3771 lines
174 KiB
Plaintext
3771 lines
174 KiB
Plaintext
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From nyt@speedway.net Mon Jun 14 18:06:43 1993
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Received: from access1.speedway.net (NS.SPEEDWAY.NET) by sun.Panix.Com with SMTP id AA21816
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(5.65c/IDA-1.4.4 for <nyxfer@panix.com>); Mon, 14 Jun 1993 18:06:05 -0400
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Received: by access1.speedway.net with UUCP (Smail3.1.28.1 #4)
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id m0o5MfG-000T9FC; Mon, 14 Jun 93 15:06 PDT
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Received: by blythe.org (1.65/waf)
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via UUCP; Mon, 14 Jun 93 14:51:02 EDT
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for nyxfer@panix.com
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From: nyt@blythe.org
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Date: Mon, 14 Jun 93 14:51:02 EDT
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Message-Id: <gate.R8D65B1w165w@blythe.org>
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Subject: Love&Rage_6/93-1
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To: nyxfer@Panix.Com
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Status: RO
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Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit
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LOVE AND RAGE
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Revolutionary Anarachist Newspaper
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Electronic Edition
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Volume 4, Number 3
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June/July, 1993
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Part 1 of 3
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This Issue's Highlights:
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TOP STORIES:
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RAF Strikes: German Prison Bombed
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Inside the Ohio Prison Revolt
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Anarchists Join Queer March on Washing
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Western Shoshone Resist
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A History of Squatting in Kenya
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UPS: Taking Down Big Brown
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Interview with The Goats
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Tap Into Electronic Media
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Wage Slave Rage
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Killing the Planet
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SCENE REPORTS
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NOTES OF REVOLT
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ABC PAGE
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Spanish Political Prisoners Tortured; other political prisoner news
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INTERNATIONAL:
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Fire Thieves: New Anarchist Magazine in Turkey
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East Timor: The Resistance Continues
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Update: Awareness League in Nigeria
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Anarchy in Japan
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A Good Year for the Kurdish Resistance
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SPECIAL SECTION:
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Strategy: Moving Towards Revolution
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The Love and Rage Annual Conference, San Diego, July 7-11
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Calendar: Upcoming Events
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..................................................................
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Love and Rage Network
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Love and Rage is created by the Love and Rage Network, a group of
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people from across North America who find themselves in general
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political agreement. Love and Rage is one of the many projects of
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the Network to which supporters contribute time, money and energy.
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Major decisions and overall policies are set by the Network.
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Individuals and supporting groups who participate in the Network
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gather in an annual conference, at which most major decisions are
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made. The Network Council, comprised of up to two delegates from
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each supporting group, meet at least once between conferences to
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make interim decisions. A popularly elected Coordinating Group
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makes urgent decisions. Ongoing debates take place in our
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Discussion Bulletin (Disco Bull), out every six to eight weeks.
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More timely information goes out bi-weekly in the Network
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Bulletin. Day to day editorial decisions about the paper are made
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by the volunteer Production Group (PG). A group of elected
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Coordinators shares responsibility for the general work of the
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Network. Two of these Coordinators, the Co-Facilitators, work with
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the PG on production of the paper and help coordinate the projects
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of the Network. In an effort to further democratize and strengthen
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the Network, temporary Regional Organizing Contacts volunteer to
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be a contact for their local areas.
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The Love and Rage Network is not a closed circle of friends. You
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can become part of the Network and participate fully in the
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decisionmaking process. Ask the person who sold or gave you this
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paper, or write to one of the many Love and Rage contacts listed
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in this paper.
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Coordinating Group:
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Erric, Atlanta, GA
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Liz, Boston, MA
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Paul, Berkeley, CA
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Ana, Mexico City
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Terry, New York, NY
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Crystal, Chicago, IL
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Jodi, Columbus, OH
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Jean-Marc, Minneapolis, MN
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Fur, Atlanta GA
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Gene, Newark, NJ
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Ojore Lutalo, Trenton, NJ
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Coordinators List
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Regions Coordinator: Britt, 702 S. Illinois Ave. Apt. 115
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Carbondale, IL 62901
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Network Coordinator: Shannon, c/o Love and Rage
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Interorganizational Coordinator:
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Phillip, 27 School Street, Sommerville, MA 02143
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International Coordinator: Todd, c/o Love and Rage
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Finance Coordinator: Matt, c/o Love and Rage
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Fundraising Coordinator: Rick, c/o Love and Rage
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Info-Share Coordinator: Jodi, c/o AA, PO Box 10007 Columbus OH 43201
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Discussion Bulletin Coordinators:
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Jean-Marc and Nikolas, PO Box 581354, Minneapolis, MN 55458-1354
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Co-Facilitators: Dema Crassy and Ms. Tommy Lawless, c/o Love and Rage
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We need more PG volunteers and translators. If you plan to be in
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New York and would like to work on the paper, of if you d like
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to translate material from the comfort of your home, please
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call.
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Production Group: Gene, Bob*, Matt L, Rick, Sara, Matt B*,
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Shannon*, Auntie Todd, Tommy, Dema, Greg, Beth, Bruce
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[PG Members who didn t work on this issue are marked with an *]
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Translators: Eugenio, Ti'a Todd, Ana*, Gustavo*, Pablo
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Love and Rage is printed on recycled paper, using soy-based
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inks. Love and Rage is printed by a union printer. ISSN #
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1065-2000. When we don t have the money to produce our regular
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twenty page full-size edition, we produce an eight page
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"Broadsheet" edition. If you re having trouble getting the
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paper, please call.
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[The electronic version is not printed on recylced ink using union
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printers. sorry. It is printed on 100% recycled electrons,
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however.]
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Boring Disclaimer
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Hey gnarly people. All the groovy and not so groovy stuff printed
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in Love and Rage does not necessarily represent the opinions or
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views of the Love and Rage Network or of any person involved
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therein. We print a dazzling array of articles for a plethora of
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reasons. Sometimes we print articles we don t agree with, because
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we believe that they are interesting or provocative. Just in case
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you were wondering.
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Editorial Policy
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We encourage you to submit material for publication. Shorter
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articles are more likely to be printed; 1750 words, a full
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newspaper page, is a long article. Submissions may be edited.
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Please include a phone number and address so the PG can consult
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you on edits. Articles not printed may be sent to our internal
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bulletins. All letters will be considered for publication unless
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requested otherwise. Letters will not be edited. Submission
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deadline for the next issue: July 15.
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Love And Rage
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PO Box 3
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Prince Street Station
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New York, NY 10012 (212) 460-8390
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E-mail: loveandrage@igc.org
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YO: New Phone Number (that works): 212 460 8390
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Fax, data, too if you call voice first.
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..................................................................
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About Our Politics
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Love and Rage is a bi-monthly anarchist newspaper intended to
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foster revolutionary anti-authoritarian activism in North America
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and build a more effective anarchist movement. We will provide
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coverage of social struggles, world events, anarchist actions and
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cultures of resistance. We will support the struggles of oppressed
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peoples around the world for control over their own lives. Anarchy
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offers the broadest possible critique of domination, making
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possible a framework for unity in all struggles for liberation. We
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seek to understand the systems we live under for ourselves and
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reject any prepackaged ideology. Anarchism is a living body of
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theory and practice connected directly to the lived experiences of
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oppressed people fighting for their own liberation. We anticipate
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the radical and ongoing revision of our ideas as a necessary part
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of any revolutionary process.
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A hefty set of working papers, encompassing the current debate
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about our Political Statement, is available for $5 from the Info-
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Share project. [See Coordinators List on this page.] For more
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information about these and other internal debates, subscribe to
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our Discussion Bulletin and Network Bulletin.
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Need Help? If you'd like someone from the Network to come speak
|
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or help organize in your area, just let us know and we ll try to
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send someone! There are plenty of experienced people in Love and
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Rage who want to help out. If you are one of those people who d
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like to travel and speak and organize, please call us right away.
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Groups Near You
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The Love and Rage Network is made up of autonomous groups and
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individuals from around North America. Supporting Groups make a
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commitment as a group to support the network financially, and by
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writing for and distributing Love and Rage in their area. If you
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would like to join, please write us.
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ARM THE SPIRIT
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PO BOX 57584 JACKSON STATION
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HAMILTON, ONT L8P 4X3
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AUTONOMOUS GREEN ACTION
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PO BOX 4721 STATION E
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OTTAWA, ONT K1S 5H9
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TEMPORARY AUTONOMOUS ZONE
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PO BOX 122, 1895 COMMERCIAL DRIVE
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VANCOUVER, BC V5N 4A6
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VALID/EARTH LIBERATION FRONT
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A-5 1720 DOUGLAS STREET
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VICTORIA, BC V8W 2G7
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ANARCHIST ACTION NETWORK
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SUITE 147, 3325 LORNA RD #2
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PO BOX 360999 BIRMINGHAM, AL 35236
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THE GERMINAL
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UCSD STUDENT CO- OP CENTER B-0323-Z
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LA JOLLA, CA 92093
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SAN DIEGO ANARCHIST FEDERATION
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PO BOX 0907
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SAN DIEGO, CA 92112-0907
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UNITED ANARCHIST FRONT
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PO BOX 1115 WHITTIER,CA 90609
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ERISIAN LIBERATION FRONT
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C/O PO BOX 263
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COLORADO SPRINGS, CO 80901
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LOVE AND RAGE SUPPORTERS
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PO BOX 5236
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ATLANTA,GA 30307-9998
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REVOLUTIONARY GROUP X
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PO BOX 6022
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CHICAGO, IL 60680
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EARTH CORE
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PO BOX 18956
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BALTIMORE, MD 21206
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AWOL
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PO BOX 7293
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MINNEAPOLIS, MN 55407
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LOVE AND RAGE SUPPORTERS
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PO BOX 581354
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MINNEAPOLIS, MN 55458-1354
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PROFANE EXISTENCE
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PO BOX 8722
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MINNEAPOLIS, MN 55408
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PATERSON ANARCHIST COLLECTIVE
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PO BOX 8532
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HALEDON, NJ 07508-8532
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AUTONOMOUS ANARCHIST ACTION
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PO BOX 3 PRINCE ST STATION
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NEW YORK, NY 10012
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ANARCHIST YOUTH FEDERATION/NYC
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PO BOX 365
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NEW YORK, NY 10013-0365
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BLACK STAR COLLECTIVE
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PO BOX 3 PRINCE ST STATION
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NEW YORK, NY 10012
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AUTONOMOUS @ COLLECTIVE
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PO BOX 10007
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COLUMBUS, OH 43201
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LIBERATE THE OBSESSED
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PO BOX 1916
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RAPID CITY, SD 57709-1916
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AMOR Y RABIA
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APDO 11-351, CP 06101
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MEXICO, DF
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EDICIONES ANTORCHA
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APDO 12-818, CP 03020
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MEXICO, DF
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INTERNATIONAL AFFILIATES
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GRUPO IMPULSO AUTOGESTIONARIO
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C.SOLERO CC 984, 2000 ROSARIO, ARGENTINA
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GRUPO ACCION LIBERTARIA
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C/O EDUARDO TORRESLOS SAUCES 426, LOMAS COLORADAS
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CONCEPCION,CHILE
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RED @ DE ESTUDIANTES C/O JOSE EGO, PIRAMIDE 337 SAN
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JOAQUIN, SANTIAGO, CHILE
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More Contacts:
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All of the addresses on this page are contacts for the Love and
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Rage Network. Here are some more. Let us know if you want to be a
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contact.
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New England: Liz 520 Beacon #1B Boston, MA 02215
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South: John c/o Justice Alliance PO Box 281 Chattanooga, TN 37401
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Midwest: Crystal c/o WCF PO Box 81961 Chicago, IL 60681
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West Coast: Paul D. 2339 Durrant Ave Berkeley, CA 94704
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Pacific Northwest: Rosebud Commons, 1951 W. Burnside
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PO Box 1928 Portland, OR 9720
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-30-
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Where s AYF?
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If you've read Love and Rage before, you might notice that this
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issue has no Anarchist Youth Federation page. AYF is currently
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trying to develop a more-collective way to produce the page. As
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soon as they come up with a process they re happy with, we ll
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start running the page again. For more info write to:AYF
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Discussion Bulletin, PO Box 365, New York, NY 10013
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Corrections
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In Vol 4, No 1, we ran a story on Gerrado C. Ferre, "Jailed for
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Burning a Flag." Ferre is no longer in jail, and apparently had
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been out for some time before we ran the story.
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In Vol 4, No 2: The group Neither East Nor West was credited for
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organizing a pro- choice picket. The credit should have gone to
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the Network of East- West Women. The San Diego @ Community Center
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s address was listed with the wrong zip. The correct address is
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915 E Street, San Diego, CA 92101.
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@ Zines, Distros & Community Centers
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This is a short list of some other anarchist resources. There are
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so many fabulous resources to cover, we rotate the list each
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issue. Please send us new contacts.
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zines
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ALPHABET THREAT, 3018 J Street #140, Sacramento, CA 95816. a
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(roughly) bi-monthly, wimmin-centered newspaper, articles on youth
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lib, sexuality, vegan lifestyle, revolt, and other fun stuff
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(free-$1/issue)
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ANTI COPYRIGHT ANARCHY ART, PO Box 666, Oxford, OH 45056. This
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photocopied kickin collection is available for only $1.50
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BLACK FIST, 15110 Bellaire, Box 317, Houston, TX 77083. This
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bi-monthly @ zine serves up a hefty helping of material by and
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about people of color; interviews, opinion pieces, info, poetry,
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hot photos and illustrations; pro-feminist ($6/year)
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FREE SOCIETY, PO Box 7293, Minneapolis, MN 55407. A quarterly
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eco-anarchist newsprint zine filled with thoughful analysis and
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lots of letters, put out by a crew of former Youth Greens
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($2/issue)
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H.A.G., c/o 1720 Douglas St., Victoria, BC V8W 2G7. A powerful,
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fun anarcha-feminist zine about revolt and healing, with polemics,
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personal accounts, recipies, poetry, comics, eco-vegan-animal lib
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focus ($2/issue)
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MEDIA BLITZ, PO Box 20420, New York, NY 10011. An anti-pop
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culture @ magazine, "class war for the information age" ($2/issue)
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PLAIN WORDS, PO Box 8532, Haledon, NJ 07508. New Jersy focused
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anarchist news with class war flavor, also covers youth revolt,
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COPWATCH, ABC, Black liberation, and global news, published
|
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irregularly. (50 cents and a stamp/issue)
|
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RED BALLOON, c/o 2653 Cropsy Ave #7H, Brooklyn, NY 11214. A more
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or less yearly zine featuring broad analyses of world situations,
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strategy for the left, personal accounts, and poetry, with a
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zen-marxist slant ($4/issue)
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distros
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COLLECTIVE CHAOS, PO Box 81961, Chicago, IL 60681.
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RIGHT TO EXISTANCE, 285 Preakness Ave, Paterson, NJ 07502.
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community centers
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THE EPICENTER ZONE, 475 Valencia, San Francisco, CA 94103.
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(415) 431-2725
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SAN DIEGO s, 915 E StreetSan Diego, CA 92101. (619) 239-8722
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THE TOOLS COLLECTIVE, 107 Brighton Ave, Boston, MA 02134.
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DETROIT s, 404 Willis Detroit, MI 48201.
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THE EMMA COMMUNITY CENTER, 3451 Bloomington Ave S, Minneapolis, MN
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55407. (612) 729-5498
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ABC NO RIO, 156 Rivington St., New York, NY (212) 254-3697.
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ROSEBUD COMMONS RESOURCE COLLECTIVE, 1951 W Burnside, Box 1928,
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Portland,OR 97209. (503) 796-8100
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THE @ SPACE, 4722 Baltimore Ave, Philadelphia, PA 19143.
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(215) 724-1469
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CATAL HUYUK, 2524 McKinney, Houston, TX 77003.
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hotlines
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CHICAGO: (312) 455-0707
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MINNEAPOLIS: (612) 729-5498
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..................................................................
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BE A PART OF THE LOVE AND RAGE NETWORK
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Don t Miss The Groovy Vibes of ...
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The Love and Rage Annual Conference
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San Diego, California
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July 7 - July 11 (Wed. - Sun.)
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Possible Workshops On: Anarchism in Peru and Mexico,
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Anti-Racist/Anti-Fascist Organizing, ABC Prisoner Support Network,
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and Black Liberation, Non-monogamy, Free Trade Agreement & MORE!
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Please send $5 per person with your registration to:San Diego @
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Federation, c/o 915 E Street, San Diego, CA 92101 To get involved,
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Send pamphlets, articles, and resource lists you d
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Write to:Info-Share, c/o PO Box 10007, Columbus, OH 43201
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..................................................................
|
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|
||
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Top Stories:
|
||
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|
||
|
GERMAN PRISON BOMBED, RAF STRIKES
|
||
|
By Sara Bell and Todd Prane
|
||
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WEITERSTADT, GERMANY -- On Sat, March 27, at approximately 5am,
|
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the Commando Katharina Hammerschmidt of the Red Army Fraction
|
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|
(RAF) destroyed the high-tech prison in Weiterstadt, Germany with
|
||
|
200 kg of explosives. The bombing caused an estimated 100 million
|
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|
DM in damage (over $60 million) and is expected to set the prison
|
||
|
opening, originally scheduled for early May, back by four years.
|
||
|
The prison was to employ the latest technology and was called "an
|
||
|
example of modern and humane imprisonment in Germany" by the
|
||
|
Minister of Justice, Christine Hohmann-Dennhardt.
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||
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The explosion destroyed the administration building and four
|
||
|
"residential" buildings. The action was carefully planned and
|
||
|
executed. The commando took great pains to insure that the prison
|
||
|
personnel were not injured. At approximately 1:30am the commando
|
||
|
captured the 11 guards and left them, bound and gagged, in a van
|
||
|
in a nearby field. Before setting off the explosives, they
|
||
|
searched the buildings and put up warning signs on the outside
|
||
|
walls of the prison (a fact not mentioned by the BAW, the Federal
|
||
|
Prosecutor's Office), which usually likes to parade out every
|
||
|
piece of evidence they have).
|
||
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|
||
|
This prison was to be a model for new high-tech prisons. In
|
||
|
these prisons, a few of which are already in existence, the
|
||
|
prisoners are organized into so-called "living groups" of 10 to
|
||
|
20 prisoners. They live in solitary cells and share a common
|
||
|
room and a small kitchen. These "living groups" are put together
|
||
|
by social workers and psychotherapists according to the
|
||
|
prisoners' relative levels of adaptation or resistance to the
|
||
|
values of their captors. The groups are designed to build
|
||
|
competition between the prisoners and undermine solidarity.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Through "work therapy" (ie forced labor) and other psychological
|
||
|
measures, the prisoners are forced to adapt to the social values
|
||
|
that are set by the personnel. Their behavior continually
|
||
|
determines their status within the prison hierarchy -- from most
|
||
|
conforming to non-adapting.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The prisoners' activities are constantly monitored. The
|
||
|
cells and common rooms contain video monitors and in the common
|
||
|
rooms there are two-way mirrors. Even when they are allowed to
|
||
|
briefly leave these areas they are carefully watched -- they
|
||
|
are transported through third floor passages which also contain
|
||
|
cameras.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The capacity of the prison was to be 500 prisoners. Included in
|
||
|
this were to be a high security wing for women prisoners and a
|
||
|
deportation prison.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Commando Katharina Hammerschmidt was named for a RAF
|
||
|
supporter and close friend of Ulrike Meinhof. Hammerschmidt had
|
||
|
served three years and died in prison in 1973. She had a breast
|
||
|
tumor and died due to medical neglect.
|
||
|
|
||
|
This action came as a surprise to many because the RAF had
|
||
|
announced that they were going to halt the escalation of the war
|
||
|
with the state from their side. In April of 1992 a RAF
|
||
|
communique was released which discussed the need to rethink
|
||
|
their goals and strategies and to concentrate on negotiating the
|
||
|
release of their imprisoned comrades (see Love and Rage Vol 3 No
|
||
|
6). At that time, the then Minister of Justice, Kinkel, had
|
||
|
indicated a willingness to release some of the more seriously
|
||
|
ill prisoners. But since that time, only a few have been
|
||
|
released, and others have faced further harassment.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The RAF had come to see that they were disconnected from the
|
||
|
people who they were supposed to be fighting for. In response to
|
||
|
this and the very different political situation in which the RAF
|
||
|
found themselves, they called for a broad discussion between
|
||
|
various parts of the left about strategy and for the building of
|
||
|
a counter-power from below--a mass movement out of which a
|
||
|
revolution could arise. They questioned the role of armed
|
||
|
struggle in the left and whether it accomplished anything when
|
||
|
it did not come out of a broad base of support. "Either our side
|
||
|
will develop a base-movement from below, which is directed by
|
||
|
solidarity and justice, and by the struggle against this cold
|
||
|
society and against poverty and a lack of perspective or the
|
||
|
explosive contradictions will remain destructive and the
|
||
|
violence will escalate, each person against the other."
|
||
|
|
||
|
In the April 1992 communique and a discussion paper released in
|
||
|
a Aug 1992, the RAF indicated that the cessation of attacks was
|
||
|
conditional. If the state did not allow room for necessary
|
||
|
discussion and release the RAF prisoners, the RAF would
|
||
|
retaliate. With this action they have followed through with this
|
||
|
threat and have shown that they will not allow the state to take
|
||
|
advantage of their new position.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In the latest communique, the RAF write very clearly that this
|
||
|
action does not represent a new strategy (or a resumption of an
|
||
|
old one), but rather an interim measure. The communique begins:
|
||
|
"Nothing has changed since the step we took in our history, a
|
||
|
step which we needed and wanted to take. We are busy with a new
|
||
|
process in which a social counter-power from below can develop,
|
||
|
and from which can come new proposals for revolutionary process
|
||
|
and change [...] Only out of this process can the questions
|
||
|
regarding what forms of struggle and concrete organizing are
|
||
|
necessary be answered. For us, this process, now as before, has
|
||
|
the highest priority."
|
||
|
|
||
|
Further on in the communique, the RAF explain the context of the
|
||
|
action in relation to the stated desire, in earlier communiques,
|
||
|
to engage in broader participation, as well as the escalation
|
||
|
against political prisoners: "We have often been criticized
|
||
|
because in our communique last April we linked our decision to
|
||
|
halt our actions to the situation of the prisoners, particularly
|
||
|
to the state's destructive stance. We have always maintained
|
||
|
that the step in our history which we took was grounded in the
|
||
|
necessity of developing new foundations, and we stated that this
|
||
|
necessity was independent of the state's conduct. But from the
|
||
|
beginning it was unclear how the state would react to the
|
||
|
decrease in pressure from our side, and that's why we left the
|
||
|
option open of intervening, if necessary, in order to place
|
||
|
limits on the state's conduct. In Aug '92 we wrote: 'We will
|
||
|
then decide on armed intervention as a moment of pushing back
|
||
|
and not as a further strategy. We won't simply be made to revert
|
||
|
to our old ways. This escalation is not in our interest. But the
|
||
|
state has to realize that when it leaves no other option, we
|
||
|
have the means, the experience, and the determination to make
|
||
|
them take responsibility.'"
|
||
|
|
||
|
The RAF go on to write, "After we removed the pressure from our
|
||
|
side, the state once again decided on an escalation against the
|
||
|
prisoners -- the prosecution against Christian Klar and the new
|
||
|
wave of trials will put people away for their entire lives; the
|
||
|
decision not to release Bernd Roesser early; and the refusal of
|
||
|
prisoners based on the offer of release after submission to
|
||
|
psychiatric tests, whereby they would be forced to claim that
|
||
|
their struggle, their initiatives, their entire opposition, was
|
||
|
simple 'insanity'." The construction of the prison in
|
||
|
Weiterstadt was to add to the capacity of the German penal
|
||
|
system, allowing a larger portion of the population to be
|
||
|
imprisoned. The new prison was also used as an excuse to
|
||
|
indefinitely delay the repair or closing of prisons such as
|
||
|
Frankfurt-Preungsheim, which have been the subject of human
|
||
|
rights demands by prisoners on an ongoing basis.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The RAF state that the Weiterstadt prison was targeted because
|
||
|
they wanted to counter the offensive actions the state had taken
|
||
|
against RAF prisoners. It was not meant as a renewal of their
|
||
|
old tactics and methods.
|
||
|
|
||
|
There are several questions raised by this action. Although the
|
||
|
RAF state that this action is separate from the ongoing process
|
||
|
of integration into broader political movements, this action did
|
||
|
not take place in a vacuum, and it needs to be put into context.
|
||
|
What is the effect of this action on the RAF's search for new
|
||
|
direction and process?
|
||
|
|
||
|
The RAF's decision to bomb a prison can be seen in several ways.
|
||
|
In some ways it appears to be a change in tactics both because
|
||
|
it is a different kind of action from the kidnappings and
|
||
|
assassinations that the RAF are famous for, and because bombing
|
||
|
a building is more acceptable to a larger portion of the left
|
||
|
than assassinations.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The RAF claim that this action stands separate from their search
|
||
|
for a new strategy, but it occurs within the context of their
|
||
|
history and of a larger movement that they are trying to relate
|
||
|
to. This action is similar to past actions in that it doesn't
|
||
|
seem to arise out of a broader discussion. It is also an action
|
||
|
which is focused on political prisoners, many of the most famous
|
||
|
of whom are members of the RAF. The RAF admit that this action
|
||
|
does not directly affect the movements that they claim affinity
|
||
|
with. As the first major RAF action in a long time, however,
|
||
|
this draws attention to their discussions and highlights how
|
||
|
their actions measure up to the standards they have set for
|
||
|
themselves.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In spite of the problems that these questions raise, it is
|
||
|
certainly true that one less prison is always a step in the
|
||
|
right direction.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For the full text of the communique, the April '92 communique or
|
||
|
the Aug '92 discussion paper write to us at Love and Rage or
|
||
|
write to:Arm the Spiritc/o Wild Seed PressPO Box 57584, Jackson
|
||
|
StationHamilton, ONT L8P 4X3 CANADA
|
||
|
|
||
|
The ananlysis in this article is the authors' perspective and
|
||
|
should not be attributed to ATS.
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
INSIDE THE OHIO PRISON REVOLT
|
||
|
By A Comrade Inside
|
||
|
|
||
|
Following is a first-hand account of the Lucasville Uprising, sent
|
||
|
to Love and Rage as a letter for print.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Lucasville, Ohio --
|
||
|
|
||
|
Revolutionary Greetings. On behalf of the 1855 prisoners, I am
|
||
|
directing this letter to Love and Rage concerning the Lucasville
|
||
|
Uprising on Easter Sunday at the Southern Ohio Correctional
|
||
|
Facility (SOCF).
|
||
|
|
||
|
In regards to the overthrow of SOCF on April 11 -- SOCF warden
|
||
|
Arthur Tate planned to lock the prison down from April 12
|
||
|
through April 15 to administer, by force, shots to determine
|
||
|
whether the 160 plus prisoners who refused such, have
|
||
|
tuberculosis (TB). We refused the TB "skin test" based on
|
||
|
various reasons, such as the nurses were not accompanied by
|
||
|
physicians nor did they wear gloves; the TB skin test was
|
||
|
another operation to reduce the prison population; and because
|
||
|
reasonable minds dictate that if the guy you are celling with
|
||
|
for four years took the test and came up negative, then it's
|
||
|
only logical that you wouldn't have TB since he doesn't have it.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Yet, before SOCF could implement this plan [lockdown], a riot
|
||
|
broke out on Easter Sunday, resulting in hostages being taken.
|
||
|
(One guard locked himself in a passageway of which prisoners
|
||
|
tore the wall down to get him.) One guard was hung by his
|
||
|
ankles, tortured, then hung by his neck until dead. At least
|
||
|
nine prisoners died. The eight cellblocks in the L-Wing of SOCF,
|
||
|
which was under full prisoner control, were destroyed. Toilets,
|
||
|
sinks, doors, windows, electrical wiring and control consoles
|
||
|
were smashed, ripped apart and gutted.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Prisoncrat files on prisoners were burned while their offices
|
||
|
were destroyed. Prisoners in segregation firebombed their cell
|
||
|
blocks, destroyed cell light fixtures, while others assaulted
|
||
|
guards when they entered the ranges to put the fires out. Five
|
||
|
hundred Ohio National Guard, SWAT teams, state and local police
|
||
|
were on the scene -- desperately wanting to rush the prisoners,
|
||
|
but didn't know what to expect once inside. A state police
|
||
|
helicopter crashed during the forth day of the riot.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Eventually, 21 demands were sent to the prisoncrat negotiators
|
||
|
who granted 15 of them, which resulted in prisoners surrendering
|
||
|
on April 23.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Only one population wing, K-Side, is functional. L-Side is to be
|
||
|
rebuilt and consist of total lockdown like K-Side presently is.
|
||
|
SOCF is to be an entire lockdown prison, with the exception of
|
||
|
one cellblock of prisoners who will prepare food, etc, for 1855
|
||
|
prisoners.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Lucasville Uprising was a success, but to continue to keep
|
||
|
the ball in our court we need pressure put on SOCF. It's time
|
||
|
that the prison revolution strikes quickly and with triumph,
|
||
|
because we inside the walls know that America is experimenting
|
||
|
on prisons in order to subject you in society to the same
|
||
|
conditions.
|
||
|
|
||
|
On behalf of all Lucasville prisoners, I urgently ask you to
|
||
|
demand federal investigations to be conducted by Senator John
|
||
|
Glenn. We need immediate action and hope that the people at Love
|
||
|
and Rage will be forthcoming in support and get this important
|
||
|
message out to other anarchists in society.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I hope that fellow anarchists will write to Senator John Glenn,
|
||
|
United States Senate, Washington, DC 20510-3501, and demand that
|
||
|
he seek to have the Civil Rights Division of the United States
|
||
|
Department of Justice conduct a federal investigation concerning
|
||
|
racism, guard-on-prisoner brutality, death of prisoners at the
|
||
|
hands of guards, and inadequate medical treatment.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Also, anarchists in California could help expose the barbaric
|
||
|
treatment of prisoners at SOCF if they would contact the Oprah
|
||
|
and/or Geraldo talk shows and inform them that prisoners at SOCF
|
||
|
are asking for them. (Both of these shows have called SOCF
|
||
|
attempting to have guards appear on their shows -- no guard as
|
||
|
of yet has responded yet. I'm sure I can adequately explain 20
|
||
|
plus years of inhumane treatment.) In Solidarity.
|
||
|
|
||
|
[Some of the prisoner demands are known. These include: the
|
||
|
ousting of Warden Tate; more Black guards; better duties for
|
||
|
Black inmates; better food and medical care; the right to refuse
|
||
|
TB testing by injection; increased pay compensation; the freedom
|
||
|
to practice Islam; more recreational time; the right to receive
|
||
|
outside guests and make phone calls; and no retaliation against
|
||
|
the prisoners who rebelled. To our knowledge, the exact list of
|
||
|
demands had not been released to the media as of our press date.
|
||
|
We do not know which demands the prison officials agreed to meet.
|
||
|
|
||
|
A white prisoner, identified as "George," spoke on the radio
|
||
|
during the rebellion. He emphasized that Black and white
|
||
|
prisoners were united and "prepared to die" together.
|
||
|
Outrageously racist guard behavior is commonplace at SOCF, where
|
||
|
almost 60 percent of the prisoners are Black and over 90 percent
|
||
|
of the guards are caucasian. For months a sign was posted that
|
||
|
read, "Run, nigger, run. If you can't read, run anyway." On one
|
||
|
occasion, a guard ran through a cell block wearing a white
|
||
|
sheet. Four Black inmates were stabbed, in 1990, by members of
|
||
|
the Aryan Brotherhood. Another spokesprisoner, Abdul Samad
|
||
|
Mulin, appeared on television during the revolt. He said the
|
||
|
prison had a reputation of "killing innocent people, hang[ing]
|
||
|
them in J-Block, saying that they committed suicide." The prison
|
||
|
is located in a racist stronghold in the rural southern part of
|
||
|
the state.
|
||
|
|
||
|
A recent update to this report claims that 40 prisoners are now
|
||
|
"missing," unaccounted for.]
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
ANARCHISTS JOIN QUEER MARCH
|
||
|
|
||
|
By Liz Highleyman
|
||
|
|
||
|
WASHINGTON, DC -- Anarchists made a loud and visible showing at
|
||
|
the March on Washington for Lesbian, Gay and Bi Equal Rights and
|
||
|
Liberation on April 25. The anarchist contingent -- which had
|
||
|
been publicized beforehand in Love and Rage, several other
|
||
|
anarchist papers, and by electronic mail -- drew over 150 people.
|
||
|
|
||
|
At a meeting two days before the march, representatives from
|
||
|
several radical queer groups decided they wanted to break into
|
||
|
the march behind the military and veterans contingent. Our aim
|
||
|
was to demonstrate our opposition to militarism and the march's
|
||
|
emphasis on the issue of gay inclusion in the military.
|
||
|
Anarchists gathered Sunday morning at Lafayette Park and, wisely
|
||
|
as it turned out, decided to wait there to enter the march,
|
||
|
rather than attempt to join the mob at the official kick-off
|
||
|
point on the Ellipse.
|
||
|
|
||
|
With banners such as "Queer Without Fear," the anarchists lined
|
||
|
the roadside across from the White House as the beginning of the
|
||
|
march came by. When the military contingent appeared, there were
|
||
|
chants of "Make love, not war! Be all you can be! Mutiny!
|
||
|
Mutiny!" There onlookers and marchers were quite supportive,
|
||
|
with even some of the military marchers giving us the thumbs-up.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Soon the coalition of radical Queers appeared, including such
|
||
|
groups as Lesbians and Gays Against Intervention (LAGAI) -- with
|
||
|
their "We Prefer Our Queers Out of Uniform" banner, Queers in
|
||
|
Support of Political Prisoners (QUISP), and Revolting Lesbians.
|
||
|
The waiting anarchists joined the march along with this
|
||
|
unauthorized contingent. A small group of men with radical
|
||
|
faerie camouflage skirts and a "Veterans for Peace" banner
|
||
|
dropped back from the military contingent to march with us.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The black-clad anarchists presented a striking contrast to the
|
||
|
rainbow-clad crowd. At several points along the route, the
|
||
|
anarchist group pogo'd in the street, demanding Queer
|
||
|
liberation, and ran full speed ahead, much to the surprise and
|
||
|
delight of the spectators. (Finally something different!) Chants
|
||
|
included, "We're fucking anarchists, we'll fuck whoever we
|
||
|
want!," and "We're here, we're Queer, and we hate the
|
||
|
government!" The FBI, filming from their windows, and small
|
||
|
clutches of fundamentalists along the route received the finger
|
||
|
and were treated to same-sex displays of affection. One
|
||
|
participant ripped pages from a bible as he marched along. A
|
||
|
particularly popular contingent was the Red & Anarchist
|
||
|
Skinheads with their banner reading, "Anti-Racist Skinheads and
|
||
|
Punx Against Homophobia," and their chant of "Oi! Oi! Oi! We
|
||
|
fuck boys!"
|
||
|
|
||
|
The contingent arrived at the Mall early in the day, with plenty
|
||
|
of time to stake out a good spot in the shade. Unfortunately,
|
||
|
but quite expectedly, the rally was boring and mainstream,
|
||
|
featuring mostly assimilationist speakers. A welcome surprise
|
||
|
was Romanofsky and Phillips, a well-known Gay singing duo, who
|
||
|
did an anti-militarist takeoff on the army recruiting song. The
|
||
|
rest of the march seemed to continue on endlessly, with much
|
||
|
confusion about the route. The final contingents were still
|
||
|
straggling in as the rally drew to a close at about 6:00pm.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The anarchist contingent went very well, a tribute to flexible
|
||
|
planning. We had originally talked of marching with the street
|
||
|
activists contingent (number 59 in the lineup), which might not
|
||
|
have marched after all ... none of the people who looked for
|
||
|
them were able to locate them. Marching behind the military
|
||
|
contingent gave us a focus for our alternative
|
||
|
anti-authoritarian message. We would probably have been
|
||
|
swallowed up had we marched with the huge and highly
|
||
|
disorganized ACT UP contingent. (No one we asked knew where they
|
||
|
were gathering or marching, even on the morning of the march
|
||
|
itself.)
|
||
|
|
||
|
It was great to see such a sizeable anarchist/
|
||
|
anti-authoritarian presence at the march, and our contingent was
|
||
|
probably the most mixed in terms of variety of sexual
|
||
|
orientations. Gay, Lesbian, Bi, hetero or undefined, all the
|
||
|
anarchists were queer in their own way. It felt good to
|
||
|
emphasize oppositional politics as well as sexuality. While
|
||
|
there were several people clad in black-bloc attire and masks,
|
||
|
there was no havoc or destruction along the route. Our mere
|
||
|
presence as anarchists was enough to shock the mainstream Gay
|
||
|
and Lesbian viewers. Hopefully we made some people think!
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
WESTERN SHOSHONE RESIST
|
||
|
|
||
|
Compiled By Ms. Tommy Lawless
|
||
|
|
||
|
Western Shoshone Nation--The Western Shoshone are actively
|
||
|
patrolling a valley region in north central Nevada, the location
|
||
|
of the Dann Ranch, to protect their territory from ongoing raids
|
||
|
by the US Bureau of Land Management. Elder Clifford Dann is held
|
||
|
captive for his resistance. The Western Shoshone Defense Project
|
||
|
is seeking activists to join a non-violent defense force, to do
|
||
|
supply runs, to hold fund-raisers, and to engage in a media
|
||
|
blitz. The Spring Gathering at the Dann ranch, March 19-22, drew
|
||
|
over 150 people. Many stayed on to defend the ranch.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Last Nov 19, federal agents blocked roads around Crescent
|
||
|
Valley, Nevada and sent in armed agents to round up horses
|
||
|
belonging to the Western Shoshone nation. Members of American
|
||
|
Peace Test, who were driving to the Dann ranch, had a helicopter
|
||
|
land on the road in front of their car. With their weapons
|
||
|
ready, armed agents exited the helicopter and ordered everyone
|
||
|
out of the car.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The media was prevented from approaching the round-up site.
|
||
|
Armed agents blocked the roads and flew over the range in
|
||
|
helicopters. There were not enough people on the range
|
||
|
supporting the Western Shoshone and the Danns to perform any
|
||
|
kind of non-violent resistance.
|
||
|
|
||
|
According to Bureau of Land Management (BLM) officials, the raid
|
||
|
captured 269 horses, including 229 wild animals and 40 horses
|
||
|
that had been nationalized by the Western Shoshone National
|
||
|
Council. In court, BLM agent Joe Morris admitted that the round
|
||
|
up violated BLM's own regulations governing the Wild Horse and
|
||
|
Burro program.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Elder Clifford Dann was injured and arrested when he attempted
|
||
|
to stop BLM agents from removing the captured horses. Blocking
|
||
|
the road with his truck, Dann stood in the bed, doused himself
|
||
|
with gasoline, and announced that he would set himself on fire
|
||
|
if BLM agents did not release the horses. Dann declared, "By
|
||
|
taking away our livelihood and our lands you are taking away our
|
||
|
lives." Officers assaulted him with fire extinguishers and
|
||
|
wrestled him to the ground. A sheriff was recorded on tape
|
||
|
saying during the struggle, "Break his fucking arm if you have
|
||
|
to!"
|
||
|
|
||
|
On March 3, the jury convicted Dann on one count of assaulting a
|
||
|
federal officer. Throughout his trial Clifford Dann held his
|
||
|
ground, insisting that the US Federal Court has no jurisdiction
|
||
|
over him or any other Indigenous person or nation. He faces a
|
||
|
35-month minimum sentence on the charge. Dann will be held at
|
||
|
the Washoe County Detention Facility until his scheduled
|
||
|
sentencing on May 17. Appeals are expected to be filed
|
||
|
immediately.
|
||
|
|
||
|
No raids have occurred since November, due to successful defense
|
||
|
organizing. The Defense Project stresses the need for ongoing
|
||
|
support and patrols.The BLM alleges that the Dann family has
|
||
|
failed to obtain grazing permits and that the Dann-owned cattle
|
||
|
and horses have overgrazed the range. The Western Shoshone
|
||
|
maintain that they do not need permits since the 1863 Treaty of
|
||
|
Ruby Valley gives them jurisdiction over their land.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Starting in 1973, US agencies began to confront sisters Mary and
|
||
|
Carrie Dann, who graze cattle and horses on unused lands that
|
||
|
the US Government considers "public."
|
||
|
|
||
|
After over six years of court battles, of gains and losses, a
|
||
|
federal court ruled that the Western Shoshone did have title to
|
||
|
the land until 1979. In that year, the US Bureau of Indian
|
||
|
Affairs accepted a financial reward from the US Indian Claims
|
||
|
Commission on behalf of the Western Shoshone. This was against
|
||
|
the wishes of the Western Shoshone, and they refused the money.
|
||
|
The judge ruled that the compensation award had erased the
|
||
|
native title to the land. In effect, the US government paid
|
||
|
itself for land that had not been sold, stealing the homeland of
|
||
|
the Western Shoshone.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Danns appealed the case to the Supreme Court which upheld,
|
||
|
in 1985, the lower court rulings against the Western Shoshone.
|
||
|
The Danns continue their struggle to prove that their land was
|
||
|
never sold or given to the US.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Among the Shoshone, Clifford Dann's conviction is viewed as an
|
||
|
ironic victory, in that it will force the US courts to deal with
|
||
|
indigenous sovereignty issues during the appeals process.
|
||
|
According to Chief Raymond Yowell, Chief of the Western Shoshone
|
||
|
National Council, "Western Shoshone law is the first law for us;
|
||
|
international law is second in our view; US Law is third and
|
||
|
least significant to us. For a solution to the Western Shoshone
|
||
|
land rights issue to occur, the above must be followed. We do
|
||
|
not accept US law, and they [the US] do not accept Shoshone law.
|
||
|
The forum for a solution to the problems has to be done in an
|
||
|
international setting." The Western Shoshone National Council is
|
||
|
the traditional leadership of the Western Shoshone Nation.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Presently, of the more than 120 military conflicts in the world,
|
||
|
three-fourths involve native nations seeking to hold off or free
|
||
|
themselves from larger, occupying nation-states. Some 3000
|
||
|
native nations are presently contained within the borders of
|
||
|
fewer than 200 states, which assert control over them. The
|
||
|
United States lays claim to some 200 native nations alone. The
|
||
|
Western Shoshone are one such nation under attack. The Dann
|
||
|
ranch has been fending off raids for almost twenty years. In
|
||
|
addition, the Western Shoshone people have survived over 800
|
||
|
nuclear detonations on their homeland, with more scheduled for
|
||
|
this year.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Western Shoshone Defense Project (WSDF) invites you to join
|
||
|
the defense force now or to add your name to the stand-by list.
|
||
|
They stress that the defense is non-violent, and they are
|
||
|
requesting committed activists willing to respect their wishes.
|
||
|
Supply runs and donations of non-perishable food, field
|
||
|
supplies, office supplies and money are needed. WSDF encourages
|
||
|
groups to hold benefits and fundraisers on their behalf.
|
||
|
Petitions and media blitz information is available. To find out
|
||
|
more, contact:
|
||
|
|
||
|
WESTERN SHOSHONE DEFENSE PROJECT
|
||
|
General Delivery, Crescent Valley, Nevada 89821
|
||
|
Tel (702) 468-0230, Fax (702) 468-0237
|
||
|
|
||
|
Large portions of this article were taken from Coyote Gulch
|
||
|
Productions.
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
SQUATTERS AND THE ROOTS OF MAU MAU:
|
||
|
A History of Squatting in Kenya
|
||
|
|
||
|
Edited By Richard Van Savage
|
||
|
|
||
|
In the context of Kenya and the Mau Mau movement, particularly
|
||
|
amongst the Kikuyu people, squatting played a pivotal role. The
|
||
|
term Mau Mau was used primarily by Europeans to describe what
|
||
|
many Africans referred to as "the movement." The label has since
|
||
|
stuck. Focusing on land and freedom brought out the hypocrisy
|
||
|
and true contradictions within British colonial society. The
|
||
|
racism, economic exploitation and the use of laws to further
|
||
|
such crimes came to be more and more apparent as the squatters
|
||
|
fought for their rights. The parallels to Europeans settling in
|
||
|
America, not as respectful neighbors to the native peoples of
|
||
|
the land, but as greedy, selfish, bigoted thieves, is truly
|
||
|
illuminating.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The term "squatter" originated in South Africa. It referred to
|
||
|
an African permitted to live on a European farmers land, usually
|
||
|
on condition that they worked for the farmer for a specific
|
||
|
period of time. In return for labour, the African was allowed to
|
||
|
grow food and to graze animals. It's crucial to look at the
|
||
|
origins of squatting to understand it properly today. The
|
||
|
African that cultivated the land and raised livestock was
|
||
|
transformed overnight with the arrival of Europeans from a
|
||
|
landowner to a squatter. The European simply staked out land
|
||
|
creating plantations, regardless of who was using it beforehand.
|
||
|
Then under threat of force, he gave the African the choice of
|
||
|
being evicted from their land, squatting it with a form of
|
||
|
indentured servitude bordering on slavery, or face the wrath of
|
||
|
the British military.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Tax Resistance
|
||
|
|
||
|
One example of how the legal system was used to economically
|
||
|
undermine and enslave a people is the Hut and Poll Taxes of 1901
|
||
|
and 1910. By placing a tax on every home and head of the family,
|
||
|
the colonialists caused many previously self sufficient African
|
||
|
families fell into debt. They would then start squatting. The
|
||
|
father would often work for the European in order to pay off the
|
||
|
taxes, while the mother would tend to the farming and the
|
||
|
children would tend to the livestock. Further laws were enacted
|
||
|
to change the status of squatters from that of tenants to that
|
||
|
of a labour contract. The squatters continued to resist each new
|
||
|
law, often in very creative ways. One way used to subvert the
|
||
|
law was to invite friends and relatives to come for a "visit" to
|
||
|
lend a hand. The relatives stayed on and in time there would be
|
||
|
more and more squatters taking back the land.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In the 1920's settlers began to diversify from simply farming to
|
||
|
also raising stock and dairy cows. They were now in direct
|
||
|
competition with the squatters. Furthermore, raising livestock
|
||
|
was less labour intensive, and they no longer needed the
|
||
|
squatters to help to run their farms. With this new competition
|
||
|
came a new ruthlessness on the part of the settlers. They began
|
||
|
to confiscate and kill squatter stock. The squatters called this
|
||
|
kifagio, a swahili word literally meaning "the broom," referring
|
||
|
to the sweeping away of squatter stock and their primary
|
||
|
livelihood.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The colonial judicial system was hopelessly biased, so the
|
||
|
squatters continued to use the traditional ciama, or elders
|
||
|
councils to arbitrate disputes amongst squatters. Each farm
|
||
|
would have its own kiama (single council). For larger disputes
|
||
|
the individual kiama would combine to form a special kiama to
|
||
|
deal with problems extending beyond a single farm. In 1924 the
|
||
|
government outlawed the ciama and, in 1931 instituted a native
|
||
|
tribal court, often selected by Europeans.
|
||
|
|
||
|
While Africans were being taxed, only European, Asian and Arab
|
||
|
children received an education from government schools. The
|
||
|
squatters set up their own self-help network of free schools to
|
||
|
educate and to counter the culturally destructive mission
|
||
|
schools that would try to indoctrinate African children.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Loyalty Oath
|
||
|
|
||
|
In 1940 the Kikuyu Central Association (KSA) was banned by the
|
||
|
government. The KSA was the main vehicle through which displaced
|
||
|
Africans lobbied to get back their land. The government
|
||
|
purchased Olenguruone district to provide land for displaced
|
||
|
squatters. This reservation, or reserve as they were called in
|
||
|
Kenya, was unsuitable for economically supporting the number of
|
||
|
people concentrated in this reserve. Olenguruone became a
|
||
|
dumping ground for those committing sabotage, organizing or acts
|
||
|
otherwise deemed undesirable by the settlers. Not surprisingly
|
||
|
it became the center and beginning of the organized resistance.
|
||
|
By 1944 the underground KSA and squatters in Olenguruone were
|
||
|
using a "loyalty oath." At first they used the bible and the
|
||
|
soil as their symbols. This was quickly changed to the soil and
|
||
|
goat meat. Considering the kifagio, which was killing their
|
||
|
stock, and the continuous displacement from the land, it seemed
|
||
|
an apt symbol of their aspirations. By 1950 younger members were
|
||
|
becoming disillusioned with the slow pace being taken by the
|
||
|
older leaders of the movement. The aim of the first oath was
|
||
|
"secretly to unite, discipline and foster political
|
||
|
consciousness" among the Kikuyu with the ultimate aim of
|
||
|
obtaining land and freedom. In fact most intellectuals or those
|
||
|
a little better off, such as farm foreman, were often distrusted
|
||
|
and were often the last to take the oath. If repercussions
|
||
|
followed, these people were often murdered. If they remained
|
||
|
loyal, they were then expected to use their position to
|
||
|
influence others or to supply information about the Europeans,
|
||
|
as the Europeans often trusted them more. In 1952 there was a
|
||
|
massive mobilization to recruit people to take the oath. This
|
||
|
resulted in a wave of violence as the state imprisoned several
|
||
|
hundred people. And a backlash erupted as informers were killed,
|
||
|
often causing others to inform as they objected to the violence.
|
||
|
The state attempted to brand the Mau Mau as "criminals." On Oct
|
||
|
20, 1952, following the assassination of Chief Waruhiu, a high
|
||
|
ranking puppet, a state of emergency was declared. This resulted
|
||
|
in a wave of settlers killing squatters, confiscating stock and
|
||
|
crops.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Struggling With Sexism
|
||
|
|
||
|
At this point many squatters fled to the forest areas where they
|
||
|
began training as guerrillas. In February of 1951 Kenyatta, a
|
||
|
future leader of the country, publicly denounced the movement.
|
||
|
One of the key soldiers in the resistance was a womyn by the
|
||
|
name of Wanjiru Nyamarutu. At first the Mau Mau movement was
|
||
|
terribly sexist, as wimmin were thought of as not being able to
|
||
|
keep secrets. As wimmin began to not only take the oath but to
|
||
|
kill and fight along side their husbands, these prejudices began
|
||
|
to be dispelled. Nyamarutu became a General in charge of food.
|
||
|
This became a crucial position because it also meant being in
|
||
|
charge of intelligence gathering. Food had to be gathered from
|
||
|
the farms by squatters, collected, transported to the forest,
|
||
|
and then distributed among the many guerrilla cells. Nyamarutu
|
||
|
was soon running a whole spy network, often of wimmin and
|
||
|
children who could go to areas without raising as much
|
||
|
suspicion. Children would often appear to be playing when in
|
||
|
fact they were gathering information on troop movements,
|
||
|
possible informers, etc.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Before a womyn could be elected as a leader and co-opted into
|
||
|
the Inner Secret Council, she had to have taken the third oath,
|
||
|
at which point it was held that she could not possibly turn
|
||
|
against the movement. As far as positions of leadership went,
|
||
|
people had to prove themselves through acts of bravery, secrecy
|
||
|
and trustworthiness. At this point gender was irrelevant; merit
|
||
|
was more important. Nyamarutu later became a Mau Mau judge.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Another womyn that rendered sexist myths meaningless was Wambui
|
||
|
X. She was known as "the killer." After her husband, also a
|
||
|
freedom fighter, was killed in the forest, she refused to
|
||
|
remarry and dedicated herself to Mau Mau work. She could not
|
||
|
revert back to domestic subjection because "she could not be
|
||
|
ruled, she knew everything, her hands had become light, she
|
||
|
could easily kill a useless husband."
|
||
|
|
||
|
By 1956 the Mau Mau movement had been militarily defeated. The
|
||
|
hardcore Mau Mau created the Kenya Land Freedom Army (KFLA)
|
||
|
oath. They fought on to protect squatter rights as the British
|
||
|
began to decolonize. The British did a number of things to
|
||
|
maintain some form of economic control over Kenya. They
|
||
|
cultivated an elite African leadership, often the same ones not
|
||
|
trusted by the poorer, undereducated squatters. They created
|
||
|
loan schemes "out of fairness to the settlers" in which
|
||
|
squatters were allowed to borrow money to purchase land. This
|
||
|
was often done with the goal of concentrating land ownership in
|
||
|
the hands of a few Africans, "the new African middle class," who
|
||
|
would then hire squatters and prevent a massive redistribution
|
||
|
of free land. During this time the KFLA continued its
|
||
|
resistance. They were better organized, commanded stronger
|
||
|
allegiance, and had greater clarity of purpose than Mau Mau.
|
||
|
They clearly expected to use violence when necessary.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Conclusion
|
||
|
|
||
|
In conclusion, the parallels to Britain in Africa and the U.S.
|
||
|
in the Americas in regard to "reservations", "reconstruction"
|
||
|
after the civil war, and the creation of puppet regimes, are
|
||
|
instructive in understanding the roots of many contemporary
|
||
|
problems. We as a squatter community have not yet fully realized
|
||
|
not only the revolutionary potential of a strong squatting
|
||
|
movement, but also that this movement cannot be separate from
|
||
|
fighting against racism, sexism and economic exploitation.
|
||
|
Whether it be rural farm squatting as Thoreau advocated, or
|
||
|
urban apartment squatting, we can look to the Mau Mau movement
|
||
|
as an inspiration in overthrowing the current property laws that
|
||
|
are based on racism and exploitation. Likewise we can study the
|
||
|
work of Frank Kitson, a British intelligence officer who
|
||
|
pioneered many counter insurgency techniques in Kenya that are
|
||
|
still used by the FBI in their COINTELPRO activities against
|
||
|
dissidents in the U.S.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Information was taken from the book, Squatters and the Roots of
|
||
|
Mau Mau by Tabitha Kanogo, Ohio University Press, Athens Ohio,
|
||
|
45701.
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
TAKING DOWN BIG BROWN
|
||
|
|
||
|
By K. Frazier
|
||
|
|
||
|
You load 16 tons and whaddya get? Another day older and deeper
|
||
|
in debt. ---Tennessee Ernie Ford
|
||
|
|
||
|
United Parcel Service Inc (UPS), the package delivery company
|
||
|
famous for its brown delivery vans and uniforms, has begun
|
||
|
contract negotiations with the International Brotherhood [sic]
|
||
|
of Teamsters, which represents the more than 160,000 workers at
|
||
|
UPS.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In the past these negotiations have been something of a cake
|
||
|
walk for UPS. It's multi-million dollar propaganda blitzes aimed
|
||
|
at selling its proposals to the workforce were countered with
|
||
|
absolutely nothing by the pro-Republican, mafia-influenced
|
||
|
leadership of the Teamsters. Contract after contract like this
|
||
|
has cost workers dearly, 10 years ago starting wages for
|
||
|
part-timers were slashed from $11 an hour to $8 and $9 an hour,
|
||
|
creating a two-tier wage track between full-timers and
|
||
|
part-timers. (The $8/hour rate has remained unchanged since the
|
||
|
early eighties, which, when considering inflation, amounts to a
|
||
|
wage cut every year.) The company's ability to win the upper
|
||
|
hand on the work floor -- where near-brutal productivity
|
||
|
standards are enforced -- has been just as significant as UPS
|
||
|
victories at the bargaining table.
|
||
|
|
||
|
LIFE AT BIG BROWN
|
||
|
|
||
|
"Management by stress." That's the name workers have given to
|
||
|
the methods used by United Parcel Service management. But even
|
||
|
that doesn't adequately describe the rigors of life at "Big
|
||
|
Brown." Package unloaders are expected to pound out 1300
|
||
|
packages an hour, many as heavy as 70 lbs each. Package sorters
|
||
|
are expected to keep that pace with 99 percent accuracy.
|
||
|
Delivery drivers are expected to make a delivery every four
|
||
|
minutes, regardless of traffic or weather. UPS warehouse-workers
|
||
|
(mainly loaders, unloaders, and sorters) are subject to a very
|
||
|
high manager to worker ratio, which means almost constant
|
||
|
harassment. Drivers who don't make time face threats of
|
||
|
"ride-a-longs" from supervisors. Minor injuries are a daily
|
||
|
occurrence among warehouse-workers, and nearly everyone
|
||
|
complains of back problems. New employees very quickly find that
|
||
|
this "prestigious" working-class job isn't all it's cracked up
|
||
|
to be. A union survey found that 77 percent of UPSers believe
|
||
|
that "unjust pressure was applied in the company's quest for
|
||
|
productivity." Seventy percent said that the company wanted more
|
||
|
than "a fair day's work for the wages paid." Even a survey of
|
||
|
workers conducted by UPS management on work premises found that
|
||
|
40 percent felt they were not treated with respect by their
|
||
|
overseer.
|
||
|
|
||
|
TEAMSTER CHANGES
|
||
|
|
||
|
Since the last UPS contract the Teamsters have undergone some
|
||
|
major changes. In the Dec '91 Teamster elections, Ron Carey , a
|
||
|
union reformer, swept the old guard from the top positions in
|
||
|
the US's largest union. Carey has been a long-time president of
|
||
|
the large UPS local in Queens, New York. Banking on his
|
||
|
reputation as an honest militant, Carey has promised to bring
|
||
|
democracy and a fighting spirit to the Teamsters. The UPS
|
||
|
contract is seen as his big test. Besides politics, Carey has
|
||
|
another reason for fighting for a better contract: The outgoing
|
||
|
leaders left the union in financial dire straits. If an increase
|
||
|
in UPS workers' wages is won, Carey might be able to ease a dues
|
||
|
increase out of this largest single group of Teamsters, bailing
|
||
|
out the bureaucracy.
|
||
|
|
||
|
STIMULATING THE RANK AND FILE
|
||
|
|
||
|
The election of Carey and his slate of reformers was more than
|
||
|
just a changing of the guard. It was an insurgency of pissed-off
|
||
|
workers against corruption and sell-outs. Leading the charge was
|
||
|
the 10,000 member-strong Teamsters for a Democratic Union (TDU).
|
||
|
TDU had been organizing for change for the past 20 years, often
|
||
|
under threats of violence from the old guard. Their
|
||
|
widely-circulated newspaper, CONVOY-DISPATCH, helped to build an
|
||
|
impressive organization of local groups across North America.
|
||
|
Ten to 15 vice-presidents on Carey's slate (but not Carey
|
||
|
himself) are TDU. Since the election, TDU has remained active.
|
||
|
At their convention last October, TDU reiterated its friendly,
|
||
|
but still independent, relationship with the new International
|
||
|
leadership. TDU is distributing UPS Contract Bulletins aimed at
|
||
|
educating and stimulating the rank and file to actively
|
||
|
participate in the contract fight. In Baltimore and other
|
||
|
places, TDU has organized rallies at UPS employee parking lots.
|
||
|
|
||
|
TASKS FOR TROUBLEMAKERS
|
||
|
|
||
|
For those of us who long for more than just "a decent contract"
|
||
|
(like maybe international capital in flames), the UPS contract
|
||
|
fight still provides an excellent opportunity for struggle, a
|
||
|
chance to gain some experience, and maybe, just maybe ...
|
||
|
|
||
|
Revolutionary anarchist UPS workers should work hard to bring as
|
||
|
many workers into this struggle as possible, not just in support
|
||
|
of the union heavies (or TDU, or anarchists). We should strive
|
||
|
to forge an autonomous force --a force capable of backing the
|
||
|
union when appropriate, or of asserting our own demands on the
|
||
|
company (independent of and possibly against the union when that
|
||
|
makes sense) -- a force with the savvy to know the difference.
|
||
|
|
||
|
No contract can guarantee who will have power on the shop floor:
|
||
|
who will call the shots, who will be afraid. Right now, Big
|
||
|
Brown has power. By a long shot. When he says, "jump!," we jump.
|
||
|
I just found out that a manager beat up an unloader for being
|
||
|
too slow. But this contract fight can be a real step toward
|
||
|
building worker solidarity and worker power -- a step toward a
|
||
|
time when we can (among other tactics) slow the belt to a human
|
||
|
speed, take "unauthorized" breaks, and punish supervisors who
|
||
|
violate workers.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For now TDU seems like the most realistic vehicle for activism
|
||
|
at UPS. TDU is an impressive organization that includes many
|
||
|
older militants we can learn much from. We should seek to build
|
||
|
TDU, especially among women workers, workers of color and young
|
||
|
workers, who do not have large memberships in TDU. It is these
|
||
|
workers who will probably be most interested in pushing things
|
||
|
further.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Ultimately though, TDU is too tied to the union-concept of
|
||
|
organizing. They want to make the Teamsters a "good union."
|
||
|
Unions, in my estimation, have ceased to be anything approaching
|
||
|
fighting organizations. In the best cases, like the Teamsters
|
||
|
under Carey, unions are lobbying organizations for workers who
|
||
|
try to win decent contacts (read: better rates of exploitation).
|
||
|
In the worst cases, like the United Food and Commercial Workers,
|
||
|
unions seek to stomp out working-class militancy with a passion
|
||
|
unmatched by the capitalists.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Workers at UPS and everywhere need new forms of organization
|
||
|
based on the floor not on hierarchy, organization with the
|
||
|
ability to see past the company gates politically. We need
|
||
|
organization not tied to legalism as its sole strategy,
|
||
|
organization willing and able to inflict costs on the company
|
||
|
and to win strike "by any means necessary." We need organization
|
||
|
that makes a priority of fighting for the most dispossessed
|
||
|
workers, not for the most privileged. We need an organization
|
||
|
that demands full equality for women, African Amerikans and
|
||
|
other oppressed nationalities, Queers and youth. We will advance
|
||
|
as a class or not at all.
|
||
|
|
||
|
If you work at UPS, are interested in working at UPS, are a
|
||
|
Teamster, or are just interested in workplace organizing, contact:
|
||
|
KF, c/o PO Box 581354, Minneapolis, MN 55458-1354
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
continued in Part 2...
|
||
|
|
||
|
+ Join Us! Support The NY Transfer News Collective +
|
||
|
+ We deliver uncensored information to your mailbox! +
|
||
|
+ Modem:718-448-2358 FAX:718-448-3423 e-mail:nyt@blythe.org+
|
||
|
|
||
|
From nyt@speedway.net Mon Jun 14 20:31:21 1993
|
||
|
Received: from access1.speedway.net (NS.SPEEDWAY.NET) by sun.Panix.Com with SMTP id AA24533
|
||
|
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|
||
|
Received: by access1.speedway.net with UUCP (Smail3.1.28.1 #4)
|
||
|
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||
|
Received: by blythe.org (1.65/waf)
|
||
|
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|
||
|
for nyxfer@panix.com
|
||
|
From: nyt@blythe.org
|
||
|
Date: Mon, 14 Jun 93 14:52:16 EDT
|
||
|
Message-Id: <gate.T0D65B1w165w@blythe.org>
|
||
|
Subject: Love&Rage_6/93-2
|
||
|
To: nyxfer@Panix.Com
|
||
|
Status: RO
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
LOVE AND RAGE
|
||
|
Revolutionary Anarachist Newspaper
|
||
|
Electronic Edition
|
||
|
|
||
|
Volume 4, Number 3
|
||
|
June/July, 1993
|
||
|
|
||
|
Part 2 of 3
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
INTERVIEW WITH THE GOATS
|
||
|
By Bilal Nine
|
||
|
|
||
|
On Feb 19, The Goats dropped their fat lyrics of dissension on
|
||
|
Houston. After rippin' it up on stage, I got a chance to kick it
|
||
|
with them.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Goats' debut album, Tricks of Shade, is fat with a unique
|
||
|
flavor that blends streetwise political perspective, humor and a
|
||
|
wild in-your-face style. Add to that -- a 12-part story on the
|
||
|
album about Chicken Little, an Afrikan youth's saga through Uncle
|
||
|
Scam's House O' Freaks looking for his mother who was captured by
|
||
|
anti-choicers -- and you get hip-hop like it's never been done
|
||
|
before.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Bilal Nine: One thing I've noticed about The Goats is that your
|
||
|
political perspective seems a little more radical in respect to a
|
||
|
wider, all-embracing approach politically. Other hip-hop crews
|
||
|
may come from a nationalist point of view, or some might be from
|
||
|
that moderate liberal tip.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Madd: There's more to just bein' a Black male, because there's
|
||
|
more going on than just the crimes against my people. Looking at
|
||
|
the problems of my people has helped me to see the problems that
|
||
|
the Native Americans and Latino Americans face. We all got to pull
|
||
|
together. But I'm down with Public Enemy, who's pretty much Black
|
||
|
nationalist, and Professor X from X-Clan.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Bilal Nine: KRS One [of the band Boogie Down Productions] was out
|
||
|
here last week to give a lecture and I was able to kick it with
|
||
|
him on a couple of questions -- one being his appearance on a PBS
|
||
|
set on election night. The host of PBS' election coverage asked
|
||
|
KRS what he thought about the youth involvement in the election.
|
||
|
KRS, to me, looked like he wanted to say, "fuck an election." But
|
||
|
instead he just said that the youth should look back at history
|
||
|
and they could see for themselves where voting can get them. My
|
||
|
question to y'all is how'd you see the Rock The Vote campaign?
|
||
|
|
||
|
Madd: You're lucky OaTie ain't here right now, cuz he'd be yelling
|
||
|
at the top of his lungs right now. Fuck Rock The Vote, man. When
|
||
|
was the last time a vote has done anything for anybody? The Civil
|
||
|
Right's Movement, the Women's Suffrage Movement, the ERA, the
|
||
|
Labor Movement. You gotta revolt. Ain't nothing gonna change
|
||
|
through voting. My grandparents died for the right that I have to
|
||
|
vote. I used it, and I think you should vote, but that's not all
|
||
|
you should do.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Mark Boyce: LA Riots is the perfect example of what you gotta do.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Madd: So we voted for Clinton, and nothing's gonna happen, which
|
||
|
is what they want you to do. Lower you into complacency.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Boyce: He [Clinton] is going to give us the same shit that's been
|
||
|
around for 15 years.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Question from the room: What do you think about Tipper Gore now
|
||
|
that she's in the White House?
|
||
|
|
||
|
Boyce: She can only help us.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Madd: I don't think things are gonna get worse or better. Things
|
||
|
are gonna stay where they're at right now. Do we trust Clinton?
|
||
|
Not as far as we can throw him, and believe me, our next record
|
||
|
will be totally devoted to dissin' Clinton.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Bilal Nine: I saw at the bottom of y'all's lyric sheet labeled
|
||
|
"Moral" and it says don't vote for fascists. He [Clinton] is in
|
||
|
the list along with Reagan and Bush.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Madd: If I think my next door neighbor could do a better job, then
|
||
|
it's a democracy, but when I gotta pick between two middle- aged,
|
||
|
white male descendants of slave owners, I'm pissed.
|
||
|
|
||
|
OaTie: [Just entering the room] You must be talking about
|
||
|
presidents of the United States cuz that's the only group around
|
||
|
that fits that description.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Bilal Nine: What inspired you brothers to do the "Leonard Peltier
|
||
|
in a Cage" skit on the album?
|
||
|
|
||
|
OaTie: Well, there's all kinds of oppression -- racism, sexism,
|
||
|
gay bashing -- but what's the worst oppression of all time?
|
||
|
Columbus didn't take Native Americans to be slaves. We didn't move
|
||
|
them around. We killed them off the land they were living on. So
|
||
|
the greatest crime against a people was not done by Hitler or
|
||
|
anyone else, but by the US in the name of Manifest Destiny. And it
|
||
|
went on until 100 years after Wounded Knee. A coalition was formed
|
||
|
of Native Americans to retake Wounded Knee; Leonard Peltier was
|
||
|
with them. Couple of years later, America deployed FBI invasions
|
||
|
of people's homes. Two FBI agents were shot. No one knows who
|
||
|
shot them, but they took the most active person around, and it was
|
||
|
Leonard Peltier.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Bilal Nine: When you guys were about to drop "?Do the Digs Dug?"
|
||
|
and you were talkin' about Leonard, the audience seemed a little
|
||
|
lost.
|
||
|
|
||
|
OaTie: When I first heard about him, I was in Europe. The people
|
||
|
out there know what time it is, but here, 40 people know what's
|
||
|
up, or do they just read fuckin' daily news and the other schlock
|
||
|
out there? We try to center on one thing when we're doing a show.
|
||
|
I hate it when people get up there and hit you with everything at
|
||
|
once and you still leave thinking nothin'. Tonight we talked about
|
||
|
military defense spending because he [Clinton] just put out his
|
||
|
budget on Oct 12, which was the 500th anniversary of Columbus. We
|
||
|
were talkin' Columbus and Leonard Peltier every show. People just
|
||
|
need to ask questions and dig.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Bilal Nine: I noticed in the "Props" section [on the album's liner
|
||
|
notes] that Emma Goldman is listed. I'll play this Emma Goldman
|
||
|
sound bite on my show [Street Vibe Network] every now and then.
|
||
|
I'm playing this to a hip-hop crowd and people call in asking "Who
|
||
|
is Emma Goldman?"
|
||
|
|
||
|
OaTie: Emma Goldman has always been a hero of mine; she lived
|
||
|
around the turn of the century. She spoke out, against getting
|
||
|
married, a woman's right to abortion, for total independence for
|
||
|
the female, but also a labor leader. She led people to revolt
|
||
|
against bad labor conditions. She died in the Soviet Union. She
|
||
|
was a communist. I'm not -- that's the only difference between us.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Bilal Nine: Well, not to be a smart-ass, but at that period in her
|
||
|
life she went over to anarchism.*
|
||
|
|
||
|
OaTie: Well, if you look at the government that existed there, I
|
||
|
can see why. Actually, I'd like to see an anarchist party, as
|
||
|
obnoxious as that sounds.
|
||
|
|
||
|
There are two types of women you can talk about in rap songs: Ho's
|
||
|
and B's or women like Emma Goldman ... and we don't diss women.
|
||
|
|
||
|
--From Black Fist Vol 1 No 2
|
||
|
|
||
|
* [Not to be even smarter-asses, but Emma Goldman was always an
|
||
|
anarchist -- The Production Group]
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
TAP INTO ELECTRONIC MEDIA
|
||
|
|
||
|
By Kathleen Kelly
|
||
|
(with Liz Highleyman and Todd Prane)
|
||
|
|
||
|
Freedom of the press belongs to the person who owns one. If you
|
||
|
have access to a computer and modem, you already have at your
|
||
|
fingertips the power of your own international press. You can tap
|
||
|
into a worldwide electronic network that links people across the
|
||
|
globe. This network, loosely called the Internet, is nothing more
|
||
|
than a voluntary web of people who have computers and telephone
|
||
|
lines. It includes more than 9,000 interlocking computer systems,
|
||
|
many based in universities and accessible through free student
|
||
|
accounts. Internet can be accessed in more than a hundred
|
||
|
countries and reaches an estimated 10-15 million people of all
|
||
|
sorts (activists, researchers, educators, policy makers,
|
||
|
scientists, students, etc). Network traffic is currently growing
|
||
|
at a phenomenal 10 percent each month.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Through Internet you can: send and receive electronic mail
|
||
|
(e-mail), transfer large files, distribute and receive news and
|
||
|
information, and access other computer databanks and resources
|
||
|
from your computer. Electronic communications systems are a very
|
||
|
valuable political and strategic tool for activists. In a crisis,
|
||
|
press releases and appeals for political action can be flashed to
|
||
|
hundreds of systems rapidly. News travels very fast indeed on the
|
||
|
Internet.
|
||
|
|
||
|
This widely dispersed, decentralized, difficult-to-control medium
|
||
|
would be extremely hard for the government to shut down
|
||
|
completely, without turning off every phone in the country. One or
|
||
|
two systems can be watched and controlled, and some alternative
|
||
|
news systems can be turned off completely, but anyone with a
|
||
|
laptop computer, a modem and a pay phone can still make one phone
|
||
|
call, send a message, and within half a day it will be distributed
|
||
|
worldwide on the Internet. For high-security messages, good
|
||
|
encoding programs are available. Best of all, its cheap and it
|
||
|
promotes free information exchange. You can easily reach a hundred
|
||
|
thousand people for a fraction of what it would cost to print
|
||
|
10,000 copies of the same information. You can also target your
|
||
|
message to a specific readership.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Messages have a ripple effect, because every person who reads an
|
||
|
article online might redistribute it to dozens of others who don't
|
||
|
have Internet access. Electronic news is routinely reprinted in
|
||
|
community newspapers, activist newsletters and local electronic
|
||
|
bulletin board systems. E-mail provides an excellent opportunity
|
||
|
for collectively making decisions among geographically dispersed
|
||
|
groups, such as the Love and Rage Network. It is an effective way
|
||
|
to get the word out about continental gatherings and actions, such
|
||
|
as the recent Queer march in DC. For publications, articles can be
|
||
|
submitted quickly and typeset easily. Authors can review suggested
|
||
|
edits. Efforts have been ongoing to get as many Love and Rage
|
||
|
participants online as possible.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Television and radio are largely monopolized by the corporate
|
||
|
media. Few independent newspapers exist, and printed activist
|
||
|
newsletters reach only a small number of people. But the
|
||
|
electronic networks still belong to the people, and activists can
|
||
|
harness this power to reach large audiences for about $10 a month
|
||
|
in most places. A wide array of low-cost electronic networks, news
|
||
|
distribution services, and databanks are easily accessible.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Whole Internet Users Guide & Catalog, by Ed Krol is a valuable
|
||
|
resource book (available for $24.95 from O'Reilly & Associates:
|
||
|
reachable on the Internet as nuts@ora.com). Krol clearly explains
|
||
|
the net's main functions, offers details on timesaving programs
|
||
|
for finding Internet resources, and gives complete telephone
|
||
|
numbers, addresses, and e-mail access information. Another
|
||
|
excellent book is EcoLinking: Everyone's Guide to Online
|
||
|
Environmental Information, by Don Ritter (available for $24.95
|
||
|
from PeachPit Press, 2414 Sixth St, Berkeley, CA 94710, Fax (510)
|
||
|
548-4393). It combines technical guidance with annotated listings
|
||
|
of useful information sources. This book also covers public PC
|
||
|
bulletin boards, including those on the public FidoNet network, an
|
||
|
international network of more than 10,000 hobbyist computer
|
||
|
systems, many of which are free.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For more information, contact New York Transfer News Collective, a
|
||
|
non-profit news distribution service that's been helping activists
|
||
|
get online for eight years. Contact Kathleen Kelly at:
|
||
|
|
||
|
NY Transfer News Collective
|
||
|
Modem (718) 448-2358
|
||
|
Fax (718) 448-3423
|
||
|
Email: nyt@blythe.org
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
ELECTRONIC RESOURCES
|
||
|
|
||
|
Here is a quick, descriptive list of some names and numbers of
|
||
|
where and how to get online.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The first thing you need is a computer with a modem. A used IBM PC
|
||
|
compatable (from the early 1980s) with a cheap modem will do.
|
||
|
Cost: about $300 or so for the computer, $60 or so for the modem.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Next, nationally: Most cities have public access bulletin boards
|
||
|
run by enterprising individuals, many of whom offer either
|
||
|
Internet or FidoNet access, and USENET newsgroups (conferences or
|
||
|
forums on specific subjects). Contact members of local
|
||
|
users-groups or visit computer stores to find out more. Access,
|
||
|
price and services depend entirely on the city, the computer and
|
||
|
so on. Any college or university should have accounts (often free)
|
||
|
available to students (and their friends). All systems listed
|
||
|
here have e-mail. Most have USENET and are listed by city: system
|
||
|
name, phone number -- most accesed via a modem set at 2400 no
|
||
|
parity 8 data bits 1 stop bit -- price, and e-mail address for
|
||
|
info).
|
||
|
|
||
|
Canada, US and Mexico: IGC (Peacenet, among others):
|
||
|
support@igc.apc.org or call (voice) (415) 442-0220. Accounts are
|
||
|
$10/month plus usage. National access through Sprintnet for $5/hr
|
||
|
off peak, $10/hr peak. Costs add up quickly and most of the users
|
||
|
are intolerably Liberal, but it is cheaper and less evil than
|
||
|
Compuserve et al. Some good info in the conferences.
|
||
|
|
||
|
San Francisco: The Well (Whole Earth 'Lectronic Link):
|
||
|
support@well.sf.ca.us (no number avail right now, sorry). Low cost
|
||
|
e-mail system. A similar system has been started recently in the
|
||
|
New York Area including a wimmin-only conference.
|
||
|
|
||
|
New York: Panix. Dial in at (212) 787- 2100 or (212)787-3100 and
|
||
|
log-in as newuser. $10/mo e-mail and unlimited access and storage
|
||
|
time. Alexis@panix.com or jsb@panix.com. Voice: Jim Baumbach at
|
||
|
(212) 603-3572
|
||
|
|
||
|
Boston: The World. Call (voice) (617) 739-0202 or dial up (617)
|
||
|
739-9753 and log-in as new. $20/month for 20 hours access time and
|
||
|
2MB of online storage. Extra usage at $2/hr. support@world.std.com.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Chicago:
|
||
|
--DDSWL (312) 248-0900. $75/yr or $10 month. karl@ddsw1.mcs.com
|
||
|
--Gagme (312) 282- 8606. $50/yr (student $35). Info@gagme.chi.il.us.
|
||
|
--Chinet (312) 283-0559. BBS free, USENET $50/yr
|
||
|
(free to guests on weekends).
|
||
|
|
||
|
Ann Arbor: Grex (313) 761-3000. $6/month or $60/year.Info@cyberspace.org.
|
||
|
Madison: Madnix (608) 273-2657. Free. Ray@madnix.uucp.
|
||
|
Orlando: JWT (407) 438-7138. Free. Initial login "bbs". john@jwt.uucp.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Columbia, MO: COIN (314) 884-7000 or telnet to 128.206.1.3. Free
|
||
|
(limit one hour per visit). Voice: Help desk at Daniel Boone
|
||
|
Regional Library (314) 443-3161, ext. 302.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Sorry this list is so short and mostly East coast/Midwest.
|
||
|
Cheap/free stuff is available all over the US and in Canada (IGC
|
||
|
is available from Mixico-write for info). For a complete listing
|
||
|
of public access e-mail, or for e-mail in your city, call or write
|
||
|
to Todd at Love and Rage (info page 2).
|
||
|
|
||
|
Once you are online, please write to us to find out more about
|
||
|
alternative news, information, and so on available over the net.
|
||
|
Addresses of other activists online are also available. Contact:
|
||
|
loveandrage@igc.apc.org, lnr@blythe.org, or nyt@blythe.org for
|
||
|
more info.
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
WAGE SLAVE RAGE
|
||
|
By Matt Teeter
|
||
|
|
||
|
Wendy's Old Fashioned slave trade is where I work. Like all
|
||
|
fast-food-workers, I have many masters. Like any assembly
|
||
|
line-worker, beepers, buzzers and timers rule my existence. The
|
||
|
fries are done; the potatoes are baked; the orders are on the
|
||
|
screen. Someone flips the burgers, passes the meat on to the
|
||
|
sandwich- maker, who passes the product on to the server, who
|
||
|
passes it on to the customer, who pays an exorbitant amount for
|
||
|
grease to clog up her arteries. There are no speed-ups only
|
||
|
slow-downs; fast- food is never fast enough. We had soda machines
|
||
|
that filled a 32 ounce cup in eight seconds; they were upscaled
|
||
|
with super-nozzles. Now we can fill 32 ounces in four seconds. Now
|
||
|
that's progress!
|
||
|
|
||
|
As might be imagined, between living on low-wages, customers
|
||
|
yelling, managers yelling, beepers buzzing, buzzers beeping -- the
|
||
|
pressure can be immense. Of course all fast food-workers know who
|
||
|
to blame ... each other of course.
|
||
|
|
||
|
That's not to say Wendy's workers don't know fat pig Dave Thomas
|
||
|
is getting rich off their labor, but they simply know that the fat
|
||
|
pig isn't around to be hurt directly. You have to make due with
|
||
|
who's around.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I've mentioned union to a few people here. The first thing they
|
||
|
say is, "But then you have to pay union dues." I tell them there
|
||
|
are unions that have low dues, such as $3 a month. They usually
|
||
|
just shrug; nobody intends on staying here.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I've never met anyone who likes working fast-food. If being
|
||
|
regulated by machines is hell, then managers are the devil. Like
|
||
|
the cops, there is the bad manager and the good manager: the one
|
||
|
will berate you, then the other will sweet talk you into working
|
||
|
on your day off. However, never, never is there a shred of
|
||
|
over-time pay for people who'd be glad to work on their day off.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Wendy's I work at makes approximately $25,000 a week. Perhaps
|
||
|
labor costs are $5,000 a week, including the managers' salaries.
|
||
|
There's no question that the purpose of the business is to earn
|
||
|
money; it's just a matter of for whom.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Against this sort of background, fast-food-workers all have one
|
||
|
thing in common: they steal ... everything from grill knobs to
|
||
|
french fries to one guy who backs his car up to the freezer to
|
||
|
take boxes of breaded chicken. I steal everything from individual
|
||
|
mustard packets to five-pound bags of cheese; anything just to
|
||
|
steal a little, just a little back.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Some days it's easy to just go into work and -- despite the grease
|
||
|
film on my skin, the smell of my clothes, the blood on my hands
|
||
|
from raw meat -- I can just dream work away, think of quitting
|
||
|
day. However, I have to live with myself and ask myself why I am
|
||
|
a "Wobbly" (an [Industrial] Workers of the World member). Action
|
||
|
talks; bullshit walks.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I don't have anyone to worry about but myself. However, there are
|
||
|
people who are trying to feed families; people who work two jobs
|
||
|
just to pay some pigdog of a landlord. As corporations flee to
|
||
|
non-union lands, people are forced into the non-union service
|
||
|
industry, but fast-food is just another factory. Wobblies have
|
||
|
always organized factories that other unions wouldn't touch. Big
|
||
|
unions can't organize fast-food-workers, but we can. Dave Thomas,
|
||
|
Ray Kroc -- these motherfuckers are gonna burn!
|
||
|
|
||
|
--From Lehigh Valley IWW Branch Bulletin April 1993
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
KILLING THE PLANET
|
||
|
|
||
|
ECUADOR--Oil companies vs Natives. The big push is now under way
|
||
|
to extract the $30 billion worth of crude oil which lies two miles
|
||
|
beneath the Ecuadorian Orient -- the Amazon region of Ecuador,
|
||
|
that is one of the most biologically diverse areas on the planet.
|
||
|
Within the next year or two, a network of 250 miles of roads will
|
||
|
be plowed through the rainforest, pipelines will be put into
|
||
|
place, and the crude oil will begin to flow. An area of more than
|
||
|
7 million acres of rainforest will be subjected to oil and
|
||
|
chemical spills. Among the companies involved are American
|
||
|
multinationals Maxus, Oryx, ARCO, and Occidental; the French
|
||
|
company Elf Aquitaine; Braspetro of Brazil and others.
|
||
|
|
||
|
SIBERIA--Russian officials have confirmed that plutonium salts
|
||
|
were among the radioactive materials blasted into the atmosphere
|
||
|
when a nuclear fuel reprocessing installation in Western Siberia
|
||
|
exploded on April 6. An area of at least 35 square kilometers of
|
||
|
forest has been rendered uninhabitable -- effectively forever. The
|
||
|
explosion occurred 28 km north-west of the large industrial city
|
||
|
of Tomsk in an outlying plant of the Siberian Chemical Combine.
|
||
|
The combine is centered in the town known as Tomsk-7. Founded in
|
||
|
the late 1940s as one of three major centers of the Soviet nuclear
|
||
|
weapons manufacturing program, Tomsk-7 remains closed to
|
||
|
foreigners, and during the Soviet era was so secret that despite
|
||
|
having a population of more than 100,000, it was not marked on
|
||
|
maps.
|
||
|
|
||
|
According to the Russian Greenpeace organization, the plant at
|
||
|
which the explosion occurred uses nitric acid to dissolve spent
|
||
|
fuel rods from nuclear reactors, in order to extract Uranium-238
|
||
|
and Plutonium-239 for recycling. A preliminary report issued on
|
||
|
April 9 by the State Nuclear Supervisory Committee attributed the
|
||
|
cause of the accident to negligence by plant personnel. Even tiny
|
||
|
particles of plutonium dust, if they lodge in the lungs, create a
|
||
|
high risk of cancer. Unlike many of the radioactive products of
|
||
|
nuclear reactions, plutonium does not decay into harmlessness
|
||
|
within a few weeks or months; its half-life is 24,000 years.
|
||
|
|
||
|
--From Mikhail Tsovma 109462 CIS, Russia, Moscow Volzhsky Blvd
|
||
|
21-62 Tel (095) 921-06-55 email krazchenko@glas.apc.org
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
SCENE REPORTS
|
||
|
|
||
|
Chicago: da windy city
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Baklava Autonomist Collective has an organized itself around
|
||
|
several projects over the last year. We are focusing on building a
|
||
|
strong, attractive and viable local community and continuing our
|
||
|
role as troublemakers. The focus on community-building is
|
||
|
expressed through our local projects: 1 COLLECTIVE CHAOS: record
|
||
|
label for DIY politically charged music, twice (or more) monthly
|
||
|
benefit hardcore/punk shows, and distribution of literature,
|
||
|
music, and info; 2 ABC: We've adopted of anti-authoritarian
|
||
|
political prisoner Larry Giddings, and decided to also support
|
||
|
several local political prisoners. Also, several actions around
|
||
|
various prisoners have taken place and were well received; 3 WIND
|
||
|
CHILL FACTOR -- Soon to be a bi-monthly newsprinted magazine.
|
||
|
Yeah, we're punk. A thirty two page, 8 1/2 x 11 format, hopefully
|
||
|
out in May. Print run 5,000. Watch out L&R! Also, the drive to
|
||
|
squat is pushing us toward acquiring some property. If people are
|
||
|
coming through Chicago, call the CHICAGO AUTONOMIST HOTLINE at
|
||
|
(312) 455-0707 to network with us.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Hello from Baltimore
|
||
|
|
||
|
Anarchist activity in Baltimore has been increasing of late. Earth
|
||
|
Core distribution has just become a Love and Rage supporting
|
||
|
group. Earth Core is a small anarchist collective that circulates
|
||
|
literature, music and publications with an anti-authoritarian
|
||
|
focus. There has been a recent increase in racist activity in
|
||
|
Baltimore, and we would like to form a Baltimore ARA and could use
|
||
|
help. The BAC (Baltimore Anarchist Collective) is a local
|
||
|
youth-oriented group which holds meetings every other week.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Activities include distributing and publishing a zine and booking
|
||
|
shows. Send us submissions for our zine. We are also interested in
|
||
|
forming a womyn-only anarchist group. Other groups, including ARM
|
||
|
(Anarchist Revival Movement) and AYC (Angry Youth Collective)
|
||
|
would like to become more active and expand.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For more information about any of this please contact BAC at: PO
|
||
|
Box 18956. Baltimore MD 21206
|
||
|
|
||
|
Paterson, NJ
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Paterson Anarchist Collective, one of the nine groups that
|
||
|
makes up the North Jersey Anarchist Federation, continues the
|
||
|
struggle to organize in the streets of Paterson. We have opened
|
||
|
the Right to Existence, anarchist bookstore/community
|
||
|
space/hangout. We hold forums and political video nights there. We
|
||
|
have also printed and distributed the first issue of Plain Words
|
||
|
which contains the second issue of Copwatch. Plain Words features
|
||
|
local news from an anarchist viewpoint and national and
|
||
|
international anarchist news. Copwatch covers the local police
|
||
|
terror. To find out more about these papers, Anarchist Black Cross
|
||
|
or other NJAF groups contact us at:PAC POB 8532 Haledon, NJ
|
||
|
07508-8532
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
NOTES OF REVOLT
|
||
|
|
||
|
KEEPING THE PEACE
|
||
|
|
||
|
Ottawa--On March 16 and 17 around 300 protesters turned out to
|
||
|
protest Canada's largest weapons trade show, ARMX, being held at
|
||
|
the Ottawa Congress Center. The show, entitled "Peacekeeping '93"
|
||
|
in an attempt to defuse resistance, featured such equipment as
|
||
|
armor-piercing grenade-launchers, aircraft-mounted cannons, and
|
||
|
tanks. Several anarchists formed a loose alliance at the actions.
|
||
|
The actions included successful blockage of the streets and doors
|
||
|
to the trade show, occupation of the Westin Hotel where many of
|
||
|
the patrons of the event were staying, and the spreading of fake
|
||
|
blood on the walls of the convention center. In addition at least
|
||
|
two anarchist got inside the show and collected brochures, took
|
||
|
photos, appropriated supplies, and reworked the plumbing using
|
||
|
toilet tissue, menstrual pads, and tampons.
|
||
|
|
||
|
YOUTH UNDER ATTACK
|
||
|
|
||
|
Pequanock, NJ--In early march, the administration of Pequanock
|
||
|
High School in New Jersey imposed a number of repressive and
|
||
|
ridiculous rules in response to student vandalism. A NJAYF (New
|
||
|
Jersey Anarchist Youth Federation) member made and distributed a
|
||
|
flyer to protest this which denounced the actions of the
|
||
|
administration and reprinted "School Stoppers Guide" and "What
|
||
|
Education?" from Love and Rage, Vol 3 No 7. In response, the
|
||
|
school staff began to round up students demanding to know the
|
||
|
connection between the vandalism,the flier, and the "anarchist
|
||
|
terrorist organization" that was responsible for the two. --from
|
||
|
Jersey Anarchist No 8
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
POLICE VAN A SIZZLER
|
||
|
|
||
|
Victoria, BC--The grill of the Fairfield community police
|
||
|
station's mini-van went up in flames Friday, Mar 5, after vandals
|
||
|
lit the contents of an aerosol can. About $2,000 in damage was
|
||
|
done to the van which had been parked in front of the police
|
||
|
station on Fairfield Road.This comes with a recent surge of
|
||
|
activity in Victoria. In mid- December several new cars at a GM
|
||
|
dealership were attacked (claimed by an anarchist group). On Dec
|
||
|
25 a McDonalds was attacked by the ALF. Then on Jan 1, a butchers
|
||
|
shop was also attacked by the ALF. Although no known communiques
|
||
|
have been received about the police van action, this seems to be
|
||
|
the first use of fire. Complacent Victoria is heating up! --from
|
||
|
Autonomedia
|
||
|
|
||
|
COP KILLERS
|
||
|
|
||
|
California--Cops in California are complaining of "people taking
|
||
|
shots at you just because you're wearing a blue uniform." In
|
||
|
Salinas, in response to a police murder in January, groups
|
||
|
confronted police with rocks, bottles and random shots. Also, in
|
||
|
response to the Rodney King verdict, graffiti began appearing
|
||
|
throughout South LA, saying things like "Kill Cops."
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
DAY OF ACTION FOR HAITIANS
|
||
|
|
||
|
On Monday, April 19, people around the US participated in a day of
|
||
|
action protesting US policy toward Haitian refugees. In New York
|
||
|
City, protesters occupied the Statue of Liberty, ACT UP invaded a
|
||
|
local congressperson's office, and others marched outside the
|
||
|
Immigration and Naturalization Services (INS) offices. In Miami,
|
||
|
demonstrators rallied at the INS offices. In Boston, protesters
|
||
|
leafletted the Boston Marathon and rallied at the finish line. In
|
||
|
Philadelphia, ACT UP organized an encampment outside the INS
|
||
|
offices which lasted through the night Demonstrations were also
|
||
|
held in Seattle, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, and at UC Berkeley.
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
LIBERATION RADIO
|
||
|
|
||
|
Springfield, Ill--Mbanna Kantako is blind, Black, broke and on the
|
||
|
verge of creating a Media revolution in America. Black Liberation
|
||
|
Radio operates on a one-watt transmitter the size of a toaster,
|
||
|
with a broadcast range of only one mile. The six-year-old station
|
||
|
has been in flagrant violation of a federal court order to cease
|
||
|
broadcasting for the past two and a half years. The "Micro-Radio"
|
||
|
model is cheap (about $800), easily replicated and was designed to
|
||
|
be used to empower low-income people in neighborhoods across the
|
||
|
country.
|
||
|
|
||
|
TAMAYO, DOMINICAN REP -- Meanwhile, in the Dominican Republic,
|
||
|
Radio Enriquillo was ordered to cease broadcasting uncensored
|
||
|
Haitian news in Creole. They evaded the orders by singing the
|
||
|
news, accompanied by a guitar and bongos. They have since
|
||
|
completely ceased the Haitian news program due to threats and
|
||
|
intimidation against workers at the station.
|
||
|
|
||
|
You can contact the stations:
|
||
|
|
||
|
Black Liberation Radio, c/o 333 N 12 st Springfield, IL 62702
|
||
|
Radio Enriquillo, Apartado 99 Tamayo, Dominican Republic
|
||
|
|
||
|
--from New Liberation News Service and Interadio
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
NYC SQUATTERS
|
||
|
|
||
|
New York -- Six demonstrators protesting the destruction of a
|
||
|
shantytown in w York's Lower East Side were arrested on Feb 20
|
||
|
following an hour-long metal jam at the site. Some 50 squatters
|
||
|
and anarchists met at the vacant city-owned lot on 9th Street and
|
||
|
Avenue C where they pounded drums and scrap metal and built a
|
||
|
bonfire of wooden police barricades. Earlier in the week police
|
||
|
and bulldozers had moved in to demolish the shantytown that had
|
||
|
been home for 21 people. The demonstrators were particularly upset
|
||
|
over the report that two of the shantytown residents had been
|
||
|
committed to Bellevue Hospital. (They were later released.) The
|
||
|
City plans to build a new station for the PSA-9 Housing Police and
|
||
|
56 units of so-called low-income housing.
|
||
|
-- From Black and Red, May/June 93
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
BILL NEEDS YOUR HELP
|
||
|
|
||
|
DETROIT -- Bill, a Detroit community member and activist of
|
||
|
several years, needs medical treatment as the result of fighting
|
||
|
back against Queer-bashers.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In mid-April outside the 404 Willis anarchist community center,
|
||
|
group of wimmim were being verbally harasses by a gang of
|
||
|
well-known misogynists and Queer-bashers. When these wimmin
|
||
|
confronted their aggressors, several of the wimmin were physically
|
||
|
attacked. People on the scene joined forces and successfully
|
||
|
chased the gang away. But in the process, Bill was cornered and
|
||
|
bashed in the head with a baseball bat.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Bill has already lost eight teeth, has a broken jaw and may loose
|
||
|
his lower lip to infection. He cannot cover the costs for even
|
||
|
minimal medical care. He has been unable to work due to his
|
||
|
injuries. He has no medical insurance. To fully restore his mouth
|
||
|
and jaw he will need surgery which will cost $12,000. Please help
|
||
|
raise the money needed. Bill supports Queer-rights with more than
|
||
|
just words. We should support him. Please give generously.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Send donations to:
|
||
|
|
||
|
Care For Bill
|
||
|
c/o SRN Wayne State University
|
||
|
5221 Gullen Mall, Box 99
|
||
|
Student Center Building
|
||
|
Detroit, MI 48202
|
||
|
Make Checks Payable to: Student Resistance Network
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
@ ARCHIVES
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Anarchist Archives Project has been collecting materials on
|
||
|
the history of Anarchism since 1982 and has gathered over 7,000
|
||
|
items. The project provides research assistance and low cost
|
||
|
photocopying of most material in the collection. To find out more
|
||
|
write: PO Box 1323, Cambridge MA 02238
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
CALENDAR
|
||
|
June 27 -- July 4
|
||
|
EF! Rendezvous Mt. Graham, AZ
|
||
|
Contact: AZ EF!, PO Box 3412 Tucson, AZ 85722
|
||
|
|
||
|
July 7--11
|
||
|
Love and Rage Annual Conference San Diego, CA
|
||
|
Contact: SD @ Federation c/o 915 E St, San Diego, CA 92101
|
||
|
Darren (619) 9-8722
|
||
|
|
||
|
July 16--19
|
||
|
Holiday in Beirut, USA
|
||
|
@ Gathering, Portland, OR
|
||
|
Contact: Rosebud Commons, 1951 W. Burnside,
|
||
|
Box 1928, Portland, OR 97209
|
||
|
|
||
|
July 29 -- August 1
|
||
|
The Frenzy @ Conference, Vancouver, BC
|
||
|
Contact: Box122, 1895 Commercial Drive, Vancouver, BC V5N 4A6
|
||
|
|
||
|
July -- Aug 2
|
||
|
Mid-Atlantic @ Gathering Contact: Wooden Shoe Books 215-569-2477
|
||
|
|
||
|
August 8
|
||
|
Under the Volcano Political Arts Festival (Bands & Artists)
|
||
|
Vancouver, BC
|
||
|
Contact: Box 21552, 1850 Commercial DrVancouver, BC V5N 4A0
|
||
|
Tel/Fax (604) 255-2787
|
||
|
|
||
|
Sometime Soon:
|
||
|
|
||
|
Midwest @ Gathering
|
||
|
Contact: Practical Anarchy, PO Box 173, Madison, WI 53701
|
||
|
|
||
|
National Organizing Summit Against Police Brutality
|
||
|
Contact: Dave (313) 865-2748
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
ABC SECTION
|
||
|
|
||
|
SPANISH POLITICAL PRISONERS TORTURED
|
||
|
|
||
|
By Paul Wright
|
||
|
[Edited by the Love and Rage Production Group]
|
||
|
|
||
|
Spain has a large and active communist and anarchist left and
|
||
|
labor movement. It also has several nationalities struggling for
|
||
|
independence from the central government.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The result of these struggles is that Spain has over 700 political
|
||
|
prisoners (pp's). The majority, over 600, are affiliated with the
|
||
|
Basque independence struggle. The next largest group, about 55
|
||
|
pp's, are members of the PCE(r) (Communist Party of Spain,
|
||
|
reconstituted) and GRAPO (Anti-Fascist Resistance Groups, First of
|
||
|
October). The remainder are anarchists, labor activists and
|
||
|
nationalists from the other liberation struggles being waged
|
||
|
against the Spanish central government.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Like all capitalist countries, the treatment of pp's in Spain
|
||
|
ranges from bad to barbaric. The last several months have seen a
|
||
|
general crackdown on leftist and nationalist activists and groups.
|
||
|
This includes the arrest of three members of AFAPP, an
|
||
|
organization that supports the human rights of political prisoners
|
||
|
in Spain. The family members arrested were accused of being
|
||
|
members of the PCE(r). The "evidence" against them consists of
|
||
|
address books and copies of the PCE(r)'s clandestine magazine.
|
||
|
|
||
|
After a shootout between Spanish police and a GRAPO commando, in
|
||
|
which some members of the commando escaped, Spanish police
|
||
|
arrested Elvira Dieguez and Laureano Ortega. They were accused of
|
||
|
"membership in an armed band." Dieguez had been released from
|
||
|
prison in 1989 after serving 12 years for GRAPO activities. At her
|
||
|
court appearance Dieguez showed obvious signs of torture and
|
||
|
described the torture she had undergone at the hands of the
|
||
|
Spanish police.
|
||
|
|
||
|
She states she was hooded with a plastic bag and blindfolded for
|
||
|
much of her ordeal. Her clothes were forcibly ripped off her body
|
||
|
and she was beaten. Her ordeal lasted for roughly five days and
|
||
|
she was tortured in the cities of Santander and Madrid. In Madrid,
|
||
|
naked and in cold cells, she was beaten some more. Her body was
|
||
|
wetted down and she was shocked with cattleprods, and the soles of
|
||
|
her feet were beaten, and she was raped with a broomstick.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Throughout the experience she was being insulted and screamed at
|
||
|
by Spanish police officials.
|
||
|
|
||
|
At his court appearance, Ortega described a similar experience,
|
||
|
except he was not raped. Their lawyer, Francisca Villalba,
|
||
|
vigorously denounced the torture and called a police doctor as a
|
||
|
witness. The doctor testified that the prisoners injuries were
|
||
|
consistent with their testimony of being tortured.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Despite the torture, neither Dieguez nor Ortega made any
|
||
|
incriminating statements and both were freed by the Spanish court
|
||
|
that handles political cases for a lack of evidence. The judge
|
||
|
said he would give further consideration as to what he would do
|
||
|
about the prisoners being tortured. If past experience is any
|
||
|
guide, nothing will be done. Torture of political dissidents in
|
||
|
Spain, England, France, Turkey and other NATO countries is well
|
||
|
documented. Some countries, including Spain and England, operate
|
||
|
military and paramilitary death squads that routinely kill
|
||
|
political dissidents. Again, nothing is done.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The most startling thing about these events is the deafening
|
||
|
silence from the so-called human rights community. Where are the
|
||
|
denunciations of the Spanish government for their arrest and
|
||
|
torture of political dissidents? Some groups like Amnesty
|
||
|
International claim to oppose the torture of all prisoners,
|
||
|
regardless of political views. Yet when communists are being raped
|
||
|
and tortured in "democracies" nothing is said and less is
|
||
|
done.--From Prison Legal News, May 1993
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
NORMA JEAN CROY
|
||
|
|
||
|
Norma Jean Croy is a Native American woman from the Shasta Nation,
|
||
|
in Northern California, who has spent the last 14 years in prison
|
||
|
for a murder she did not commit.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In Yreka county, July of 1978, Norma Jean Croy, her brother
|
||
|
Patrick Hooty Croy and three other relatives stopped at a
|
||
|
convenience store before going hunting outside of town. The store
|
||
|
clerk accused them of theft. Soon after, Yreka police chased
|
||
|
their car as they headed out of town. When the car stopped, Norma
|
||
|
and her companions ran away. Police fired, hitting Norma in the
|
||
|
back. Norma's cousin Darrell was also shot as he stood up to
|
||
|
surrender. Hooty was shot in the back twice before he turned
|
||
|
around and fired one shot from the .22 hunting rifle, which
|
||
|
fatally struck the officer.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Norma and her four companions were charged with first degree
|
||
|
murder of the police officer and related offenses. Norma and
|
||
|
Hooty were convicted on all counts, even though there was no
|
||
|
evidence that Norma fired any weapon. Hooty was sentenced to
|
||
|
death; Norma life in prison.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The California Supreme Court reversed Hooty's conviction in 1985.
|
||
|
Norma's appeal was denied by a lower appellate court. Hooty was
|
||
|
retried in San Francisco in 1990, and was acquitted of all charges
|
||
|
on the grounds of self defense. As of 1992, Norma was denied
|
||
|
parole for the fifth time. The parole board refuses to hear
|
||
|
evidence of her innocence that had been presented at Hooty's
|
||
|
retrial.
|
||
|
|
||
|
To get involved contact:
|
||
|
Norma Jean Croy Defense Committee
|
||
|
473 Jackson Street 3rd Floor
|
||
|
San Francisco, CA 94111
|
||
|
|
||
|
Norma Jean Croy
|
||
|
CCWF #14293
|
||
|
PO Box 1508
|
||
|
Chowchilla, CA 93610
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
JONATHAN PAUL FREE!
|
||
|
|
||
|
On the morning of April 9, after 158 days of captivity,
|
||
|
environmental and animal liberation activist Jonathan Paul was
|
||
|
freed! In Nov of 1992 he was arrested for refusing to testify at a
|
||
|
Federal Grand Jury hearing in Spokane Washington. The feds were
|
||
|
(and are) investigating the activities of the Animal Liberation
|
||
|
Front.
|
||
|
|
||
|
While Jonathan is free, another person involved in the case was
|
||
|
arrested. In April, journalist Rik Scarce was held in contempt of
|
||
|
court. He was immediately released on his own recognizance,
|
||
|
pending appeal. In March he refused to answer 32 questions in
|
||
|
front of a Grand Jury who was investigating the Aug 1991 ALF
|
||
|
break- in at Washington State University. In April, he refused to
|
||
|
answer three more questions. On each question, Scarce refused to
|
||
|
answer on First Amendment "free press grounds", because answering
|
||
|
would violate the American Sociological Association Code of
|
||
|
Ethics. He was arrested on May 14. You can show your support by
|
||
|
writing to Acting US Attorney to demand his release.
|
||
|
|
||
|
East District of Washington
|
||
|
POB 1494 Spokane WA 99210
|
||
|
|
||
|
Write directly to Rik at W 1100 Mallon Spokane WA. 99260
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
ANARCHIST INSTITUTIONALIZED
|
||
|
|
||
|
James Peper, anarchist protester, has been sent to Atascadero
|
||
|
State Hospital for the Insane for "evaluation" after being held in
|
||
|
jail for five months awaiting trial. He could be held at the
|
||
|
hospital for up to three years before seeing a judge again for
|
||
|
sentencing! Peper was arrested during the anti-Columbus Day Black
|
||
|
Bloc in San Francisco last October. He is charged with numerous
|
||
|
felonies relating to firebombs. Show your support by writing and
|
||
|
calling him, and sending donations for his legal defense.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Write to: James Peper, PO Box 7001,
|
||
|
Alascader CA 99429-7001 (805)461-2000
|
||
|
|
||
|
James Peper Legal Defense Fund
|
||
|
C/O Slingshot
|
||
|
UCB 200 Eshelman Hall
|
||
|
Berkeley CA 94702
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
PORTLAND KNOWS THEIR ABCs
|
||
|
|
||
|
Prison support became our first project at Rosebud Commons; a
|
||
|
major unifying factor for us so early in our development. As a
|
||
|
Resource collective, we try to solve every problem presented to us
|
||
|
in the best way we know; by collective effort.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The need for prisoner support came in January when three of our
|
||
|
collaborators were guests of the "Nine Bar Hotel." One womyn was
|
||
|
serving a ten day sentence for polishing a cop's badge with
|
||
|
spittle. The other two were nailed for old warrants. One got time
|
||
|
served for the heinous crime of stealing a pair of socks. Our
|
||
|
other comrade, a womyn in her early 20s facing extradition and a
|
||
|
possible four year sentence (even though she had no priors), not
|
||
|
that that makes a difference to the "Blue Meanies." Hey, equal
|
||
|
justice for all.
|
||
|
|
||
|
This was when we really pulled together and our methods varied
|
||
|
with time. The jail where our comrade was being detained had an
|
||
|
internal mailing system consisting of horrible, phosphorescent,
|
||
|
pink slips. We created a constant flood of Inmate Memo Forms. Most
|
||
|
escaped the mark of the censor.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Our compadre was able to pin-point a visual rendezvous sight for
|
||
|
us. It was a clear shot of vision for both parties. From a
|
||
|
parking lot roof, we were able to see our friend in her cell and
|
||
|
try to comfort her with visual aids. Some asshole spray-painted
|
||
|
FUCK THE POLICE and one of those @ things. Some people.. Our
|
||
|
comrade was later to tell us that much to her delight, she watched
|
||
|
the maintenance people try to remove it from the wall, with no
|
||
|
luck. Her response to them failing was, "you can't get rid of us
|
||
|
that easily." The spray paint was later sandblasted off.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Others tried various forms of entertainment. Most consisted of
|
||
|
Autonomous Acrobats & The Flying Sam Beanies. Street theater-style
|
||
|
pantomime consisted of acrobatic formations of the circle A. An
|
||
|
inconspicuous black flag was also tied to the parking structure.
|
||
|
The peak of the theatrical season happened when, one night, a US
|
||
|
battle flag got the roast. Just as it settled to the ground in a
|
||
|
flaming, plastic glory, the rent-a-pigs took chase. The jail went
|
||
|
wild. Prisoners who were also enjoying the show started yelling
|
||
|
and shouting at the security guards. Things like, "You ain't never
|
||
|
gonna catch them!"
|
||
|
|
||
|
Needless to say, most people chose to close the Season early. We
|
||
|
focused in on the more traditional ways of prisoner support.
|
||
|
|
||
|
There is the ever present need of money when dealing with the
|
||
|
prison system. Prisoners need money on the inside for basic
|
||
|
materials, ie stamps and envelopes. Money is needed for lawyers
|
||
|
and media exposure. In most cases, the family can use the support,
|
||
|
financially as well as emotionally.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Also, keep a constant check on how the prisoner is doing. And
|
||
|
what the "system thugs" are doing. Make sure the meal
|
||
|
requirements, ie. vegi meals, are dealt with as soon as possible
|
||
|
(even in the case of a hunger strike). This can take time, seeing
|
||
|
as how they want proof that you don't eat flesh. Interestingly
|
||
|
enough, this time we had to go through the prison chaplin for his
|
||
|
dietary blessings.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Court support is more a form of solidarity than anything else.
|
||
|
Just to physically be in the court for all cases is great. The
|
||
|
court room will sometimes be the only place you'll get to see the
|
||
|
prisoner. This will also give you the captive opportunity to speak
|
||
|
with the lawyers on the case. Make sure the defendants lawyer is
|
||
|
in contact with the client on a regular basis. It is common
|
||
|
practice for lawyers to take advantage of prisoners' isolation.
|
||
|
Make them do what they are paid for. Some lawyers even get off on
|
||
|
the whole "political game" of it. My favorite part of it is being
|
||
|
the dark cloud over the shitty public defender's golf game.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Putting the whole affair in the eyes of the public is the best
|
||
|
tactic. Handing out flyers outside the prison or court is a must.
|
||
|
Alerting the media, whether sympathetic or not, is par for the
|
||
|
course. Just remember, the thing that can hurt "the bastards" the
|
||
|
most is turning on the lights.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Rosebud Commons, 1951 W. Burnside Box 1928 PDX, OR 97209
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
INTERNATIONAL SECTION
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
FIRE THIEVES: NEW ANARCHIST MAGAZINE IN TURKEY
|
||
|
|
||
|
Istanbul--This is a greeting from Ates Hirsizi (Fire Thief), a
|
||
|
recently- begun anarchist monthly published in Turkish and Kurdish
|
||
|
in Istanbul. The back page will be published in English and other
|
||
|
languages, to acquaint the rest of the world with their
|
||
|
activities.Turkey, Middle East and as a whole our region with its
|
||
|
various social problems and deep contradictions, comes at the very
|
||
|
beginning of the fight fields of the world geography. We are right
|
||
|
in the middle of such a pleasant instability, in which all these
|
||
|
complex relations contradict and meet each other. Unlike any other
|
||
|
region in the world, this is a place where a palace pomp and
|
||
|
street poverty live face to face and which is why this is the
|
||
|
place where a social hate and anger can upsurge more easily
|
||
|
against such open, obvious and bold mastery. This Middle East and
|
||
|
Front Asia Geography, where traditional life can still blossom
|
||
|
despite the industrial pliers, is a permanent and important area
|
||
|
for the anarchist social movement.
|
||
|
|
||
|
So this is the place where we were born. From here we salute the
|
||
|
revolutionaries, anarchists of the whole world, with all our
|
||
|
warmest and heartfelt feelings.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We as the ones who aimed to carry the 200-year-old anarchist
|
||
|
struggle tradition to the Middle East, are aiming a
|
||
|
multi-dimensional world. Of course, that insists a high level of
|
||
|
cultural richness as well as a hard ideological, philosophical
|
||
|
moral and political fight. For sure, the mission is to be equipped
|
||
|
enough at all these levels. Because we are not after temporary
|
||
|
zeals and short-lived hobbies. We want a permanent, free life now.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Therefore we need a wide range of material and cultural sources,
|
||
|
any kind of equipment and so many volunteers of freedom fighters
|
||
|
from every part of the world. States, borders, and languages
|
||
|
cannot barricade the road to meet on a joint struggle and to
|
||
|
construct a communal life. Let us refuse our consciousness which
|
||
|
has been "trained" for centuries.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Belonging to no nation, we a handful of revolutionaries have given
|
||
|
our hearts to be the fire thieves of the freedom struggle, against
|
||
|
the authorities that have deep roots in such a hard region where
|
||
|
blood and death prevails.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Fire thieves need various publications and other communication
|
||
|
materials for finding out their demands, aims and their sense of
|
||
|
life freely and to pose their voice sufficiently and in every
|
||
|
language. Ates Hirsizi was born as a result of this concrete need
|
||
|
but is also a notice board where all freedom fighters can leave
|
||
|
their messages.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Ates Hirsizi Aylik Politik Dergi Klodfarer Cad.
|
||
|
Dr. Sevki Bey Sk.No. 4/2 Sultanamhet ISTANBUL TURKEY
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
EAST TIMOR: THE RESISTANCE CONTINUES
|
||
|
|
||
|
[Presented by Constancio Pinto Executive Secretary for the
|
||
|
Clandestine Front National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM)
|
||
|
Tour of North America, April, 1993.]
|
||
|
|
||
|
I was twelve years old when the Indonesian military invaded my
|
||
|
country. I fled to the mountains with my family and, for three
|
||
|
years, hid in the jungle. We had little food, no medicine, and no
|
||
|
weapons to defend ourselves, with but we were not alone. Thousands
|
||
|
of East Timorese families had fled into the mountains like us to
|
||
|
escape the terror of the invasion; others fled to Australia or
|
||
|
Portugal as refugees. During those years in the mountains, people
|
||
|
were dying all around me. Many were killed by the Indonesian
|
||
|
military; others died more slowly through starvation or disease.
|
||
|
It is hard for me to describe those years, but I can still see the
|
||
|
Skyhawks and Bronco AV10 aircraft that the Indonesians used in
|
||
|
their attempts to eliminate us. As you probably know, those
|
||
|
aircraft are manufactured in the United States. When I was fifteen
|
||
|
years old I went to the front line as a guerrilla fighter. At that
|
||
|
time, the Indonesians controlled all the food producing areas and
|
||
|
people were starving in the mountains. We were fighting to protect
|
||
|
and feed them -- as well as for our right to self determination.
|
||
|
[...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
I finished school in 1988 and became a teacher of religion. This
|
||
|
was my cover for my work in the resistance. I sent food and
|
||
|
medicine to the fighters still in the mountains and kept them
|
||
|
informed about what was happening in Dili and the other towns and
|
||
|
villages occupied by the Indonesian army. I also monitored what
|
||
|
was happening abroad. One of my main tasks however was to develop
|
||
|
the civilian resistance by uniting all the independent groups
|
||
|
resisting the Indonesian occupation. I began this work in 1986
|
||
|
with a small cell of seven people. Our code was 007! The umbrella
|
||
|
organization at the time was known as the Revolutionary Council of
|
||
|
National Resistance (CRRN). In 1989, CRRN was transformed into
|
||
|
CNRM -- the National Council of Maubere Resistance. In effect,
|
||
|
CNRM is a non-partisan clandestine coalition of all East Timorese
|
||
|
nationalist groups including student organizations, our army
|
||
|
Falantil plus the two major political parties Fretilin and
|
||
|
UDT.[...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
At this time, the leader of the resistance was Xanana Gusmao, a
|
||
|
hero to a whole generation of young East Timorese both inside East
|
||
|
Timor and in the diaspora. He was captured by the Indonesian
|
||
|
military on Nov 20, 1992 and is still on trial in Dili. The
|
||
|
Indonesians caught and arrested me on the morning of Jan 25, 1991,
|
||
|
my birthday. I told them I would never forget the birthday
|
||
|
present they gave me -- for, after the police had finished with me
|
||
|
at the station, I had blood coming out of my nose, my ears, my
|
||
|
eyes and my mouth. My body was swollen all over.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The beating continued from 9 o'clock on the morning I was arrested
|
||
|
until 10 o'clock at night. They stripped me, and after every
|
||
|
question they kicked and punched me all over and jabbed me with
|
||
|
their outstretched hands in the abdomen to purposely cause damage
|
||
|
to my internal organs. They beat me even while I was bleeding.
|
||
|
They repeatedly threatened to kill me, to throw me into the sea.
|
||
|
|
||
|
They threatened my family too. They said that if I didn't tell
|
||
|
them what I was doing and where Xanana was, they would harm my
|
||
|
parents and my wife. They told me I would be responsible for
|
||
|
whatever happened to them. After the beating at the police
|
||
|
station, I was transferred to Senopato II prison where I was
|
||
|
interrogated by Captain Edy Suprianto and Lieutenant Colonel
|
||
|
Gatot, the head of intelligence in East Timor. That interrogation
|
||
|
continued for four days non-stop. When they finished with me, they
|
||
|
threw me in a cell alone. There were thirteen other East Timorese
|
||
|
political prisoners in that prison while I was there. [...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
On 29 Oct, the Indonesian army ambushed Motael church in Dili and
|
||
|
killed Sebastiao Gomes, a 22 year old student who had sought
|
||
|
sanctuary there. Soldiers surrounded the church, broke into it and
|
||
|
shot Sebastiao in the stomach. He bled to death on the steps of
|
||
|
the church.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I was to be next. The military knew of my role in the resistance
|
||
|
because they had forced some of the detainees to admit, under
|
||
|
torture, that I was still their leader. I could not even say
|
||
|
goodbye to my wife nor my parents and I have not seen them since
|
||
|
that day. [...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
We held the demonstration on Nov 12, 1991, a week after
|
||
|
Sebastiao's funeral. It is our custom to remember our dead seven
|
||
|
days after the funeral by placing flowers on the grave. In Tetun
|
||
|
we call it ai funan midar which means "sweet flowers." The
|
||
|
mourners not only brought flowers but banners too which they hid
|
||
|
underneath their jackets then unfurled as they marched to the
|
||
|
cemetery. Many believed the presence of foreign journalists would
|
||
|
protect them from the direct vengeance of the Indonesian military.
|
||
|
Our plan was to demonstrate peacefully. None of the marchers did
|
||
|
anything to provoke the Indonesian troops. But, as they passed one
|
||
|
of the government buildings, the police agents provocateurs began
|
||
|
throwing rocks, breaking windows and beating the demonstrators
|
||
|
with sticks. When they arrived at the cemetery, it seemed like the
|
||
|
Indonesian military had prepared an ambush. One, two, maybe five
|
||
|
minutes after the marchers had entered the cemetery gates, the
|
||
|
military opened fire. I was hiding in a house 500 meters away and
|
||
|
could not see what was happening. But I heard the gun shots and
|
||
|
screaming. I also saw the Indonesians throw the dead and wounded
|
||
|
onto trucks for the drive to the military hospital. There were
|
||
|
seven trucks.[...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
Between December and February I collected the names of people who
|
||
|
had been killed at the cemetery or had died from injuries received
|
||
|
that day. Our official death toll was 271. Many more are still
|
||
|
unaccounted for. If you have seen the television coverage from
|
||
|
that massacre, you will know that the demonstrators were mostly
|
||
|
young people, East Timor's future. Their murder is further
|
||
|
evidence of the genocide the Indonesian military is committing
|
||
|
against our people. After the Santa Cruz massacre, my photograph
|
||
|
was circulated throughout East Timor and Indonesia on state-run
|
||
|
television and in the press. I was a hunted man.[...] I eventually
|
||
|
escaped by car to Kupang in West Timor, and from there travelled
|
||
|
to Jakarta where I remained in hiding for a further five months. I
|
||
|
arrived in Lisbon in early Nov 1992 to continue my work for the
|
||
|
East Timorese resistance in exile. I am now CNRM's representative
|
||
|
in Portugal. Not long after I arrived in Lisbon, Xanana Gusmao was
|
||
|
captured in Dili. (Nov 20, 1992.) At that moment many people
|
||
|
thought his capture marked the end of the resistance in East
|
||
|
Timor. But I would like to tell you that the struggle does not
|
||
|
depend on just one person: it depends on the determination of the
|
||
|
East Timorese people. Xanana's successor Mau Huno has now also
|
||
|
been arrested -- but again he is just one man.[...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
Like all East Timorese, I've suffered many difficulties since
|
||
|
Indonesia invaded my country in 1975. I don't want my son, whom I
|
||
|
have never seen, to have to go through what my generation and my
|
||
|
parents' generation have been through. Unless the international
|
||
|
community acts decisively to facilitate an internationally
|
||
|
supervised act of self-determination in East Timor, I'm afraid the
|
||
|
pattern of the past seventeen years will be repeated over and over
|
||
|
again: resistance to Indonesian occupation, intimidation by the
|
||
|
Indonesian military, atrocities against the Timorese people. More
|
||
|
resistance, more intimidation, more atrocities. I don't want my
|
||
|
child to have to go through that, nor anyone else's child. And I
|
||
|
want to be able to see my wife and my son some day.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Constancio Pinto is one of five East Timorese who came to North
|
||
|
America in April 1993 to talk about the future of their occupied
|
||
|
country.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For info contact: Charles Scheiner, Coordinator
|
||
|
East Timor Action Network/US
|
||
|
P.O. Box 1182
|
||
|
White Plains, New York 10602
|
||
|
Tel (914) 428-7299 fax (914) 428-7383
|
||
|
email: cscheiner@igc.apc.org Compuserve:74670,3530
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
UPDATE: AWARENESS LEAGUE IN NIGERIA
|
||
|
|
||
|
According to a recent letter from the Awareness League, an
|
||
|
anarcho-syndicalist group in Nigeria, the political situation in
|
||
|
that country continues to worsen. Workers began striking
|
||
|
nationwide during the last week of January against a background of
|
||
|
worsening economic conditions. With each passing day there is
|
||
|
growing apprehension that General Babngida will proclaim himself
|
||
|
President-for-Life. Recently a tribunal sentenced six opposition
|
||
|
elements on trumped up charges. The men were sentenced for
|
||
|
immediate execution.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Awareness League members who were imprisoned (and who were
|
||
|
released on bail awaiting further proceedings in the midst of an
|
||
|
international campaign coordinated by Neither East Nor West and
|
||
|
Workers Solidarity Alliance from NY) are still required to report
|
||
|
daily to the Nigerian Secret Police, State Security Service (SSS).
|
||
|
Efforts to reintegrate the comrades into society after their
|
||
|
seven-month imprisonment continue, but they are still very ill.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Financial support for the Awareness League is still needed, as the
|
||
|
legal persecution by the Nigerian authorities continues. Over
|
||
|
$1800 has been raised so far, but their lawyer still needs to be
|
||
|
paid. This money can literally save their lives. For more
|
||
|
information or contributions contact:
|
||
|
|
||
|
WSA, 339 Lafayette St., Rm 202, NYC 10012 tel (212) 979-8353
|
||
|
or:
|
||
|
Awareness League c/o Samuel Mbah
|
||
|
PO Box 28 Agbani, Enugu State, Nigeria
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
ANARCHY IN JAPAN: 1992 - MARCH 1993
|
||
|
|
||
|
Excerpted from W@rrior, Newsletter from Revolutionary Anarchists
|
||
|
in Kyoto, Japan
|
||
|
|
||
|
14 Jun / Kyoto
|
||
|
|
||
|
Meeting and rally against dispatch of SDF (Self Defense Force)
|
||
|
overseas under the name of UN Peace Keeping Operations. Militant
|
||
|
anarchists clashed with police forces on the street.
|
||
|
|
||
|
2 Oct / Osaka
|
||
|
|
||
|
Riot in the workers' town of Kumagasaki. Workers' anger exploded
|
||
|
against the local city council and police. Cars were burned. Fire
|
||
|
bombs were thrown. An anarchist was arrested.
|
||
|
|
||
|
30 Oct/ Tokyo
|
||
|
|
||
|
Protest action against Peruvian embassy appealing the release for
|
||
|
Andres Villaverde was made by the group GICRAV (formed by
|
||
|
ARP).Before dawn, embassy has been attacked with a fire bomb.
|
||
|
|
||
|
11 Feb / Kyoto
|
||
|
|
||
|
A meeting and rally impeaching "National Foundation
|
||
|
Day."Anti-militarist/-racist/ -monarchist, and anarchist and
|
||
|
radical activists joined. Kyoto local government authorities and
|
||
|
financiers are going to celebrate 1094 as "1200th anniversary of
|
||
|
the historical foundation of Kyoto." The previous capital of Japan
|
||
|
was founded under bloody conquest and invasion of several regional
|
||
|
nations including the people of Yezo, Hayato, and Ainu, among
|
||
|
others. ARP is calling for an action against this stupid
|
||
|
"celebration." Smash the 1200 years of massacre!!
|
||
|
|
||
|
11 Feb / Kyoto
|
||
|
|
||
|
The statement to the Nigerian government was announced in the
|
||
|
names of ARP RRU/IWA KANSAI, ABC(Kyoto) and Takeru Kurori (member
|
||
|
of the Anarchist Federation) which demanded the release of four
|
||
|
members of the Awareness League who were arrested last year.
|
||
|
|
||
|
11-16 Mar / Kyoto
|
||
|
|
||
|
Series of actions were made against the Kyoto Local Prefectual
|
||
|
Government who placed a bill of municipal ordinance intending to
|
||
|
regulate the use of microphones at public places and even on the
|
||
|
streets.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Thursday, the 11th, at the hall of the Pref Assembly, anarchists
|
||
|
chanted and unfolded a banner reading "Death to the Law!!" and
|
||
|
"Smash the Suppression!!!"
|
||
|
|
||
|
Five of the anarchist and radicals were violently evicted from the
|
||
|
gallery by the heavily mobilized guards. It was the first time in
|
||
|
40 years that anyone was excluded from the hall. Anarchists and
|
||
|
radicals engaged in protest actions when the Tokyo Metropolitan
|
||
|
Assembly enacted the same ordinance last November).
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
Continued in Part 3...
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
+ Join Us! Support The NY Transfer News Collective +
|
||
|
+ We deliver uncensored information to your mailbox! +
|
||
|
+ Modem:718-448-2358 FAX:718-448-3423 e-mail:nyt@blythe.org+
|
||
|
|
||
|
From nyt@speedway.net Mon Jun 14 19:42:06 1993
|
||
|
Received: from access1.speedway.net (NS.SPEEDWAY.NET) by sun.Panix.Com with SMTP id AA29497
|
||
|
(5.65c/IDA-1.4.4 for <nyxfer@panix.com>); Mon, 14 Jun 1993 19:41:22 -0400
|
||
|
Received: by access1.speedway.net with UUCP (Smail3.1.28.1 #4)
|
||
|
id m0o5O9Q-000Sv7C; Mon, 14 Jun 93 16:41 PDT
|
||
|
Received: by blythe.org (1.65/waf)
|
||
|
via UUCP; Mon, 14 Jun 93 14:53:25 EDT
|
||
|
for nyxfer@panix.com
|
||
|
From: nyt@blythe.org
|
||
|
Date: Mon, 14 Jun 93 14:53:25 EDT
|
||
|
Message-Id: <gate.qBe65B1w165w@blythe.org>
|
||
|
Subject: Love&Rage_6/93-3
|
||
|
To: nyxfer@Panix.Com
|
||
|
Status: RO
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
LOVE AND RAGE
|
||
|
Revolutionary Anarachist Newspaper
|
||
|
Electronic Edition
|
||
|
|
||
|
Volume 4, Number 3
|
||
|
June/July, 1993
|
||
|
|
||
|
Part 3 of 3
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
A GOOD YEAR FOR THE KURDISH RESISTANCE
|
||
|
|
||
|
Nineteen ninety two was a decisive year for the Kurdish liberation
|
||
|
struggle, particularly in Northwest Kurdistan. The Workers Party
|
||
|
of Kurdistan (PKK) and the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan
|
||
|
(ERNK) have been instrumental in developing this struggle, and
|
||
|
their strength and ability to achieve this is a measure of support
|
||
|
they have from the Kurdish people. One of the clearest examples of
|
||
|
this occurs during the celebrations of the Kurdish New year --
|
||
|
Newroz -- every March. This year, like many before it, saw Newroz
|
||
|
celebrations in many Kurdish cities and towns turn into militant
|
||
|
demonstrations in support of the PKK and the struggle to free and
|
||
|
reunite all parts of occupied Kurdistan. The Turkish state
|
||
|
responded with brutal attacks on the Kurdish people -- dozens were
|
||
|
killed and thousands were detained under martial law for many
|
||
|
days.[...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Special War Means a "Scorched Earth" Policy
|
||
|
|
||
|
The attack on Sirnak was a turning point in the war for national
|
||
|
liberation, as repression by the Turkish state has clearly shifted
|
||
|
from its "Special War" counter-insurgency operations to all-out
|
||
|
war. This escalation has manifested itself in a 'scorched earth'
|
||
|
policy which has seen the razing of towns and cities such as Kulp,
|
||
|
Varto, Hani, and Cizre and others. The second and even more brutal
|
||
|
attack on Sirnak in August has been by far the clearest example of
|
||
|
Turkish atrocities against the Kurdish people. Starting Aug 18,
|
||
|
1992, Turkish forces blocked all roads in and out of Sirnak and
|
||
|
went on a three-day rampage, claiming that the town was controlled
|
||
|
by 1500 ARGK guerrillas (the People's Liberation Army, the
|
||
|
military wing of the PKK). [...] Seventy percent of the city was
|
||
|
destroyed and many people were left homeless and destitute. There
|
||
|
were no guerrilla units in the city. At present the city is
|
||
|
devastated and many of its inhabitants have become refugees.
|
||
|
Rebuilding efforts are under way but due to the continued Turkish
|
||
|
presence and repression those efforts are proceeding slowly.
|
||
|
|
||
|
While the army has been carrying out a full-scale warfare, it has
|
||
|
also continued to carry out a variety of counter-insurgency
|
||
|
operations. Contraguerrillas have been organized to assassinate
|
||
|
sympathetic journalists and politicians, PKK militants and the
|
||
|
supporters of the Kurdish liberation struggle. This has included
|
||
|
the assassination of writer/journalist Huseyin Deniz and of Musa
|
||
|
Anter, who was a journalist with the progressive newspaper Ozgur
|
||
|
Gundem and a noted writer considered by many to be the "grand old
|
||
|
man of Kurdish culture." He was the fifth journalist from this
|
||
|
newspaper to be assassinated in 1992. In an obvious show of
|
||
|
contempt for their deaths, Prime Minister Suleyman Demirel stated
|
||
|
that "these are not the journalists you think they are. They are
|
||
|
all militants." In other words, in the view of the Turkish
|
||
|
government, their deaths were justified. On June 11,
|
||
|
contraguerrillas took 15 Kurdish patriots off a bus which was
|
||
|
returning from Hizan and executed them. [...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
Arbitrary detentions and mass arrests of Kurdish militants and
|
||
|
activists continue to be used to quell dissent and support for an
|
||
|
independent Kurdistan. On Sept 25, 11 members of the People's
|
||
|
Labour Party (HEP) were arrested on the orders of the National
|
||
|
Security Council -- which includes the Prime Minister, Army chiefs
|
||
|
and certain cabinet members. The HEP is a progressive political
|
||
|
party which supports Kurdish rights; in the 1991 elections, it
|
||
|
elected 22 Kurdish MPs to parliament. The arrest of the HEP
|
||
|
members was based on the view of the National Security Council
|
||
|
that it would take "legal measures against those democratic
|
||
|
institutions and media which support separatism and work against
|
||
|
the unity state structure and thus have no constitutional or legal
|
||
|
basis."[...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
Kurdish Collaborators with Turkish Colonialism
|
||
|
|
||
|
In Iraqi-occupied Kurdistan the two leading political forces in
|
||
|
the region, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the
|
||
|
Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iraq (KDP), have consistently shown
|
||
|
themselves to the be the enemies of an independent Kurdistan. They
|
||
|
have arrested, tortured and killed PKK supporters and members,
|
||
|
turned them over to the Turkish military, and passed on
|
||
|
information about PKK activities to Turkish and imperialist agents
|
||
|
who they allow to operate in south Kurdistan. In response to this,
|
||
|
the ARGK imposed an embargo on the border trade at the
|
||
|
Turkish-Iraqi frontier on July 29. This was not aimed at the
|
||
|
Kurdish people in the south but against the joint trade carried
|
||
|
out between the Turkish state and the KDP. Instead the PKK wishes
|
||
|
to forge better economic, social and political ties between the
|
||
|
people of north and south Kurdistan without the interference of
|
||
|
the Turkish state and its KDP-PUK collaborators.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The KDP-PUK retaliated by coordinating with the Turkish military,
|
||
|
an offensive against PKK/ARGK bases in south Kurdistan in October.
|
||
|
Heavy clashes occurred between ARGK guerrillas and KDP-PUK
|
||
|
peshmergas (Kurdish name for "guerrilla") in Lolan, Sheranis,
|
||
|
Batufa, Zakho, Haftanin and other areas. When the fighting began
|
||
|
many peshmergas refused to fight against their own people and a
|
||
|
number went over to the ARGK side. Also, splits began to occur
|
||
|
within the KDP-PUK forces with the resignation of ministers from
|
||
|
both parades who stated that the "clashes only helped the Turkish
|
||
|
state." On Oct 22, the PKK was able to prove conclusively that the
|
||
|
collaboration was taking place between KDP-PUK forces and the
|
||
|
Turkish military. In an ARGK raid on a meeting of KDP-PUK
|
||
|
commanders, seized documents confirmed that a trilateral committee
|
||
|
existed which directed the operations of the peshmergas. This
|
||
|
committee was composed of one PUK commander, a KDP commander and a
|
||
|
senior Turkish military major who had direct access to the Turkish
|
||
|
High Command who were directing military operations.
|
||
|
|
||
|
During the initial offensive, ARGK forces were on the defensive,
|
||
|
facing heavy attacks in many areas. Despite rumours by the media
|
||
|
of a withdrawal and surrender, the ARGK/PKK did not lose any
|
||
|
ground, and, towards the end of October, were able to mount an
|
||
|
offensive. In early November the PKK announced the lifting of the
|
||
|
embargo on border trade after a political settlement with the
|
||
|
forces of the KDP-PUK. Terms of the settlement allowed the
|
||
|
ARGK/PKK to continue to operated freely in south Kurdistan --
|
||
|
clearly showing the inability of the KDP-PUK/Turkish military
|
||
|
forces to achieve their desired goal.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Struggle Moves Forward
|
||
|
|
||
|
Despite massive repression by the Turkish state of the Kurdish
|
||
|
people, the liberation struggle continues to grow. On a military
|
||
|
level, the ARGK continues to carry out many effective and
|
||
|
sometimes spectacular actions against the Turkish military and
|
||
|
police forces. For example, on Sept 29, 1250 ARGK guerrillas
|
||
|
simultaneously attacked three Turkish military garrisons in the
|
||
|
Semdinli region. The attack, which lasted for over seven hours,
|
||
|
completely destroyed the garrisons as well as killing close to 500
|
||
|
Turkish soldiers. They also shot down a helicopter and captured
|
||
|
numerous weapons while suffering minimal losses. On Nov 10, they
|
||
|
attacked the main military garrison in the town of Hani. The 200
|
||
|
ARGK guerrillas who used rockets and mortars during the attack,
|
||
|
completely destroyed the garrison when they hit the ammunition
|
||
|
dump. When military reinforcements entered the town, they were
|
||
|
attacked by the guerrillas who destroyed four tanks and two
|
||
|
armoured personnel carriers. Once again the ARGK suffered minimal
|
||
|
losses while over 100 soldiers and police were killed during the
|
||
|
attack. Their most recent action, on Dec 14, saw a raid on the
|
||
|
Special Forces headquarters in Diyarbakir which resulted in the
|
||
|
death of 27 police officers. At the same time an ARGK unit
|
||
|
ambushed a military convoy on the road from Hani to Diyarbakir.
|
||
|
[...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
Future?
|
||
|
|
||
|
As the situation intensifies in Northwest Kurdistan, support for
|
||
|
the PKK and Kurdish liberation struggle increases correspondingly
|
||
|
to growing Turkish state repression.[...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
After the Gulf War and the break-up of the Soviet Union, Turkey
|
||
|
has set its sights on becoming the major power in the Middle East
|
||
|
as well as extending its influence throughout the region. While
|
||
|
denying that it plans to annex the Turkish-speaking republics of
|
||
|
the former Soviet Union, Turkey is making economic and political
|
||
|
overtures to, among others, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. [...]
|
||
|
|
||
|
As the world situation increasingly shifts to a "North/South"
|
||
|
confrontation, Turkey assumes the role of a frontline in
|
||
|
imperialist domination. Clearly then, the Kurdish liberation
|
||
|
struggle poses a serious obstacle to the implementation of
|
||
|
imperialism's "New World Order." The formation of an independent
|
||
|
Kurdistan would not only seriously disrupt -- and perhaps even
|
||
|
destroy -- the Turkish state but it would also destabilize the
|
||
|
entire region as uprisings by Kurdish people in Iran, Iraq and
|
||
|
Syria would most likely be occurring at the same time. Further,
|
||
|
the liberation of the Kurdish nation would be a powerful example
|
||
|
and signal for the other colonized people in the region,
|
||
|
particularly the Palestinians. Of course, Turkey and its
|
||
|
imperialist allies cannot allow this to happen and will use any
|
||
|
force necessary to crush the Kurdish liberation struggle.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For us, concrete solidarity with the Kurdish struggle means
|
||
|
building resistance here in the imperialist centers and opposing
|
||
|
its aggression by any means necessary.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Excerpted from Arm The Spirit No. 14/15 Aug-December 1992
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
KILLER COPS
|
||
|
|
||
|
Late this spring over the space of a week, three people in France
|
||
|
were shot in the head by the Police. In the early hours of March
|
||
|
31, A 17 year-old Zairian was detained in Paris after allegedly
|
||
|
stealing two packs of cigarettes from a bar. During questioning,
|
||
|
an inspector took out his gun (supposedly to "frighten" the teen)
|
||
|
put it to the suspect's head, and shot him. Authorities assured
|
||
|
that the inspector would be "sanctioned".
|
||
|
|
||
|
The following sunday an 18-year-old French youth died in the town
|
||
|
of Chambiry (Saboya) after being shot in the head by the cop who
|
||
|
was handcuffing him.
|
||
|
|
||
|
On Wednesday, the 7th of April, another 17 year-old was shot and
|
||
|
seriously wounded in the head by the cops who were pursuing him in
|
||
|
Wattrelos.
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
THEY GOT IT GOING ON IN CZECH REPUBLIC
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Black Hand Foundation is a non-profit, independent
|
||
|
organization established to promote alternative culture and
|
||
|
responsible social values. They suport non-profit social
|
||
|
organizations, provide an opportunity for alternative cultural
|
||
|
activities, provide drug abuse prevention and education focusing
|
||
|
on helping and rehabilitating; suport anti-racist, anti-classist
|
||
|
and anti-discrimination organizations, vegan lifestyles and
|
||
|
anti-vivisection groups; support family planning, sex education,
|
||
|
children's rights, and the fight against sexism.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The Prague-Dejvice Center is the first social center established
|
||
|
by the Black Hand in the former Czechoslovakia. It was
|
||
|
established in a former school located in Prague. Other cultural
|
||
|
ceters in other parts of the country are planned.
|
||
|
|
||
|
A repressive, Communist-era riot law is currently being used
|
||
|
against Czech animal liberation activists. The law states that if
|
||
|
you hurt or injure anyone while disrupting a public meeting or
|
||
|
ceremony, you're engaging in riot, and can be sentenced to up to
|
||
|
two years.
|
||
|
|
||
|
On Oct 11, 1992 there was a big protest against horse racing in
|
||
|
the town of Pardubice, where horse racing is a tradition going
|
||
|
back 100 years, in which many horses have died. Last year was the
|
||
|
biggest demonstration against racing ever, with over 700 people
|
||
|
taking part. The protestors were pushed out of the stadium and
|
||
|
hunted in the forest on horses with dogs. Seven high police
|
||
|
officials were fired, but almost all of the witnesses are now
|
||
|
charged with riot. This is just one example of the use of riot
|
||
|
charges against activists.
|
||
|
|
||
|
If you can offer support contact:
|
||
|
Petr Bergmann c/o Black Hand,
|
||
|
Kafkova 9, Praha 6-16000 / Czech Republic
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
STRATEGY: MOVING TOWARDS REVOLUTION
|
||
|
|
||
|
strat `e gy -- n. 1. the skillful employment and coordination of
|
||
|
tactics; 2. artful planning and management-- Webster Dictionary
|
||
|
|
||
|
We put out a general call for articles relating to "strategy." We
|
||
|
were interested in hearing about why people do the work they're
|
||
|
doing and how it fits into their conception of strategy for
|
||
|
bringing about revolution. What are people's goals? Long term,
|
||
|
short term? What is strategy? Where do we get one?
|
||
|
|
||
|
The following articles are a sampling of written works by
|
||
|
individuals and collectives in the anarchist movement. Two of the
|
||
|
articles were reprinted from Free Society's Special Strategy
|
||
|
Issue, which contains many other contributions to the discussion
|
||
|
as well. We hope to run more articles in the future on this
|
||
|
subject. But in the mean time here's a few to chew on. Hope you
|
||
|
like em!
|
||
|
|
||
|
-- Towards Revolution,
|
||
|
Dema and Gene of the Production Group
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
PITCHFORK: PLANS WITH PRONGS
|
||
|
|
||
|
AWOL is an anarchist activist collective working in Mnpls. Many of
|
||
|
us were members (as well as initiators) of the Youth Greens, (YGs)
|
||
|
which is now defunct. The YGs, the majority of whom identified as
|
||
|
eco-anarchists and/or Social Ecologists, were organized around
|
||
|
democratically written principles such as anti-capitalism,
|
||
|
Lesbian/Gay/Bisexual liberation, anti-racism and ethnic identity,
|
||
|
(social) eco-feminism and others. Being a local of the YGs allowed
|
||
|
us to have a certain amount of political coherence from the
|
||
|
beginning.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The following is a strategy we've developed over the two-and-some
|
||
|
years we've been working together. There are four key elements:
|
||
|
Direct Action, Study, Internal Democracy/Identity Politics and
|
||
|
Counter Institutions. These are four prongs of the PITCHFORK
|
||
|
we've used to jab the booty of power. While we don't consider this
|
||
|
to be a coherent, mapped out program, we do see it as an active,
|
||
|
democratic process by which we can contribute to the development
|
||
|
of a long term, viable revolutionary strategy.
|
||
|
|
||
|
DIRECT ACTION
|
||
|
|
||
|
At every stage of social struggle, direct action plays a crucial
|
||
|
role. Even reform within the system has always come from below.
|
||
|
All the gains of the labor movement in the 1930s were made
|
||
|
possible by a movement of militants who carried out strikes,
|
||
|
walk-outs and occupations. The struggle for freedom of
|
||
|
African-Americans, women and queer people were ignited in the
|
||
|
streets by courageous people who were going to make the system
|
||
|
deal with them on their terms. In movements of total social
|
||
|
upheaval,such as the Spanish Revolution, people have taken not
|
||
|
only the streets, but the factories, armories, communication
|
||
|
centers and other critical sites to keep power out of the hands of
|
||
|
the state and private capitalists. Direct action has and always
|
||
|
will be an essential part of all social movements.
|
||
|
|
||
|
However, this idea of demonstrating in the streets can, like
|
||
|
anything else, turned into safe, liberal and ineffective
|
||
|
expressions of "first amendment rights." We've probably all been
|
||
|
to boring demos, in which we were herded around by a bunch of
|
||
|
liberals and/or commies, forced to listen to some really
|
||
|
uninspiring people, and then sent home when our "resisting" was
|
||
|
done. This can be one of the more disempowering experiences anyone
|
||
|
can have.
|
||
|
|
||
|
But direct action can be an extremely imaginative process or event
|
||
|
and doesn't have to be like the model above. Any action -- be it
|
||
|
street theater, a puke-in, a big demo, or anything else -- can be
|
||
|
organized around non-hierarchical and democratic principles. In
|
||
|
this way it gives us the chance to practice and experiment with
|
||
|
ideas we have about what a free society looks like, and at the
|
||
|
same informing and transforming those ideas.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Action also shows that there is resistance. This is important not
|
||
|
only because it tells the powers that be that we are here, but it
|
||
|
tells the average citizen that there are alternatives. A small
|
||
|
street theater piece can convey ideas (not only about life but
|
||
|
art) to a lot of people.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Autonomous action should be encouraged by groups and individuals
|
||
|
within demonstrations so that a more spontaneous situation will be
|
||
|
created by participants. While planning actions, discussions
|
||
|
should take place about what affinity groups are (small autonomous
|
||
|
groups that take action and watch out for each other) and how not
|
||
|
to alienate people who are new to this kind of demonstration. In
|
||
|
actions or marches called by other groups, anarchists should
|
||
|
participate in planning or participating as anarchists, using our
|
||
|
creativity, making a new world on the streets.
|
||
|
|
||
|
STUDY
|
||
|
|
||
|
Revolutionary social movements must be informed by understandings
|
||
|
of history, of present conditions and ideas about, what we want
|
||
|
for the future. An anarchist movement especially needs to inform
|
||
|
itself of how power operates; how it shapes society; and how it
|
||
|
has affected our own understanding of the world. In this way,
|
||
|
theory is the process of self-education. For radicals, this
|
||
|
education is not for the production of knowledge for its own sake,
|
||
|
but knowledge in the service of changing the world. As it is, the
|
||
|
prevailing ideas in this society are the ones that justify
|
||
|
capitalism, patriarchy, the nation-state, racism and in fact the
|
||
|
whole structure of a brutally hierarchical and anti-ecological
|
||
|
society. These ideas are so deeply entrenched in our own psyches
|
||
|
that they are not always obvious, even to those of us who claim to
|
||
|
be for revolutionary change. Part of our role is to do the often
|
||
|
difficult intellectual labor necessary to expose ways of thinking,
|
||
|
while providing new ideas that we attempt to work out in practice.
|
||
|
|
||
|
In this process of education we must be self-critical and willing
|
||
|
to let our understanding evolve. Precisely the moment we think we
|
||
|
have it all figured out is the point at which our ideas become
|
||
|
rigid dogma and our strategies a stale blueprint. Forms of
|
||
|
oppression and new identities will always emerge that will
|
||
|
challenge our basic assumptions, the way social movements such as
|
||
|
Black liberation, second wave of feminism, Lesbian/Gay liberation,
|
||
|
ecology and others challenged traditional ways of leftist ideas
|
||
|
between the late 1950s and early 70s. Just as important, the
|
||
|
nature of domination itself is always shifting and changing forms,
|
||
|
leaving us with no easy explanations of how, for instance,
|
||
|
capitalism in the late 20th century works and what is the best way
|
||
|
to intervene.
|
||
|
|
||
|
AWOL's approach to all of this is to do collective study, both as
|
||
|
an educational component of our meetings and in independent study
|
||
|
groups. Sometimes we have chosen ideas to peruse, other times
|
||
|
circumstances have forced them on us. Often it is really hard to
|
||
|
figure out how to approach a subject, find the time to study in a
|
||
|
committed way, and to deal with different levels of theoretical
|
||
|
knowledge, gender and class issues and other problems. What we
|
||
|
are up against is a society that attempts to keep everyone
|
||
|
uncritical and save theory for a privileged group of white males.
|
||
|
However, by trying to work out those things, we have demystified
|
||
|
theory ourselves and achieved a much greater democracy as well as
|
||
|
intimacy in the group. We think it is equally important to get
|
||
|
ideas out into the world, so we write propaganda as a group, or in
|
||
|
twos and threes, which gets read and critiqued by the group before
|
||
|
going out (like for instance, this article). In this way, no one
|
||
|
person or small cadre controls knowledge production or AWOL
|
||
|
strategy.
|
||
|
|
||
|
INTERNAL DEMOCRACY & IDENTITY POLITICS
|
||
|
|
||
|
Any time radicals work in any kind of diverse groups, subtle and
|
||
|
overt forms of domination are going to play themselves out. This
|
||
|
is the inevitable outcome of living in a hierarchical society. But
|
||
|
that doesn't make it acceptable or insurmountable. Fortunately,
|
||
|
for those of us on the short end of the oppression stick, our
|
||
|
privileged comrades are supposed to have a commitment to ending
|
||
|
all forms of hierarchy and domination, including their own
|
||
|
behavior. This is one of the real beauties of anarchism. Unlike
|
||
|
the traditional authoritarian left, oppressed people can't be
|
||
|
asked to subsume their needs and issues to the "greater good."
|
||
|
|
||
|
Take, for example, sexism. In AWOL, for a while men were doing
|
||
|
most of the mental labor. Once this is noticed as a problem it
|
||
|
seems like the solution is for women to just participate more.
|
||
|
That is where the whole thing can become completely destructive
|
||
|
and threaten the stability of the group. First of all it assumes
|
||
|
that women want and are able to participate "just like men."
|
||
|
Secondly, it assumes that complex and dynamic conflicts can have
|
||
|
bureaucratic solutions, ie every flyer must be produced by a man
|
||
|
and a women. (This kind of solution doesn't deal with the
|
||
|
particular dynamic between these two people and the way they have
|
||
|
been socialized to interact.)
|
||
|
|
||
|
What it boils down to are questions of power. Who has the power,
|
||
|
why and how they got it and how those without it can get some.
|
||
|
Women aren't going to participate if they haven't empowered
|
||
|
themselves to do so. They will not want to be a part of something
|
||
|
that doesn't incorporate their experiences and ideas. At the same
|
||
|
time, men must be willing to relinquish the roles they are used to
|
||
|
playing. We've been working on these problems in AWOL from the
|
||
|
very beginning, it is an on going project and a satisfying
|
||
|
process.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Beyond our individual groups, we should also support other social
|
||
|
movements that are identity-based and help them in their
|
||
|
struggles. Instead of asking others to join us, we should show our
|
||
|
support as anarchists in their struggles. We have to address the
|
||
|
needs of people who are marginalized if we want a movement that
|
||
|
substantially includes them. Anarchists (purists by definition)
|
||
|
don't have the easiest time working in coalitions or building
|
||
|
long-term, principled alliances, but that is what we have to do.
|
||
|
In that process, our ideas will inevitably change, as we further
|
||
|
confront our own racism, homophobia and sexism. And at the same
|
||
|
time we learn about struggle from people who have different
|
||
|
experiences with power, and different ideas with what they want to
|
||
|
do about it.
|
||
|
|
||
|
COUNTER-INSTITUTIONS
|
||
|
|
||
|
If we are going to take on this project of reshaping society, we
|
||
|
are also going to have to reshape ourselves, our social
|
||
|
relationships and our communities. Expecting to smash all forms of
|
||
|
hierarchy and domination and then have egalitarian social
|
||
|
structures magically pop up in their place (because humans at
|
||
|
heart are just darn good people) is not a strategy that is going
|
||
|
to work.
|
||
|
|
||
|
By creating and sustaining radical collectives and institutions
|
||
|
such as food co-ops, bookstores, day care, community gardens,
|
||
|
theaters, cafes or anything else, we create institutional space
|
||
|
that is much more on our own terms. These places become public
|
||
|
space where we can begin to practice democracy. Often these
|
||
|
institutions require us to deal with the marketplace or some state
|
||
|
regulation. But we can use them to advance other kinds of
|
||
|
oppositional practices, such as worker self-management, community
|
||
|
control, direct democracy and commitment to serve social movements
|
||
|
and help enfranchise oppressed communities and individuals.
|
||
|
|
||
|
It is crucial that such places don't become counter-culture
|
||
|
hangouts in the marketplace that cater to eco-consumers, yuppies
|
||
|
who like organic food. The idea is that counter-institutions
|
||
|
counter the onslaught of a market economy and an increasingly
|
||
|
authoritarian society. This means both an attempt to relate to the
|
||
|
communities around us, and to confederate with other
|
||
|
counter-institutions to take part in building a popular counter
|
||
|
power.
|
||
|
|
||
|
There may have been many revolutionary moments in history where
|
||
|
people have taken direct, democratic control over their lives from
|
||
|
which we can learn and get inspiration. From the Paris Commune, to
|
||
|
the communal peasant forms of organization in the Russian
|
||
|
Revolution, to the industrial and agrarian collectives during the
|
||
|
Spanish Revolution. There are also more recent examples to draw
|
||
|
from as well. The co-opt movement of the early 1970s in Mpls and
|
||
|
St Paul, built the largest number of worker-controlled cooperative
|
||
|
ventures in the US. This movement did not live up to its ideals
|
||
|
because of internal factionalism, pressures from the marketplace
|
||
|
and the turn away from politics to lifestylism by many people.
|
||
|
That doesn't negate the importance of that movement. What it does
|
||
|
do is give a realistic picture of the inherent limitations and
|
||
|
pitfalls of this kind of strategy.
|
||
|
|
||
|
People in AWOL have been involved in a couple of different
|
||
|
counter-institutions, the Powderhorn Co-op, a worker-managed,
|
||
|
community owned grocery, and the Emma Center, an anarchist
|
||
|
community space, both in South Mpls. Each of these spaces has its
|
||
|
own unique problems and take an enormous amount of energy to keep
|
||
|
going, but both give anarchism a public face in Mpls and allow us
|
||
|
to work out new relationships with each other while we also
|
||
|
counter the outside world.
|
||
|
|
||
|
CONCLUSION
|
||
|
|
||
|
For the sake of explanation we have broken these things down into
|
||
|
their little packages. But in actuality it's a much more dynamic
|
||
|
process. For instance, we are never just studying. We see a study
|
||
|
group as a counter-institution to the formal education system. We
|
||
|
may be studying the strategy and tactics of the Black liberation
|
||
|
movement of the early 1960s and 70s, and how they may be of use to
|
||
|
us today. While we are doing this we will be watching out for and
|
||
|
trying to overcome inequalities due to gender or class. All of
|
||
|
this helps to inform our decisions on where to take action and
|
||
|
when. Through trial and error, it is what we have collectively
|
||
|
arrived at. In this way the pitchfork has had a certain amount of
|
||
|
organic development. -- edited From Free Society, Winter 1993
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
ANARCHY, PUNK AND UTOPIA
|
||
|
|
||
|
To many readers of Profane Existence it must seem like the only
|
||
|
strategy the PE collective has is to sell our records and to
|
||
|
glorify violence against the state, and hell, it's partly true.
|
||
|
These activities are important parts of our diabolical attempt to
|
||
|
overthrow all systems of oppression and replace them with a world
|
||
|
of free punk gigs, unlimited supplies of home-brew and, er, oh
|
||
|
yeah, nonhierarchical and voluntary forms of political and
|
||
|
economic organization. However, there's also a bit more to the
|
||
|
reams of newsprint with the smudgy ink, the thousands of records
|
||
|
bought and sold, and the endless trips to the post office. The
|
||
|
output of Profane Existence (the magazine, the records, the
|
||
|
shirts, the distirbution, etc) and the way PE itself is organized
|
||
|
(as an anarchist collective) reflect two key parts of an anarchist
|
||
|
strategy we feel is necessary in the struggle to create a free,
|
||
|
equal and just world.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I. Collectives
|
||
|
|
||
|
Most people have a somewhat legitimate gripe when they say,
|
||
|
"Anarchy's a great idea but it will never work." Anarchy won't
|
||
|
work now because people still need to build the political and
|
||
|
historical conditions that make an anarchist society possible.
|
||
|
Despite our dreams, we don't believe that revolution will happen
|
||
|
overnight. Call us cynical. The Spanish Revolution didn't just pop
|
||
|
out of the sky into Spanish workers' and peasants' hands; they
|
||
|
built the revolution for over sixty years. Key to their struggle
|
||
|
was the formation of collectives. We see the formation of
|
||
|
revolutionary collectives as one of the best ways to create the
|
||
|
necessary bridges between the totalitarian society we live in
|
||
|
today and the free society we are working to build tomorrow.
|
||
|
|
||
|
There are two reasons why collectives can help build the necessary
|
||
|
historical and poliitcal conditions that make anarchist revolution
|
||
|
possible. First, collectives are small, efficient means of
|
||
|
organizing that provide practical examples of
|
||
|
counter-instituitions that are egalitarian, voluntary and
|
||
|
anti-authoritarian. Collectives work and they prove that anarchy
|
||
|
works, and that's one of the best weapons we have against both
|
||
|
captalism and the Marxist-Leninoid version of revolution.
|
||
|
Collectives demonstrate that people can organize their lives
|
||
|
together in democratic ways that do not oppress or exploit anyone
|
||
|
and that encourgage the full and free participation of people in
|
||
|
things that affect their everyday lives.
|
||
|
|
||
|
To smash capitalism and turn a rebellion (like LA's) into a
|
||
|
revolutionary struggle you have to show people an alternative to
|
||
|
the life they live now, an alternative that makes people willing
|
||
|
to give up what little they have for the possibility of a new
|
||
|
life.
|
||
|
|
||
|
You also have show people an alternative that encourages them to
|
||
|
organize their lives themselves instead of by some party or cult
|
||
|
figure.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The way we see it, any anarchist struggle will be a three cornered
|
||
|
fight among those who support the status quo, authoritarian
|
||
|
revolutionary types (socialist, Leninists, and other stateist
|
||
|
stooges), and anti-authoritarian revolutionaries who don't want to
|
||
|
liberate the masses but want the masses to liberate themselves. PE
|
||
|
places itself firmly in the third camp, but for this type of
|
||
|
strategy to succeed you have to present working alternatives to
|
||
|
capitalist and authoritarian Marxist forms of organization,
|
||
|
alternatives that people can build themselves instead of join or
|
||
|
follow. We think collectives are one of the most important
|
||
|
alternatives anti-authoritarian revolutionaries should present.
|
||
|
|
||
|
However, we don't want to advocate just any kind of collective.
|
||
|
China and the Soviet Union had collectives, but they were either
|
||
|
created or taken over by the state. In the Soviet Union, people
|
||
|
were forced to collectivise, and if they didn't, Stalin starved
|
||
|
them. That's not the kind of collectivization we're about. We're
|
||
|
about anarchist collectives -- collectives that are voluntary,
|
||
|
non-hierarchical, egalitarian, directly democratic, encourage the
|
||
|
full participation of all collective members, and engage in acts
|
||
|
of mutual aid with other revolutionary collectives. We're not
|
||
|
vanguardist. We fully believe the punk ethic of Do-It Yourself
|
||
|
(DIY) is a revolutionary ethic. If you want a free society, you
|
||
|
have to DIY. You have to form your own collective; don't join
|
||
|
ours. You have to work with other collectives while maintaining
|
||
|
your autonomy instead of being recruited into a party. Mass
|
||
|
struggle must be built from the ground up in a non-hierarchical,
|
||
|
democratic manner. Collectives are an excellent way to build this
|
||
|
kind of revolutionary anarchist struggle.
|
||
|
|
||
|
This brings us to our second point. As important as collectives
|
||
|
are, it's not enough just to build a collective and work within
|
||
|
it. To be a revolutionary collective you have to work with other
|
||
|
people, other networks and other collectives. In any anarchist
|
||
|
strategy, working with other collectives has to be seen as just as
|
||
|
important as work within the collective itself. If we all just
|
||
|
work alone, we are isolated and weak . If we all just join
|
||
|
together under the banners of "unity" and "mass struggle," we lose
|
||
|
our individuality and become just another head to count. However,
|
||
|
if we work together as tight-knit autonomous collectives that form
|
||
|
networks, federations and coalitions with other collectives,
|
||
|
communities, individuals, networks and federations, we are
|
||
|
powerful on a mass level while still retaining our identity.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Working with other collectives is important not only for building
|
||
|
connections that strengthen the anarchist movement, it's also
|
||
|
important because it helps break down the internal patterns of
|
||
|
racism, sexism, classism, homophobia and other hidden hierarchies
|
||
|
that can develop within a collective without members even
|
||
|
realizing it. Working with other collectives and/or people of
|
||
|
different backgrounds challenges us and the way we live and
|
||
|
organize within our collective as well as outside of it. When you
|
||
|
get together and work with other collectives, federations, etc.
|
||
|
all parties involved walk away changed. Coalitions aren't just the
|
||
|
sum of the number of groups involved, they alter the interests of
|
||
|
the groups themselves. Because the communication involved forces
|
||
|
people out of the protective shell a collective can develop if it
|
||
|
doesn't talk with other collectives. When something is so subtle
|
||
|
within your collective that no one recognizes it, getting a
|
||
|
perspective from the outside helps a lot.
|
||
|
|
||
|
II. Propaganda
|
||
|
|
||
|
Obviously, another key to anarchist strategy for Profane Existence
|
||
|
is propaganda. Propaganda helps spread our ideas to people who
|
||
|
might not have ever even considered them before. For example, one
|
||
|
important part of the magazine is to challenge dogmatic beliefs
|
||
|
that serve to strengthen the present power structure, beliefs such
|
||
|
as "fascists deserve free speech and freedom to assemble too," and
|
||
|
"some cops are good, some cops are bad," and other such liberal
|
||
|
nonsense. We don't expect our articles, essays and rants to change
|
||
|
anyone's mind overnight, but we do want people to know that these
|
||
|
ideas aren't god-given or "natural," and that there is a struggle
|
||
|
going on about beliefs like these that most people take for
|
||
|
granted. "Not everyone buys into the ruling class ideology; we
|
||
|
just thought you should know," we say.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Further, propaganda also helps the collective because the
|
||
|
criticisms we receive from stuff that we publish or distribute
|
||
|
challenges us to defend our views and change them where necessary.
|
||
|
PE has become a lot stronger due to the feminist and anti-racist
|
||
|
critiques that revealed the straight white male attitude that
|
||
|
often prevailed (and still creeps in, despite our best efforts) in
|
||
|
the magazine. Propaganda inevitably breeds criticism; the
|
||
|
collective uses that criticism to grow and change.
|
||
|
|
||
|
A lot of people criticize the magazine because they say we
|
||
|
romanticize violence and that we exaggerate the struggles we
|
||
|
cover. They are right; we do romaniticize violence against the
|
||
|
state and the ruling class, and we do sometimes exaggerate
|
||
|
peoples' struggles against injustice. However, we also have a
|
||
|
reason, for romaniticizing this sort of stuff shows people --
|
||
|
especially people who live in places that are generally isolated
|
||
|
from revolutionary activity -- that people are struggling against
|
||
|
unjust forms of power all over the world, and that sometimes these
|
||
|
people win. An anarchist movement needs that. We need to know that
|
||
|
victories against hierarchy are possible and that they do happen,
|
||
|
even if they don't lead us straight into a revolutioary situation.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Romanticization also challenges the media's claim to "objective
|
||
|
truth" in reporting. We believe that the idea of objective truth
|
||
|
is bullshit. History happens, but the belief that you can describe
|
||
|
or interpret history exactly as it happened is a lie. Those who
|
||
|
are in power are also those who usually get to define what is
|
||
|
"true." By romanticizing events we not only offer an alternative
|
||
|
interpretation to the "truth," we also challenge the ruling class
|
||
|
and the mass-media's claim to a monopoly on truth. We say our
|
||
|
interpretation of politics and history is as good as theirs and
|
||
|
that if you're going to believe one pack of lies you might as well
|
||
|
believe ours!
|
||
|
|
||
|
Lastly, like collectives, propaganda shows that anarchy can be a
|
||
|
part of everyday life. It's not just a theory, it is a
|
||
|
multifaceted, thriving, practical and just way of living your
|
||
|
life. Propaganda documents our culture of resistance and
|
||
|
legitimates it. Counter-institutions like collectives exist within
|
||
|
counter cultures like punk, anarchist, feminist, Queer, etc. We
|
||
|
can't expect the mainstream media to cover these counter cultures,
|
||
|
nor do we want them to. Again, we gotta do-it-ourselves. By
|
||
|
documenting our culture of resistance and adding a bit of spice to
|
||
|
it here and there, our propaganda hopefully inspires people within
|
||
|
and without the revolutionary anarchist movement to get active and
|
||
|
take control of their own lives and to realize that we can fight
|
||
|
the status quo and win.
|
||
|
|
||
|
III. Anarchy as Struggle
|
||
|
|
||
|
At PE we have high hopes for people and this world, but we also
|
||
|
try to be realistic. We don't expect everyone in the world to join
|
||
|
a collective. Some people just have to work by themselves, and
|
||
|
that's fine. More important in terms of anarchist strategy,
|
||
|
though, some people will actively oppose the formation of
|
||
|
collectives and our attempts to build a free society. This is why
|
||
|
we see the revolutionary anarchist process as a process of
|
||
|
struggle.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For us, an anarchist society will develope out of a long and
|
||
|
perhaps bitter struggle betweeen those who would maintain the
|
||
|
status quo (the ruling class, the state, cops, racists, upper and
|
||
|
some middle class people, etc) and those who want to overthrow it.
|
||
|
It will also be a struggle within the revolutionary movement
|
||
|
between those who want to lead the revolution (ie socialists,
|
||
|
Leninists, Maoists and other power mongers) and those who want the
|
||
|
revolution and the post-revolutionary society to be
|
||
|
anti-authoritarian. (We could call it the struggle between the
|
||
|
DIYers and the "We'll-Do-It-For-You-Or-Else"ers.) This is why
|
||
|
anarchy is about revolution to us, not about "evoluton."
|
||
|
"Evolution toward anarchy" is a crock of liberal shit. If
|
||
|
anything, humanity has devolved from a prehistorical state of
|
||
|
relative freedom and autonomy to one of serfdom and slavery.
|
||
|
Making the world anarchist by evolution is about as likely as
|
||
|
humans developing a tail, and it would probably take about as much
|
||
|
time to "evolve" even if it was. To change the world you have to
|
||
|
act on it; You have to DIY, and that means revolution.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Viewing anarchy as a struggle involves keeping collectives alive
|
||
|
and thriving, keeping revolutioanary ideas alive and thriving, and
|
||
|
not loving everyone; some people are responsible for the way this
|
||
|
world is run today and they must then be held accountable as much
|
||
|
as any abstact "(Fuck the) System" should. At PE, our anarchist
|
||
|
atrategy is to organize and propagandize against the powerful and
|
||
|
for the creation of a new world built from the bottom up by the
|
||
|
powerless. This requires collective forms of organization, intense
|
||
|
propaganda campaigns, a comittment to direct democracy and against
|
||
|
hierarchy, and a revolutionary demand to strip the power from the
|
||
|
ruling class, by force, if necessary. It also requires that we
|
||
|
have a lot of fun and laughs (and beers). We wouldn't have it any
|
||
|
other way. --edited from Free Society, Winter 1993
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
CONSCIOUSNESS AND COUNTERCULTURE
|
||
|
By Scott McRott
|
||
|
|
||
|
I am a 17 year old atheist student who sings and plays guitar in a
|
||
|
New York City anarchist, Punk/Ska band called No Commercial Value.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The two major events that led to my current free-thought are two
|
||
|
things that many kids encounter, one way or another. One was my
|
||
|
realization when I was 13 (right after my Bar Mitzfah) that I did
|
||
|
not believe in or care for one word I spoke during my Bar Mitzfah
|
||
|
ceremony. In fact I was saying and learning what everybody else
|
||
|
wanted me to say and learn. The religious "turning point" was
|
||
|
during my freshman year at the Bronx High School of Science, where
|
||
|
Biology was more than stressed. Although I failed my Bio class, I
|
||
|
learned a lot about evolution and scientific theory. That made me
|
||
|
realize that things actually could be proven to be true and not
|
||
|
just be written and strung together in a "testament" that made it
|
||
|
automatically true. This realization about religion just led to
|
||
|
more questioning of things taught to me and of the people teaching
|
||
|
them.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The second important thing that happened was at the new high
|
||
|
school I flunked to, a kid traded me a tape for my Ramones tape
|
||
|
(which I was becoming quite sick of). His tape was the Dead
|
||
|
Kennedy's Give Me Convenience Or Give Me Death, which made me
|
||
|
question authority and society in general.
|
||
|
|
||
|
This is why in NO Commercial Value we play songs about police,
|
||
|
religion, the government and abortion, anarchist style. I just
|
||
|
hope some kid hears it and likes it and actually listens to what's
|
||
|
going on in his or her world.
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
HOW THE BAND FITS IN
|
||
|
[Ms. Tommy Lawless interviews Scott McRott.]
|
||
|
|
||
|
T: How do you see the work you do with your band fitting into a
|
||
|
strategy for revolution?
|
||
|
|
||
|
S: Besides the obvious, preachy lyrics in our songs (anti-fascist,
|
||
|
anti-cop, anti-sexist, anti-homophobic, anti-capitalist,
|
||
|
anti-racist), we also try to convey our messages by using
|
||
|
stickers, "doctored" advertisements, and stencils. And when all is
|
||
|
said and someone will see or hear our work and think more
|
||
|
criticall about our society and the people running it.
|
||
|
|
||
|
T: You mentioned the anti-capitalist side to your music. How do
|
||
|
you see the DIY music scene as a whole fitting into strategy?
|
||
|
|
||
|
S: Well put it this way, if every band in the whole world all of a
|
||
|
sudden agreed to boycott the music industry and form DIY
|
||
|
collectives, the music industry would topple, along with their
|
||
|
greedy business practices and their censorship. Let's say a type
|
||
|
of music that is quickly becoming this countries most popular
|
||
|
music; Punk, and see how many of these bands are saying "Fuck you"
|
||
|
to the music industry, and staying DIY. Of course this could
|
||
|
easily result in the destruction of the music industry. This would
|
||
|
never happen because there are too many naive bands out there that
|
||
|
are ripe for exploiting and there are always going to be a few
|
||
|
bands who betray their scene and sell-out (Green-Day, Nirvana,
|
||
|
Flipper, etc.). But these bands can easily serve as channels to
|
||
|
turn people on to cooler, lesser known DIY bands. And, if instead
|
||
|
of going to the local mall, every kid has an Alternative Tentacles
|
||
|
Catalog, (alternative record labor put out by the DKs), or a
|
||
|
Lookout catalog, then they can experience good music first-hand
|
||
|
without being poisoned by the music industries corporate
|
||
|
Amerikkkan censorship.
|
||
|
|
||
|
T: I know you do benefits. What types of causes does your band
|
||
|
support?
|
||
|
|
||
|
S: So far we have yet to get payed for playing. Our first show was
|
||
|
at ABC No Rio (a collectively run communty center in NYC) with
|
||
|
Bushman, Opposition and Black Medicine, and that was a benifit for
|
||
|
the Native American Community house here in NYC. We recently
|
||
|
played a benifit at ABC No Rio with Huasipungo and Summer's Eve
|
||
|
for the Black Hand Collective, and another one for NYC Riot Grrrl.
|
||
|
We just played at a benifit for C-Squat and Glass House squat
|
||
|
(which is currently in danger of being evicted by the city, which
|
||
|
would leave about 45 people homeless).
|
||
|
|
||
|
No Commercial Value is Olivia-vocals, Scott-guitar, vocals
|
||
|
Alec-Bass, Mike-drums And remember: who needs friends when you
|
||
|
have No Commercial Value?
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
ZEN AND THE ART OF REVOLUTION
|
||
|
by Richard Van Savage and Dema Crassy
|
||
|
|
||
|
There is a Tupamaros saying "Theory = sectarianism, statement of
|
||
|
principles and drafting of programs = inactivity and inability to
|
||
|
get anything done." In many ways our movement has accomplished a
|
||
|
lot, and yet for all of it's ambition, one is sorely tempted to
|
||
|
ask why so many people have been alienated from it. Part of the
|
||
|
answer would seem to lie in overcoming sectarianism: not through
|
||
|
compromise of our revolutionary ideals, but rather through direct
|
||
|
action, and respect for different approaches for creating a new
|
||
|
society.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We as anarchists all share a common politic; we want to create a
|
||
|
society that is free from all types of oppression. Since we have
|
||
|
different visions about how to get there, it doesn't make sense
|
||
|
for us to sit around and argue about which is the "right" way we
|
||
|
all have to go. Different tendencies should work in ways they see
|
||
|
fit, according to their community, and their experience. Clearly,
|
||
|
we should talk about our ideas, and learn from one another's
|
||
|
mistakes. But that doesn't have to be in the framework of all
|
||
|
encompassing "political unity." In fact, to be effective, we have
|
||
|
to be doing all types of work, and trying all kinds of methods of
|
||
|
doing it. Respecting diversity and learning to work together
|
||
|
within that framework is crucial. In terms of a large scale
|
||
|
revolutionary situation, none of us are expecting that 2 million
|
||
|
people are going to have political unity. So why do we focus so
|
||
|
much on unity as we struggle to build our movement?
|
||
|
|
||
|
Obviously, at some point lines about where we respectively stand
|
||
|
on various issues will need to be drawn. That's healthy. But the
|
||
|
definition of politics must arise out of a need to define them.
|
||
|
The CNT (the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist union) had to"define"
|
||
|
where they stood in terms of armed struggle when some groups began
|
||
|
participating in it, and some groups opposed it. They needed to
|
||
|
define their position when determining what concrete action they
|
||
|
would take, noy in a void.
|
||
|
|
||
|
On another level, it is through our actions that we can unite. For
|
||
|
example, when there isn't much going on, we have time to squabble.
|
||
|
But in times of crisis we tend to focus more on what we have in
|
||
|
common, rather than how we're different.
|
||
|
|
||
|
So direct action, to us, means going directly to what it is we
|
||
|
want. That doesn't mean acting without thinking about it, but
|
||
|
rather, to figure out what works by actually getting our hands
|
||
|
dirty and doing it. Political consciousness comes out of doing
|
||
|
work collectively, thinking critically about it, and being
|
||
|
challenged. It is through the success of our actions that we lend
|
||
|
credibility to, and develop, our politics. To a certain extent the
|
||
|
means becomes the end toward which we strive.
|
||
|
|
||
|
To quote Regis Debray on the Uruguayan Tupamaros: "By establishing
|
||
|
a series of intermediate forms of membership and areas of
|
||
|
collaboration, a network of linked and interlinked activities on
|
||
|
all fronts of popular interest (political, electoral, trade union,
|
||
|
university, cultural, newspaper and so on), the Tupas have brought
|
||
|
to an end the fatal tradition of underestimating and
|
||
|
under-utilizing the classes, sectors and individuals outside the
|
||
|
armed organization, the mistake by which so many revolutionary
|
||
|
movements have contributed to their own isolation. They absolutely
|
||
|
reject the dichotomy between combatants and non-combatants, those
|
||
|
who are active and those who are passive, the subjects or objects
|
||
|
of the historical process, the vanguard at the top and the
|
||
|
undifferentiated masses below."
|
||
|
|
||
|
As a strategy, we're advocating the creation of an infrastructure,
|
||
|
based on collectives, that would be the foundation of an anarchist
|
||
|
society. This infrastructure would be the means for providing the
|
||
|
basic needs of self-determination in any community. Things like
|
||
|
food, shelter, clothing, meaningful work, health care, security
|
||
|
and info shops for networking are just a few of the things that
|
||
|
come to mind. We need to be able to point to concrete examples in
|
||
|
order to answer the "what if" questions that non-anarchists always
|
||
|
seem to ask.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The process of building an infrastructure would eliminate such
|
||
|
dichotomys as armed struggle vs non-violence, as the same
|
||
|
infrastructure would assist either, depending on the necessities
|
||
|
of whatever crisis we're facing. For example, solving the homeless
|
||
|
crisis is a form of sanctuary for the poor and in wartime could
|
||
|
also be a safehouse sanctuary for combatants. The same would go
|
||
|
for food distribution, health care and everything else.
|
||
|
Idealistically, there would be no need to fight, as we could
|
||
|
simply transform the communities in which we live. Realistically,
|
||
|
however those with power will fight to hold on to it, when they
|
||
|
realize that it's being challenged. It's naive to think we can be
|
||
|
successful without suffering the need for self- defense against
|
||
|
the state.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Security is a crucial element, not just to protect individuals in
|
||
|
our communities from other individuals, but to protect our
|
||
|
communities from the organized terror agencies of the state and
|
||
|
other institutions. The skills and discipline required to fight
|
||
|
misogynists, racists and homophobes in our communities are merely
|
||
|
the first steps to defending our communities from organized hate
|
||
|
groups. The zen aspect is that in order to overthrow the state, we
|
||
|
must feed the homeless. We cannot successfully feed the homeless
|
||
|
unless we are prepared to defend ourselves. The more successful we
|
||
|
are, the more prone we are to repressive measures from capitalist
|
||
|
food-distributors and growers and the state that protects them --
|
||
|
likewise for all struggles. If the state and capitalists aren't
|
||
|
taking repressive measures, it's probably because we aren't
|
||
|
effective enough yet at what it is we're doing.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The creation of any infrastructure must focus locally in small
|
||
|
collectives and affinity groups, yet continuously network with
|
||
|
other locales around general themes in order to stand any chance
|
||
|
of survival. To use the Paulo Fierre method, we must first see
|
||
|
what problems we are faced with. Next, we must analyze both
|
||
|
immediate causes and root causes, and finally we must act. We
|
||
|
mustn't allow ourselves to get bogged down in any one part of the
|
||
|
process. Any movement for self determination must be able to
|
||
|
handle the tension of respect for diversity while maintaining
|
||
|
political solidarity in an anti-authoritarian, undogmatic way.
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
ORGANIZE!
|
||
|
by Jacinto
|
||
|
|
||
|
Revolution, to me, is more about the development of my awareness
|
||
|
and potentials than the donning of a balaklava and rampaging in
|
||
|
the streets. The freedom I desire is the freedom to create and
|
||
|
exist without having to constantly fight.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I've found that my own evolution exploded as I became involved
|
||
|
into the Baklava Collective, and then with the Chaos Collective
|
||
|
loft, which together brought about an increasing commitment to
|
||
|
developing the skills I feel are necessary to create change.
|
||
|
|
||
|
My experience working for a not-for-profit community organizing
|
||
|
training center gives me a certain clarity of sight in the
|
||
|
discussion of revolutionary organizing strategies. Community
|
||
|
organizing, in its evolution over the past thirty years
|
||
|
especially, has become both an art and a science. The ability to
|
||
|
develop leadership in people through concentrated organizing has
|
||
|
proven to be one of the most effective methods of creating
|
||
|
positive change.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Community organizing has a lot to offer the discussion of
|
||
|
revolutionary organizing. Leadership development, the training of
|
||
|
organizers, the ability to move an organizing campaign through an
|
||
|
issue to victory and then on to the next campaign -- these are all
|
||
|
taking place rather haphazardly now in the anarchist scene. A lot
|
||
|
of it is the lack of resources (another discussion altogether),
|
||
|
but also time and energy constraints limit our ability to create a
|
||
|
viable framework within which we can learn to be effective
|
||
|
organizers and leaders.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The most basic element of community organizing is the development
|
||
|
of leaders. In a very real sense this is our semantical equivalent
|
||
|
of personal liberation. The potential within people, and the
|
||
|
expression, through experience, of these potentials is the
|
||
|
fundamental tenet upon which community organizers thrive.
|
||
|
Revolution, to me, is just another way of saying that we want a
|
||
|
society wherein our potentials do not lie dormant, that our
|
||
|
expression is limited only by our imaginations.
|
||
|
|
||
|
What do we want after all but a COMMUNITY in which we feel
|
||
|
accepted and free? That's what community organizing is all about
|
||
|
-- emphasis on local decision-making, community control over
|
||
|
community resources, and the health and well-being of all
|
||
|
community residents.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The development of collectives, like the Baklava Collective that
|
||
|
brought me into the whole anarchist scene, is a wonderful method
|
||
|
for building the structures that will hopefully bring about
|
||
|
positive change. But we need to be able to assist the formation of
|
||
|
these collectives across the country that in itself will prompt
|
||
|
the growth of networks like Love and Rage. Collectives organized
|
||
|
around projects, politics, living spaces -- all of these
|
||
|
contribute immensely to the sense of community so important in our
|
||
|
lives.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I think that the integration of community organizing and
|
||
|
revolutionary strategies is necessary. We can learn how to
|
||
|
organize and develop leaders within the anarchist scene, but in
|
||
|
order to get ourselves to this point we must begin the educational
|
||
|
process which like all others must be connected to direct
|
||
|
experience.
|
||
|
|
||
|
For myself, working with low-income community residents in their
|
||
|
struggle to create viable healthy communities, is one of the
|
||
|
greatest educational tools available to anarchists. By
|
||
|
volunteering or working for community organizations, we can be
|
||
|
training to organize and therefore gain those organizing skills so
|
||
|
indispensable to social change on the level only seen in our
|
||
|
visions.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The opportunity to struggle alongside low-income community
|
||
|
residents, and feel the urgency of their fight, has changed me in
|
||
|
so many ways. My vision of revolution encompasses the necessity of
|
||
|
experiencing and communicating with people, real everyday people,
|
||
|
who will be an integral part of any positive social change. As
|
||
|
anarchists, especially those of us who feel that organizing
|
||
|
autonomous communities is going to play a significant role in this
|
||
|
revolution of, yes, everyday life, we must be connected to the
|
||
|
neighborhoods in which we live and the people with whom we will
|
||
|
need to struggle.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Building collectives, learning to organize and lead, and
|
||
|
connecting ourselves to our neighborhoods and communities -- these
|
||
|
are the strategies for revolution that I see as essential if we
|
||
|
are to realize our visions.
|
||
|
|
||
|
-30-
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
+ Join Us! Support The NY Transfer News Collective +
|
||
|
+ We deliver uncensored information to your mailbox! +
|
||
|
+ Modem:718-448-2358 FAX:718-448-3423 e-mail:nyt@blythe.org+
|
||
|
|