447 lines
24 KiB
Plaintext
447 lines
24 KiB
Plaintext
|
Japan: Gun Control and People Control
|
|||
|
By David B. Kopel
|
|||
|
{This article appeared in the December 1988 issue of The American
|
|||
|
Rifleman.}
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
For gun controllers, Japan is a dream come true. The law is
|
|||
|
simple: "No-one shall possess a fire-arm or fire-arms or a sword
|
|||
|
or swords."
|
|||
|
Japan's crime rate is very low, and its gun crime rate
|
|||
|
virtually nil. Anti-gun lobbies tout Japan as the kind of nation
|
|||
|
that America could be, if only we would ban guns. Handgun
|
|||
|
Control quotes a Japanese newspaper reporter who writes: "It
|
|||
|
strikes me as clear that there is a distinct correlation between
|
|||
|
gun control laws and the rate of violent crime. The fewer the
|
|||
|
guns, the less the violence."
|
|||
|
But while Japan may be a gun-banner's dream, it's a civil
|
|||
|
libertarian's nightmare. Japan's low crime rate has almost
|
|||
|
nothing to do with gun control, and everything to do with people
|
|||
|
control. Americans, used to their own traditions of freedom,
|
|||
|
would not accept Japan's system of people controls and gun
|
|||
|
controls.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Japanese Firearms Laws
|
|||
|
Besides the police and the military, the only group that is
|
|||
|
allowed to posses guns is hunters, and that possession is
|
|||
|
strictly circumscribed. The police even check hunters'
|
|||
|
ammunition inventory, to make sure that there are no unaccounted
|
|||
|
shells or bullets.
|
|||
|
Hunting licenses themselves are not particularly difficult
|
|||
|
to obtain. A prospective hunter must take an official safety
|
|||
|
course; and then pass a test which covers maintenance and
|
|||
|
inspection of the hunting gun, methods of loading and unloading
|
|||
|
cartridges, shooting from various positions, and target practice
|
|||
|
for stationary and moving objects. The hunting license is valid
|
|||
|
for three years. Total permit fees for hunting rifles and
|
|||
|
licenses are 15000 (about 125 American dollars). When not
|
|||
|
hunting, gun owners must store their weapons in a locker.
|
|||
|
Trap and skeet shooting are also tightly restricted.
|
|||
|
Civilians cannot obtain handgun target licenses. Even
|
|||
|
possession of a starter's pistol is only allowed under carefully-
|
|||
|
detailed conditions.
|
|||
|
The section of the gun law which specifies who may be
|
|||
|
licensed offers no standards, just the vague statement that
|
|||
|
licenses must be denied "any person (taking into consideration
|
|||
|
also relatives living with him) who there is reasonable cause to
|
|||
|
suspect may be dangerous to other persons' lives or properties or
|
|||
|
to the public peace." Thus, the police have broad discretion in
|
|||
|
rejecting applicants.
|
|||
|
As in Britain, shotguns are far easier to obtain than
|
|||
|
rifles. In a nation with half the population of the U.S., there
|
|||
|
are only 27,000 rifle licensees. There about half a million
|
|||
|
licensed shotguns, although their numbers have declined by about
|
|||
|
20% in this decade.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Crime Control
|
|||
|
Japan's strictly-regulated guns play very little part in
|
|||
|
crime. In 1985, for example, only 35 crimes, including 10
|
|||
|
murders, were committed with hunting guns.
|
|||
|
Although handguns are completely forbidden to civilians,
|
|||
|
they still figure somewhat more often in crime. Handguns were
|
|||
|
used in 209 crimes in 1985. About 2/3 of all gun crimes are
|
|||
|
committed by Boryokudan, organized crime groups.
|
|||
|
As the gun-banners point out, the Japanese crime rate is
|
|||
|
dramatically lower than the U.S. rate. Tokyo, the world's safest
|
|||
|
major city, suffers muggings at the rate of 40 per year per one
|
|||
|
million inhabitants. New York City's rate is 11,000.
|
|||
|
According to government statistics, Japan has 1.5 homicides
|
|||
|
per 100,000 citizens each year, and America has 7.9. Actually,
|
|||
|
the gap between U.S. and Japanese homicide rates is not quite as
|
|||
|
large as the official statistics indicate. The real Japanese
|
|||
|
murder rate is about twice the reported rate; unlike the U.S.,
|
|||
|
Japan does not count an attempt to injure, but which accidentally
|
|||
|
causes death, as a homicide. The F.B.I. also over-counts
|
|||
|
American murders, by listing the 1,500 - 2,500 legal, self-
|
|||
|
defense fatal shootings of criminals as illegal homicide. Still,
|
|||
|
Japan's actual homicide rate is two to three times lower than the
|
|||
|
U.S. rate. As for handgun murders, the U.S. rate is 200 times
|
|||
|
higher than Japan's.
|
|||
|
Robbery in Japan is about as rare as murder. Japan's annual
|
|||
|
robbery rate is 1.8 per 100,000 inhabitants; America's is 205.4.
|
|||
|
Do the gun banners have the argument won when they point to
|
|||
|
these statistics? No, they don't. A realistic examination of
|
|||
|
Japanese culture leads to the conclusion that gun control has
|
|||
|
little, if anything, to do with Japan's low crime rates. Japan's
|
|||
|
lack of crime is more the result of the very extensive powers of
|
|||
|
the Japanese police, and the distinctive relation of the Japanese
|
|||
|
citizenry to authority. Further, none of the reasons which have
|
|||
|
made gun control succeed in Japan (in terms of disarming
|
|||
|
citizens) exist in the U.S.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
The Japanese criminal justice system bears more heavily on a
|
|||
|
suspect than any other system in an industrial democratic nation.
|
|||
|
One American found this out when he was arrested in Okinawa for
|
|||
|
possessing marijuana: he was interrogated for days without an
|
|||
|
attorney, and signed a confession written in Japanese that he
|
|||
|
could not read. He met his lawyer for the first time at his
|
|||
|
trial, which took 30 minutes.
|
|||
|
Unlike in the United States, where the Miranda rule limits
|
|||
|
coercive police interrogation techniques, Japanese police and
|
|||
|
prosecutors may detain a suspect indefinitely until he confesses.
|
|||
|
(Technically, detentions are only allowed for three days,
|
|||
|
followed by ten day extensions approved by a judge, but defense
|
|||
|
attorneys rarely oppose the extension request, for fear of
|
|||
|
offending the prosecutor.) Bail is denied if it would interfere
|
|||
|
with interrogation.
|
|||
|
Even after interrogation is completed, pretrial detention
|
|||
|
may continue on a variety of pretexts, such as preventing the
|
|||
|
defendant from destroying evidence. Criminal defense lawyers are
|
|||
|
the only people allowed to visit a detained suspect, and those
|
|||
|
meetings are strictly limited.
|
|||
|
Partly as a result of these coercive practices, and partly
|
|||
|
as a result of the Japanese sense of shame, the confession rate
|
|||
|
is 95%.
|
|||
|
For those few defendants who dare to go to trial, there is
|
|||
|
no jury. Since judges almost always defer to the prosecutors'
|
|||
|
judgement, the trial conviction rate for violent crime is 99.5%.
|
|||
|
Of those convicted, 98% receive jail time.
|
|||
|
In short, once a Japanese suspect is apprehended, the power
|
|||
|
of the prosecutor makes it very likely the suspect will go to
|
|||
|
jail. And the power of the policeman makes it quite likely that
|
|||
|
a criminal will be apprehended.
|
|||
|
The police routinely ask "suspicious" characters to show
|
|||
|
what is in their purse or sack. In effect, the police can search
|
|||
|
almost anyone, almost anytime, because courts only rarely exclude
|
|||
|
evidence seized by the police -- even if the police acted
|
|||
|
illegally.
|
|||
|
The most important element of police power, though, is not
|
|||
|
authority to search, but authority in the community. Like school
|
|||
|
teachers, Japanese policemen rate high in public esteem,
|
|||
|
especially in the countryside. Community leaders and role
|
|||
|
models, the police are trained in calligraphy and Haiku
|
|||
|
composition. In police per capita, Japan far outranks all other
|
|||
|
major democracies.
|
|||
|
15,000 koban "police boxes" are located throughout the
|
|||
|
cities. Citizens go to the 24-hour-a-day boxes not only for
|
|||
|
street directions, but to complain about day-to-day problems,
|
|||
|
such as noisy neighbors, or to ask advice on how to raise
|
|||
|
children. Some of the policemen and their families live in the
|
|||
|
boxes. Police box officers clear 74.6% of all criminal cases
|
|||
|
cleared. Police box officers also spend time teaching
|
|||
|
neighborhood youth judo or calligraphy. The officers even hand-
|
|||
|
write their own newspapers, with information about crime and
|
|||
|
accidents, "stories about good deeds by children, and opinions of
|
|||
|
residents."
|
|||
|
The police box system contrasts sharply with the practice in
|
|||
|
America. Here, most departments adopt a policy of "stranger
|
|||
|
policing." To prevent corruption, police are frequently rotated
|
|||
|
from one neighborhood to another. But as federal judge Charles
|
|||
|
Silberman writes, "the cure is worse than the disease, for
|
|||
|
officers develop no sense of identification with their beats,
|
|||
|
hence no emotional stake in improving the quality of life there."
|
|||
|
Thus, the U.S. citizenry does not develop a supportive
|
|||
|
relationship with the police. One poll showed that 60% of
|
|||
|
police officers believe "it is difficult to persuade people to
|
|||
|
give patrolmen the information they need."
|
|||
|
The Japanese police do not spend all their time in the koban
|
|||
|
boxes. As the Japanese government puts it: "Home visit is one of
|
|||
|
the most important duties of officers assigned to police boxes."
|
|||
|
Making annual visits to each home in their beat, officers keep
|
|||
|
track of who lives where, and which family member to contact in
|
|||
|
case of emergency. The police also check on all gun licensees,
|
|||
|
to make sure no gun has been stolen or misused, that the gun is
|
|||
|
securely stored, and that the licensees are emotionally stable.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Gun banners might rejoice at a society where the police keep
|
|||
|
such a sharp eye on citizens' guns. But the price is that the
|
|||
|
police keep an eye on everything.
|
|||
|
Policemen are apt to tell people reading sexually-oriented
|
|||
|
magazines to read something more worthwhile. Japan's major
|
|||
|
official year-end police report includes statistics like
|
|||
|
"Background and Motives for Girls' Sexual Misconduct." In 1985,
|
|||
|
the police determined that 37.4% of the girls had been seduced,
|
|||
|
and the rest had had sex "voluntarily." For the volunteers,
|
|||
|
19.6% acted "out of curiosity", while for 18.1%, the motive was
|
|||
|
"liked particular boy." The year-end police report also includes
|
|||
|
sections on labor demands, and on anti-nuclear or anti-military
|
|||
|
demonstrations.
|
|||
|
Broad powers, professionalism, and community support combine
|
|||
|
to help Tokyo police solve 96.5% of murders, and 82.5% of
|
|||
|
robberies. In America, the police clear 74% of murders, but only
|
|||
|
a quarter of all robberies. 70% of all Japanese crimes end in a
|
|||
|
conviction; only 19.8% of American crimes even end in an arrest.
|
|||
|
A mere 9% of reported American violent crimes end in
|
|||
|
incarceration. Compared to the Japanese criminal, the American
|
|||
|
criminal faces only a minuscule risk of jail. Is it any wonder
|
|||
|
that American criminals commit so many more crimes?
|
|||
|
Additionally, Japan's tight, conformist social culture does
|
|||
|
an excellent job of keeping citizens out of crime in the first
|
|||
|
place. As the head of Tokyo's Police Department explains, "A man
|
|||
|
who commits a crime will bring dishonor to his family and his
|
|||
|
village, so he will think twice about disgracing them."
|
|||
|
Having lived together for several thousand years without
|
|||
|
significant immigration, the Japanese have developed the world's
|
|||
|
most homogenous and unified society. America's ethnic diversity
|
|||
|
causes tensions and crime, as the first or second generations of
|
|||
|
immigrants sometimes have difficulty adjusting to American ways.
|
|||
|
But even if immigration does cause some crime, our policies
|
|||
|
certainly seem more humane than the ethnic policies of Japan.
|
|||
|
When Japan, under severe American pressure, admitted 100
|
|||
|
Vietnamese boat people, a leading publication called them "the
|
|||
|
sword of an alien culture pointed at Japan."
|
|||
|
Many Korean families have lived in Japan for longer than
|
|||
|
Michael Dukakis' family has lived in America. Although born in
|
|||
|
Japan, the Koreans have "impure" blood, which makes them forever
|
|||
|
ineligible for Japanese citizenship
|
|||
|
Partly because the Japanese are so unified and homogenous,
|
|||
|
they accept and internalize social controls. It is this attitude
|
|||
|
of obedience and impulse control that matters most in the low
|
|||
|
Japanese crime rate. Guns or not, the Japanese are simply the
|
|||
|
world's most law-abiding people.
|
|||
|
Japanese-Americans, who of course have access to firearms,
|
|||
|
have an even lower violent crime rate than do Japanese in Japan.
|
|||
|
Likewise, prisoners in jails in Japan and in America prisoners
|
|||
|
have no guns, but American prisoners commit about a hundred
|
|||
|
murders annually, and Japanese prisoners none.
|
|||
|
Dr. Paul Blackman of NRA/ILA points out that if gun control
|
|||
|
were really the major cause of the low Japanese crime rate, it
|
|||
|
would be impossible to explain why Japan's non-gun crime rate is
|
|||
|
so much lower than America's non-gun crime rate. America's non-
|
|||
|
gun robbery rate, for example, is 60 times Japan's.
|
|||
|
If gun control were really such an important factor in
|
|||
|
Japan's low crime, it would also be hard to explain why Japan's
|
|||
|
murder rate is higher than Britain's (a shooter's paradise
|
|||
|
compared to Japan). Both Switzerland and Israel have many more
|
|||
|
guns per capita than even America, and require citizens to own or
|
|||
|
train with pistols and fully automatic rifles. Yet these
|
|||
|
countries have less murder and violent crime than Japan, and
|
|||
|
almost no gun crime.
|
|||
|
In short, it is not the presence or absence of physical
|
|||
|
objects that matters, but how they are treated. In America,
|
|||
|
scaffolding collapses kill about 2,500 workers over the course of
|
|||
|
a decade. Japan, though, has not had a single scaffolding
|
|||
|
fatality in the past decade. Japan has not outlawed scaffolding;
|
|||
|
rather, the Japanese business culture simply takes workplace
|
|||
|
safety more seriously than does American culture.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Suicide
|
|||
|
Japan's experience also indicates that gun control has
|
|||
|
almost no effect on a nation's suicide rate. While the Japanese
|
|||
|
gun suicide rate is one-fiftieth of America's, the overall
|
|||
|
suicide rate is twice as high as America's.
|
|||
|
American gun controllers argue that in America, more males
|
|||
|
die from suicide attempts because males are more likely to choose
|
|||
|
a gun as a suicide weapon. Yet in Japan, males are still twice
|
|||
|
as likely to die in a suicide attempt as are females.
|
|||
|
Japan suffers from many double or multiple suicides, called
|
|||
|
shinju. Suicidal parents often kill their children, at the rate
|
|||
|
of one per day, in oyako-shinju. In fact, 17% of all Japanese
|
|||
|
homicide victims are children murdered by suicidal parents. Thus,
|
|||
|
Japan's tight family structure, which keeps the crime rate low,
|
|||
|
is not an unalloyed blessing.
|
|||
|
Even America's leading gun control scholar, Stanford's
|
|||
|
Franklin Zimring concedes: "Cultural factors appear to affect the
|
|||
|
suicide rates far more than the availability and use of firearms.
|
|||
|
Thus suicide rates would not seem to be readily affected by
|
|||
|
making firearms less available."
|
|||
|
Zimring's observation fits with the evidence in America.
|
|||
|
All ethnic groups have equal access to firearms, but Jews are
|
|||
|
less likely to use guns as their suicide method, while Blacks and
|
|||
|
Southerners are more likely to use guns. Although American
|
|||
|
Blacks are more likely to use guns in suicide, the black suicide
|
|||
|
rate is below the American average.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Gun Culture
|
|||
|
While Japan's gun control has been irrelevant to crime
|
|||
|
control or suicide prevention, it has been successful in another
|
|||
|
sense: virtually no-one in Japan, except for some carefully-
|
|||
|
controlled hunters, has a gun. Japan is truly a gun-free
|
|||
|
society. Most of the Japanese tourists who shoot at the Hawaii
|
|||
|
Gun Club on Oahu have never even seen a gun before.
|
|||
|
Yet it is doubtful that America could imitate even this
|
|||
|
limited "success" of Japan's gun control. Americans possess many
|
|||
|
more guns than the Japanese ever did; and, unlike the Japanese,
|
|||
|
Americans seem determined to keep their weapons.
|
|||
|
Japan never had a significant stock of non-military guns, so
|
|||
|
gun control was simple to mandate. But in America, there are
|
|||
|
already over 100 million long guns, and 60 million handguns. In
|
|||
|
1985, the Japanese police seized a record high 1,369 illegal
|
|||
|
guns. A big-city police force in the U.S. might confiscate that
|
|||
|
many in a few months.
|
|||
|
An island nation, Japan can more or less seal its borders
|
|||
|
against illegal gun imports. Yet even if gun manufacture in
|
|||
|
America vanished, and all present guns were confiscated, illegal
|
|||
|
imports would quickly rebuild the American gun supply. If the
|
|||
|
United States imported illegal handguns in the same physical
|
|||
|
volume it imports marijuana, 20 million handguns would cross our
|
|||
|
borders every year. (The legal market for handgun purchases is
|
|||
|
about 2.5 million annually.)
|
|||
|
For the vast majority of Japanese, never seeing a gun is
|
|||
|
hardly a deprivation, for Japan developed only the most minimal
|
|||
|
cultural attachment to firearms.
|
|||
|
When Portuguese trading ships arrived in the middle of the
|
|||
|
16th century, Japan's many feudal rulers investigated guns for
|
|||
|
use in the ongoing civil wars. Long before the "Southern
|
|||
|
Barbarians" (Western traders) ever arrived, Japan had far
|
|||
|
outpaced Europe in metallurgy. Within a few decades, the various
|
|||
|
Japanese armies had more, better-built guns than most European
|
|||
|
armies.
|
|||
|
A military dictator named Hideyoshi was particularly expert
|
|||
|
firearms tactics, and Hideoyoshi finally conquered Japan and
|
|||
|
ended the civil wars. In 1588 Hideyoshi decreed the "Sword Hunt,"
|
|||
|
and banned possession of swords by the lower classes. The
|
|||
|
pretext was that all the swords would be melted down to supply
|
|||
|
nails for a hall containing a huge statue of the Buddha.
|
|||
|
Instead, Hideoyoshi had the swords melted into a statue of
|
|||
|
himself.
|
|||
|
After Hideoyoshi, the Tokugawa Shogunate took power, and
|
|||
|
ruled Japan until the late 19th century. The Shogunate used guns
|
|||
|
extensively in its invasion of Korea. But after the invasion was
|
|||
|
repelled, Japan turned inward, rejecting all forms of
|
|||
|
Westernization. Western contact was limited to a single Dutch
|
|||
|
trading mission, which was required to stay on a small island in
|
|||
|
Nagasaki harbor.
|
|||
|
The Tokoguwa began the gradual process of eradicating all
|
|||
|
Western influence from Japan, including the use of firearms.
|
|||
|
Under the Tokugawa, peasants were assigned to a five-man group,
|
|||
|
headed by landholders who were responsible for the group's
|
|||
|
behavior. The groups arranged marriages, resolved disputes, kept
|
|||
|
members from traveling or moving without permission, maintained
|
|||
|
religious orthodoxy, and enforced the rules against peasants
|
|||
|
carrying firearms or swords.
|
|||
|
The Shogunate's gun control eventually disarmed not only the
|
|||
|
peasantry, but also the Samurai warriors. Gun-smiths were
|
|||
|
restricted in the number of apprentices they could adopt, and
|
|||
|
eventually sales to anyone besides the military government became
|
|||
|
illegal.
|
|||
|
The Samurai did not mind, though. While American pioneers
|
|||
|
considered their guns a symbolic "badge of honor," the Samurai
|
|||
|
revered swords as the true symbol of knighthood. For combat,
|
|||
|
Samurai disdained guns because they allowed fighting from a
|
|||
|
distance, rather than face to face, and required the combatant to
|
|||
|
assume an undignified crouching position. Further, there was
|
|||
|
little practical use for long guns, since there was almost no big
|
|||
|
game to hunt.
|
|||
|
Thus, in the 1850's, when Commodore Perry re-opened Japan,
|
|||
|
Japanese were still using primitive matchlock guns similar to the
|
|||
|
type the Portuguese had introduced over 300 years ago. Led by
|
|||
|
American manufacturers, the rest of the world had replaced
|
|||
|
matchlocks with flintlocks. In 1872, the Samurai and the
|
|||
|
Tokugawas were deposed. The Samurai had used swords to fight
|
|||
|
against a conscript army, which was armed with rifles. (Although
|
|||
|
the army now had firearms, villagers still did not.)
|
|||
|
In America, on the other hand, guns were owned by virtually
|
|||
|
all adult males. In response to the tremendous American demand
|
|||
|
for guns, America developed the world's leading firearms
|
|||
|
companies. Mass production of firearms led America into the
|
|||
|
Industrial Revolution, and became our first major manufactured
|
|||
|
export.
|
|||
|
Japan, however, has never had much of a firearms industry.
|
|||
|
MITI, Japan's Ministry for Trade, is hardly encouraging Japanese
|
|||
|
companies to capture the world's growing market for high-tech
|
|||
|
plastic/metal alloy guns. Indeed, Japan has only one handgun
|
|||
|
factory. The manufacturer's main business is heavy electrical
|
|||
|
equipment; the guns are just a courtesy for the government.
|
|||
|
Factory spokesmen will not even reveal the factory's location.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Without a culture of civilians firearms ownership, the
|
|||
|
Japanese never saw strict gun control as anything out of the
|
|||
|
ordinary. And because the crime rate is so extraordinarily low,
|
|||
|
the Japanese, unlike many Americans, perceive no need to own a
|
|||
|
gun for individual self-defense.
|
|||
|
Perhaps the most important reason the Japanese voluntarily
|
|||
|
accept disarmament is that their government does the same. After
|
|||
|
the disaster of World War II, war was perceived as an unmitigated
|
|||
|
horror, and the army was abolished.
|
|||
|
The police carry guns, but rarely shoot them, instead using
|
|||
|
their black belts in judo or police sticks. In an average year,
|
|||
|
the entire Tokyo police force only fires six shots. Even if guns
|
|||
|
vanished from America, it is difficult to imagine a big-city
|
|||
|
American police force firing only six times in an entire year.
|
|||
|
Likewise, there is obviously a strict gun prohibition in American
|
|||
|
prisons, but the guards are still armed; the vast majority of
|
|||
|
Japanese prison guards carry only police sticks.
|
|||
|
In a top-down society such as Japan, when the government
|
|||
|
disarms itself, it creates a powerful moral climate for citizens
|
|||
|
to do the same. Needless to say, a disarmed military and police
|
|||
|
are not likely in the United States, and neither is voluntary
|
|||
|
compliance with gun control.
|
|||
|
In many American cities where it is nearly impossible to
|
|||
|
legally carry a gun for self-defense, many people do so anyway.
|
|||
|
Many more own illegal weapons at home for self-defense. Thus,
|
|||
|
American gun banners correctly insist that strict gun controls be
|
|||
|
accompanied by mandatory jail terms. The gun banners recognize
|
|||
|
that without mandatory sentences, judges and juries would rarely
|
|||
|
send their fellow citizens to jail for an illegal self-defense
|
|||
|
gun. Without the certainty of jail, strict controls are often
|
|||
|
ignored.
|
|||
|
But in Japan, the citizens voluntarily comply with the gun
|
|||
|
law; accordingly, there is no mandatory minimum penalty for
|
|||
|
unlicensed firearm possession.
|
|||
|
If gun ban is readily obeyed in Japan, but is massively
|
|||
|
resisted wherever it appears in America, isn't that an indication
|
|||
|
a gun ban might be acceptable in Japan, but wrong in America?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Should America Import Gun Laws Made in Japan?
|
|||
|
In the 1910 debate preceding the New York's Sullivan Law
|
|||
|
(the first major American gun control law affecting citizens
|
|||
|
entitled to full civil rights) one writer recommended that New
|
|||
|
York copy Japan, "where intending purchasers of revolvers must
|
|||
|
first obtain police permits, and sales must be reported to the
|
|||
|
police." In 1987, a letter to the editor of The New Republic
|
|||
|
announced that Japan has so little crime because "citizens
|
|||
|
forsake their right to own guns in return for safety," and that
|
|||
|
America must do the same.
|
|||
|
Yet these gun controllers who want America to imitate Japan
|
|||
|
fail to understand that one culture cannot simply adopt another's
|
|||
|
laws. Post-war Japan was told to follow American criminal
|
|||
|
procedure and anti-trust rules, but soon stopped. The rules did
|
|||
|
not work in a culture used to unlimited police power, and
|
|||
|
enamored of giant conglomerates.
|
|||
|
The Japanese Constitution, written by the American
|
|||
|
conquerors, has "rights" language far more sweeping than the
|
|||
|
American constitution. But because Japan lacks a tradition of
|
|||
|
individual rights or of judicial activism, the Japanese Supreme
|
|||
|
Court has been passive, unwilling to enforce the rights
|
|||
|
provisions of the Constitution. For example, the Japanese
|
|||
|
constitution, unlike the American one, has strong language
|
|||
|
guaranteeing equal political, economic, and social rights for
|
|||
|
women. Yet in practice, American women are far freer than
|
|||
|
Japanese women, and are given far more legal protection by their
|
|||
|
own constitution. America made Japan adopt a powerful liberal
|
|||
|
Constitution, but it could not make Japanese courts think about
|
|||
|
individual rights the way American courts do.
|
|||
|
Gun banners who rejoice that Japan functions without a right
|
|||
|
to bear arms should note that Japan functions without other
|
|||
|
rights as well. Not only the laws regarding protection of
|
|||
|
criminal suspects, but freedom of speech, of intimate conduct,
|
|||
|
and of religion are far narrower than in the U.S. Japan even has
|
|||
|
an official religion, Shinto. The Japanese military recently
|
|||
|
consecrated a deceased military hero as a Shinto god, although
|
|||
|
the man was a Christian, and his widow objected vehemently.
|
|||
|
The contrast between the individualist American and the
|
|||
|
communal Japanese ethos is manifested in everything from behavior
|
|||
|
at sporting events to industrial labor organization. As a
|
|||
|
result, pressure to conform, and internalized willingness to do
|
|||
|
so are much stronger in Japan than in America. This spirit of
|
|||
|
conformity provides the best explanation for Japan's low crime
|
|||
|
rate. It also explains why the Japanese people accept gun
|
|||
|
control.
|
|||
|
Theoretically, America could adopt a gun ban like Japan's.
|
|||
|
But that ban would be completely alien to our society, which for
|
|||
|
over 300 years has had the world's freest, most uncontrolled gun
|
|||
|
culture. Japan's gun laws are part of an authoritarian
|
|||
|
philosophy of government that is fundamentally at odds with
|
|||
|
America's traditions of liberty. Such laws have no place in our
|
|||
|
country.
|
|||
|
|