of violence. Now this is
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all very true, but inasmuch as the unholy alliance between wealth and force,
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public and private, is universally proscribed in free republics, it cannot
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account for the tirades, so common in the media, against economic power.
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Neither bribery nor organized crime, typical examples of the alliance, is the
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object of the fulminations. Economic power in that sense has no apologists
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and, therefore, no detractors.
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Nor is it the holders of power, as we have defined it, who stand accused of its
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use in the economic realm. Indeed, government is seen as the enemy of economic
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power, Galbraith's "countervailing power," the embodiment of Kristol's populist
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temper. Government may indeed tax, subsidize, regulate, and monopolize, but it
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is rather the wealthy and the coporations who are said to enjoy economic power.
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But the only power which properly attends on wealth alone is dominium: "the
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complete power to use, to enjoy, and to dispose of property at will" (The
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American College Dictionary). But is this power? Far from being a "power,"
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dominium is a liberty, the liberty to do with the fruits of one's labor and the
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return on one's investment as one wills.
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Market "Power"
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Thus, proponents of the concept of economic power must be referring to
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something other than power over the economy. What they mean, in fact, by
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"economic power" is the ability to influence a variety of social and economic
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conditions through the use of one's wealth in a volitive, rather than coercive,
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manner. In a market society, those with the most purchasing "power" ultimately
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decide what will be produced in greater measure than those with less purchasing
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power. Likewise, those with the most to invest will proximately decide what
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goods will be produced and what services will be offered in greater measure
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than those with less to invest.
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Yet this influence over the free economy is central to its operation: Either
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what is produced will determine what will be consumed, as in the command
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economy, or what will be consumed determines what is produced, as in the market
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economy. Likewise, either profits and losses will take capital from those not
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satisfying consumer wishes and reward thsoe more sensitive to others' needs, or
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capital will be allocated and production decisions will be made in accordance
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with political, rather than economic, criteria.
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The notion of economic power, then, is really nothing other than what an honest
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socialist would admit is economic freedom, what Marx called "that single,
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unconscionable freedom." This freedom, mistakenly labeled power, is often
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resented when it comes to play in the political sphere; this resentment leads
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to all manner of "election reforms." It is also resented in the economic
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sphere, and leads to a variety of anti- competitive "regulatory reforms." It is
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perhaps most resented in the social sphere- just recall Mrs. Reagan's
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difficult first months as First Lady- and the results in sweeping demands for a
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new social order.
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What is really resented is the necessarily unequal nature of this influence
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that will always obtain when men are left free. The gurus of the far left
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denounce concentrations of wealth as power, because the resulting influence
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over who will lead and what will be produced and consumed is something they
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feel is best left with them and their plans for our future.
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The Hypocrisy of Collectivism
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What other explanation can honestly be put forth for collectivist denunciations
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of wealth in capitalist society, in view of their decidedly hypocritical
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"solution"? After all, they propose to combine all corporations into one giant
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Corporation, to endow it with all natural resources, to arm it, to invest it
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with legislative and judicial powers, to grant it the police power, to imbue it
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with quasi-spiritual authority, to place its public relations department in
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charge of the media and its acquisitions department in charge of the military
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and then, as final sublimating acts, to replace a much-decried
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self-perpetuating board of directors with a self-perpetuating Party elite and
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to simply rename this new Corporation, the State.
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That is the socialist prescription for concentrations of both wealth and power,
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and it is a very clear guarantee of poverty, misery, and tryanny, the three
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things alone which socialism has produced beyond comparision. Not for nothing
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is socialism thus sometimes, however inaccurately, described as "state
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capitalism"! If one is truly interested in limiting economic power, one should
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consider limiting government- for that is were power properly understood lies.
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Electronic reprint courtesy of Genesis 1.28 (206) 361-0751 300/1200/2400
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