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239 lines
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Plaintext
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INTRODUCTION
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The "open society" and "the free exchange of ideas" are generally
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regarded not only as praiseworthy ideals but as indelible characteristics
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of twentieth-century Western democracy. Their concomitants, freedom of
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speech and the press, are held to be rights the infringement of which
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places in jeopardy all other democratic liberties, for it is only through
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freedom of expression that the citizenry of a democratic state can reach
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an informed consensus.
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Thus the fate of this book and the ordeal of its author, Judge
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Wihelm Staglich, is a telling indictment of the Federal Republic of
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Germany's imposture as a sovereign democracy. No less is the silence of
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those Western circles which so loudly profess devotion to freedom of
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expression in other cases a condemnation of their own hypocrisy, for there
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are few if any parallels in the recent history of democratic states for the
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sustained hounding and persecution which Judge Staglich has endured over
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the past twenty years.
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Judge Staglich is unfortunate enough to have trusted his own powers
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of observation and to have refused to muzzle himself when the issue was not
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only historical truth, but the honor of his country. For, having been
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stationed near the Auschwitz concentration camp during Second World War, in
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which he served as an officer in an anti-aircraft unit, he made so bold
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after the war, when his dismembered fatherland was being re-educated in its
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various parts to execrate the allegedly unique wickedness of its conduct,
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to remark on his own observations of the camp, which divergeed considerably
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from the horror stories which became the staple of Germany's post-war
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"mastering of the past".
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In 1965 Staglich, who was serving as a judge in Hamburg, was
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denounced by a colleague to the Jewish mayor of the city as a "Nazi" for
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his heretical remarks on Auschwitz. Judge Staglich then underwent a
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two-year "disciplinary proceeding" aimed at driving him from the bench,
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which included an obligatory "psychiatric evaluation".
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This first effort to silence Judge Staglich, which failed for lack
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of evidence, served rather to goad than to intimate the courageous jurist.
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In 1973 he published an account of his Auschwitz observations in the
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magazine NATION EUROPA. Staglich's public challenge to the official version
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of life at Auschwitz brought forth a succession of measures aping those of
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the modern totalitarian states, and making a sad mockery of the proud
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struggle for freedom of expression and inquiry waged by German academics in
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the preceding century and a half.
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Judge Staglich was the subject of a second inquisition by which he
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was induced to resign, his health having been affected by the campaign
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against him. The proceeding was continued, however, with the object of
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scripping Staglich of his pension (the authorities eventually settled on
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reducing the judge's pension by twenty percent over a fire-year period).
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Prematurely retired, Staglich set to work on a systematic study of
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the evidence supposedly substantiating systematic murder by gassing at
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Auschwitz , a study to which he brought juristic experience unique in the
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Revisionist movement. This book, the fruit of those researches, is the most
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comprehensive examination of the various "proofs" offered for the Auschwitz
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myth, as well as a damning analysis of the several post-war trials staged
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by the Allied victors and their fuglemen in the Federal Republic, most
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notably the famous "Auschwitz Trial" which took place in Frankfurt in
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1963-1965.
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The appearance of DER AUSCHWITZ MYTHOS in West Germany in 1979
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spurred the custodians of the myth of Germany's solitary and monstrous
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guilt in the war to new excesses in censorship. West German authorities set
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in motion the procedure by which offending books are "indexed" as "harmful
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to youth", thereby severely restricting their advertising and distribution.
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Nevertheless, all but seven of the 10,000 copies of the first edition had
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been sold by the time the book was ordered seized as a result of further
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legal action by the government.
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In a crowning absurdity, Judge Staglich was "deprived" of the
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doctoral degree he had earned at the University of Gottingen in 1951. In
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this action the university authorities had recourse to a law signed
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personally by the late Fuhrer and Reichskanzler, Adolf Hitler, to all of
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whose values and practices the Federal Republic proclaims itself a standing
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reproach. A series of other harassments, from police raids on Judge
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Staglich's home to seize forbidden literature to the enactment of a
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constitutional provision aimed at those who dare to question the
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"Holocaust", has followed.
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It would tax the powers of belief of even the least
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conspirational-minded to imagine that there was something adventitious or
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arbitrary about the actions of West German authorities, which have been
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undertaken under "conservative" and "social democratic" regimes alike.
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Their activities, carried out with unswerving purpose against one man and
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his ideas for more than twenty years, give abundant evidence that the
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maintenance of orthodoxy on the statemandated "Holocaust" tale is far more
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important than is the maintenance of even lip service to freedom of
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expression and inquiry.
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As Wilhelm Staglich has written:
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" ...We Germans, in spite of the repeated assurances to the
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contrary of our puppet politicians, are politically and
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intellectually no longer a sovereign nation since our defeat in
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the Second World War. Our political subservience, which is
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apparent in the fact of the breaking up of the Reich and the
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incorporation of the individual pieces into the extant power
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blocks of the East and of the West, has had as its consequence a
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corresponding intellectual subservience. Escape from this
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intellectual subservience is prevented primarly by the guilt
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complex inculcated in most Germans through the "re-education"
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instituted in 1945. This guilt complex is based primarily on the
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Holocaust legend. Therefore for us Germans the struggle against
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what I have called the 'Auschwitz Myth' is so frightfully
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important. "
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The suppresion of DER AUSCHWITZ MYTHOS in West Germany, however, is
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less than even a Pyrrhic victory for the world-wide forces which strive to
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impose a one-sided, propagandistic history of the Second World War, a
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history which has as its central motif the "Holocaust" hoax. It is rather
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humiliating acknowledgement of their inability to confront modern
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Revisionism according to the canons of scholarship, an inability that has
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manifested itself in the Holocaust Establishment's attempts to suppress the
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writings of scholars such as Arthur Butz and Robert Faurisson.
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The appearance of this translation of THE AUSCHWITZ MYTH under the
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auspices of the Institute for Historical Review, indeed, confers upon the
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Staglich affair the aspect of triumph and victory. A little more that two
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years after the Institute's headquarters were reduced to a heap of ashes
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and rubble by a terrorist attack, the English-speaking world has gained
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access to this vital Revisionist work. The work of "bringing history into
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accord with the facts" goes on; ultimately, there is no power on earth
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which will stop it.
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Theodore J. O'Keefe
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December, 1986
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FOREWORD
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--------
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"Auschwitz - it was hell". For all its subjectivity, this remark
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attributed to a former inmate does not begin to characterize the
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emotion-charged ideas the word Auschwitz evokes today. Auschwitz symbolizes
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more than the multitudinous agonies suffered in concentration camps, not
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only German camps during the war, but concentration camps everywhere, past
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and present: It has come to symbolize the "murder of millions of European
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Jews". Everyone "knows" that we are not "supposed to" voice the slightest
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doubt regarding the legend that is Auschwitz, or even relate personal
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experiences that might not be entirely in line with it. Indeed, to commit
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such heresy is to run the risk of losing one's livelihood. For the powers
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that be have ordained that Auschwitz must be viewed in one way only.
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That is exactly what should make us leery. Truth does not require
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coercion to be accepted. Its persuasiveness does not depend on constant
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repetition of bold-faced claims. All that is really needed for truth to
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prevail is to show the facts, and let common sense to the rest.
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What then could be more natural than to examine the factual basis
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of the allegation that Auschwitz was the site of the most extensive and
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atrocious massacre of Jews in history? Almost everybody is familiar with
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this claim, but nobody can say just what evidence there is to support it.
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People have come to regard the whole subject as taboo. I noticed this was
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true even of the judges who imposed a relatively harsh penalty on me for my
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having published, in the form of an open letter, a de visu account of
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the Auschwitz parent camp that conflicts with the now current picture of
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Auschwitz.
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When I wrote that letter, it was far from my intention to dispute
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the extermination thesis per se. Anyway, that would have been outside the
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scope of my account. However, the reaction it provoked made me realize for
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the first time what importance the powers that have for decades been
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determining our destiny as a nation place on the Auschwitz taboo. That
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realization awakened in me an irresistable urge to research the historical
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sources for the allegation that Auschwitz was an "extermination camp", and
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come to grips with it. I believe my findings deserve to be brought to the
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attention of the general public.
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At the outset, let one thing be noted: Contrary to popular belief,
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Auschwitz was not a single camp under central administration. Rather, it
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consisted of a number of individual camps of various sizes, some of which
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had considerable organizational autonomy. The actual Auschwitz camp -the so
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called Stammlager ("parent camp" or "main camp", also known as Auschwitz I)
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- was situated about 2 km southwest of the town of Auschwitz in Upper
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Silesia. Not this camp, but the Birkenau camp, located about 3 km west of
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the town, is supposed to have been the site of the extermination of the
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Jews. There was a series of other camps in the Auschwitz region, some of
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which had been established for special purposes, such as Raisko, for
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agricultural experiments, and Monowitz, for the production of synthetic
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rubber. All these camps were associated, more or less loosely, with the
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main camp. Thus it is hardly correct to designate "Auschwitz" as an
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"extermination camp", pure and simple, as people often do, perhaps from
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ignorance. Basically, "Auschwitz" was a network of labor camps established
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in the industrial area of Upper Silesia for the German war economy. The
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Birkenau camp ("Auschwitz II"), which is the focal point of the
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extermination claims, served primarily as an internment camp for specific
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groups of prisoners, such as Gypsies, women with children, as well as the
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chronically ill and those who were otherwise incapable of labor. It also
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served as a transit camp and, initially, even as a POW camp. In the spring
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of 1943, several crematoria -allegedly containing "gas chambers" for the
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extermination of Jews- were put into operation there, while the original
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camp crematorium in "Auschwitz I" was shut down in July 1943.
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The real subject of our investigation is the charge that Birkenau
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was an "extermination camp". This work is not intended to give a definitive
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picture of Auschwitz -something that would, in any case, be beyond the
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limited resources at my disposal. It also has no pretensions to being a
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"Geschichtsschau" in the Ranken sense, that is an attempt to depict
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Auschwitz "as it really was". Rather, it is an effort to survey, examine,
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and assess as objectively as possible the evidence that has thus far been
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presented for the claim that Auschwitz was a "death factory".
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Unfortunately, the Institut fur Zeitgeschichte [Institute for
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Contemporary History] in Munich has not seen fit to grant my request for
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its assistance. My correspondence with the institute is so revealing that I
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must share it with my readers (see Appendix III). Likewise, I was refused
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permission to examine relevant trial records (see Appendices IV and V), and
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therefore had to rely on published collections of trial documents, such as
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they exist.
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I am aware, of course, that Auschwitz is not the only camp that has
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been linked to the "extermination of the Jews". Nevertheless, it assumes
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such importance in this connection, both qualitatively and quantitatively,
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that I am convinced that the extermination thesis stands or falls with the
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allegation that Auschwitz was a "death factory". That alone should justify
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my restricting the scope of this inquiry.
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Finally, let it be noted that the present volume is the work not of
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a professional historian, but of a jurist with an interest in recent
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history. Naturally, I have tried to observe the rules of scholarship. My
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intention is not to polemicize, but to take stock of the evidence that has
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thus far been presented for the claim that Auschwitz was a "death factory",
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as objectively as possible, and draw the logical conclusions from it. If
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certain passages in this work strike the reader as polemical, he would do
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well to ask himself whether such lapses are not unavoidable given the
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nature of the subject.
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Dr. Wilhelm Staglich
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Hamburg, December 1978.
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