528 lines
28 KiB
Plaintext
528 lines
28 KiB
Plaintext
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January 1990
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THE CHANGING FACE OF AMERICA
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By
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Robert C. Trojanowicz, Ph.D.
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and
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David L. Carter, Ph.D.
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In the next century America's population will change
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considerably. According to demographers, in less than 100 years,
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we can expect white dominance of the United States to end, as the
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growing number of blacks, Hispanics, and Asians together become
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the new majority. (1) As we approach the 21st century, we already
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see white America growing grayer. In the past decade, there has
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been an estimated 23-percent increase in the number of Americans
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65 and older. (2) In fact, more people of retirement age live in
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the United States now than there were people alive in this
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country during the Civil War. But while the average age of all
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Americans is now 32, the average age of blacks is 27; Hispanics
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23. (3) By 2010 more than one-third of all American children will
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be black, Hispanic, or Asian. (4)
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These dramatic changes in the overall make-up of American
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society have profound implications for law enforcement,
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particularly because many of the legal and illegal immigrants
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flooding into this country are of different races, ethnic groups,
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religions, and cultures. Many do not have even a rudimentary
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knowledge of the English language.
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To understand fully what such immigration will mean for
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policing in the 21st century requires exploring some crucial
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questions. Who are these new immigrants? How many are there?
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Why do they come here? What new demands will they place on law
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enforcement in the future? How can the police prepare today to
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meet these changing needs?
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THE NEW IMMIGRANTS
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For many of us, the word ``immigrant'' evokes two vivid
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images: 1) The wave after wave of Europeans flooding through
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Ellis Island, and 2) the metaphor of the ``melting pot.'' These
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two memories often converge in a romanticized view of the past as
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a time when those ``poor, hungry, huddled masses'' from other
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countries required only a generation or two for their offspring
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to become full-fledged Americans. However, a closer look shows
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that many immigrant groups found the path to full assimilation
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difficult. For many this meant struggling to find ways to blend
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in without losing their unique cultural identities.
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Our past experience should also forewarn us that race
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constitutes the biggest barrier to full participation in the
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American dream. In particular, the black experience has been
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unique from the beginning because most African Americans did not
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come here seeking freedom or greater opportunity, but were
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brought to this country as slaves. And the lingering problem of
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racism still plays an undeniable role in preventing blacks from
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achieving full participation in the economic and social life of
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this country.
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De facto segregation persists in keeping many minorities
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trapped in decaying crime- and drug-riddled, inner-city
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neighborhoods. Though blacks constitute only 12 percent of the
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total U.S. population, as a result of ``white flight,'' many of
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this country's major cities have minority majorities, while the
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suburbs that surround them remain virtually white.
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The role of race as an obstacle to full assimilation and
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participation is of obvious concern since almost one-half of all
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legal immigrants over the past decade have been Asians Chinese,
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Filipino, Indian, Korean, Vietnamese, and Kampucheans
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(Cambodians) and slightly more than one-third have been from
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Latin America. (5) Though 9 of 10 Hispanics are counted as
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``white,'' (6) there is no doubt that they face discrimination
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because of their Hispanic ethnicity. At the same time, only 12
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percent of the immigrants since 1980 have been Europeans, whose
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experience would be likely to mirror more closely those of their
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counterparts in the past. (7)
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Because minorities are expected to continue to exhibit
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higher birth rates than whites, demographers expect minorities to
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constitute an even larger percentage of young people in this
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country in the near future. By 2020 a majority of children in
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New Mexico, California, Texas, New York, Florida, and Louisiana
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will be minorities blacks, Asians, and Hispanics. (8)
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White males have traditionally dominated our society, in
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power and wealth as well as sheer numbers. Over the past few
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decades, both minorities and women have made significant gains,
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particularly in the business world. Yet, both groups still earn
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significantly less than their white male counterparts, and they
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have yet to attain leadership roles in the public and private
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sectors equal to their respective numbers in society.
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Certain questions naturally arise. In the future, will the
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power and wealth of white males erode as their numbers decline?
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Will minorities band together as a new coalition or splinter
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apart into competing special interests? How will mainstream
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attitudes change along the way? Are we embarking on a new era of
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tolerance and cooperation or a new era of hostility, in which
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various groups will battle each other for status, dollars, and
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power?
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THE NUMBERS
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When we look at the number of legal immigrants arriving each
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year, their overall numbers appear deceptively small compared to
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the more than 255 million people who already live here. In fiscal
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year 1988, a total of 643,000 newcomers arrived, (9) but their
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potential impact becomes clearer if we remember that would mean
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roughly 6.5 million new residents in just the next decade, even
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if immigration rates did not rise. And the picture becomes
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clearer still when we consider that many immigrants often cluster
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in specific areas, which makes their combined impact on certain
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communities far greater than if they were dispersed evenly
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nationwide.
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Shortly after the turn of the 21st century, Asians are
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expected to reach 10 million. (10) Today's 18 million Hispanics may
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well double by then. (11) Included in such totals, of course, are
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the illegal immigrants who find their way into America each year.
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While the actual numbers are unknown, the 1987 law that granted
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amnesty to those undocumented aliens and agricultural workers who
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qualified allowed roughly 3 million to stay. (12)
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Another indicator is that the Border Patrol now apprehends
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roughly 900,000 people who try to enter illegally each year, down
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800,000 from 1986, the year before the employer sanctions of the
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new Federal immigration legislation went into effect. (13) Again,
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we most often think first of undocumented aliens as being Mexican
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nationals and other Latin Americans who penetrate our southern
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borders; but these figures also include substantial numbers of
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people from the Pacific Rim and the Caribbean, as well as the
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Irish, Canadians, and Western Europeans who often come in as
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tourists and then decide to stay.
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WHY THEY COME
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Current U.S. immigration policy gives highest priority to
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reuniting families. Among the 265,000 legal immigrants in 1988
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subject to limitations (quotas based on country of birth), almost
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200,000 were admitted on the basis of ``relative preference,''
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that is, they were related to a permanent resident or citizen of
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the United States. (14) Immediate relatives (spouses, parents, and
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children) of U.S. citizens are exempt from restrictions, and in
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1988, they constituted approximately 219,000 of the 379,000 in
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the exempt category. (15)
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The next largest category of legal immigrants admitted is
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refugees and those seeking asylum, roughly 111,000 in 1988. (16) To
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qualify under these provisions, applicants must persuade the
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Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) that they are
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fleeing persecution at home, not that they are simply escaping
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poverty. An article in the Wall Street Journal alleged that the
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INS routinely rejects applicants from Haiti and El Salvador and
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that it is also difficult for Nicaraguans, Ethiopians, Afghanis,
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and Czechs to qualify. (17)
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The fourth largest category of legal immigrants includes
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those given preference on the basis of their education and
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occupation, less than 54,000 in 1988 only 4 percent of that
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year's total. (18) Morton Kondracke in an article in The New
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Republic notes, ``...this tiny number provided 52 percent of the
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mathematicians and computer scientists who came in and 38
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percent of the college teachers.'' (19)
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Chances are, however, that the immigration policy will not
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change dramatically in the near future, though efforts will be
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made to allow more people with preferred job skills to immigrate.
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The question is whether they should be admitted in addition to or
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instead of those scheduled to be reunited with their families.
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This also has racial implications, because shifting from family
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to occupational considerations would mean a shift from Asians and
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Latin Americans toward more Europeans.
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THE LAW ENFORCEMENT CHALLENGE
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All of these issues have obvious implications for law
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enforcement, but perhaps the first challenge is to remember that
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generalities tend to be false. Each immigrant, whether legal or
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illegal, arrives not only as part of a larger group but also as
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an individual with unique gifts and faults.
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Particularly where newcomers cluster together in poor
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neighborhoods with high crime rates, the police, perhaps even
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more so than the population at large, must guard against
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stereotyping. Some newcomers may be too timid to interact widely
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in their new communities; yet, they may contact the police. The
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police, therefore, have a tremendous responsibility because those
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first impressions matter, not just in terms of how new arrivals
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will see the police but how they view the entire society.
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Imagine how much Asians and Latin Americans have to learn,
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especially if they are not proficient in English. Who will
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assure them that the public police do not use torture or keep
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files on their activities? Will they understand the difference
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between the public police and private police? Will they really
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believe we have no secret police? Many of today's new arrivals
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come from places where the police are feared, not respected, and
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the last thing they would be likely to do is ask an officer for
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help or share any information. We have had our whole lives to
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understand the written and unwritten rules of this society, with
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all their nuances. It is unreasonable to expect immigrants to
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absorb these cultural characteristics in even a few years.
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Police officers so often see people at their worst, not
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their best. And because police officers focus so much attention
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on crime, there is always the danger that they will have a
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distorted view of who the ``bad guys'' are and how many there are
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of them. This temptation to generalize from a few to the many is
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a particularly critical problem for the police in the case of
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immigrants.
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A small fraction of the immigrants coming in will be career
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criminals, eager to ply their trades here. The police have had
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to battle Asian drug gangs and Jamaican posses, as well as the
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alleged hardened criminals that entered this country as part of
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the Mariel Boat Lift.
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Moreover, there will always be the larger group that turns
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to crime when faced with economic hardship. Police departments
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must take steps to ensure that officers remain sensitive to the
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reality that the majority of the newcomers are law-abiding
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people, eager to build a new life.
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Because police departments are a microcosm of a larger
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society, it would be naive to assume that everyone who wears the
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uniform is free of bias. In addition, the statistics verify that
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there is a link between race and crime, but the mistake lies in
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seeing this as cause and effect.
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Studies show that blacks are arrested for violent crimes at
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rates four times higher than their overall numbers would justify;
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Hispanics at rates two and a half times what they should be, even
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though they are often poorer than blacks. (20) But we have only to
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look at the rates of violent crimes in the black-run nations of
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Africa, which are nowhere near as high as they are here, to see
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that our problems are not caused by their genes but by our
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culture. Perhaps the increasing minority numbers will help make
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this society more color blind.
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Unfortunately, many of these new immigrants will become
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victims, particularly of violent crimes that disproportionately
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afflict minorities. Ignorance of our laws and customs can make
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them easy targets for all kinds of predators. Fear of the police
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will also work against them. And if they cannot speak the
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language, at least not well, it may be difficult for them to
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share information.
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TOWARD A SOLUTION: COMMUNITY POLICING
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As even this cursory analysis shows, immigrants face all the
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problems, and more, that everyone in this culture faces. The
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primary challenge for law enforcement will be to find ways to
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meet their needs with special concern for their racial, ethnic,
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cultural, and religious diversity--and their specific
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vulnerabilities.
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A community policing approach offers law enforcement
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officers unique flexibility in tailoring their response to meet
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local needs in ways that promote sensitivity and respect for
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minority concerns. This new philosophy and organizational
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strategy proposes that only by decentralizing and personalizing
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police service will law enforcement be able to meet the needs of
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an increasing diverse society.
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Community policing rests on the belief that no technology
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can surpass what creative human beings can achieve together. It
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says that police departments must deploy their most innovative,
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self-disciplined, and self-motivated officers directly into the
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community as outreach specialists and community problem-solvers.
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Only by freeing these new community policing officers (CPOs) from
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the isolation of their patrol cars, so they can interact with
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people face-to-face in the same areas every day, can departments
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develop the rapport and trust necessary to encourage people to
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become active in the process of policing themselves.
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In addition to serving as full-fledged law enforcement
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officers, CPOs would work to reduce fear of crime and the
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physical and social disorder and neighborhood decay that act as
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magnets for a host of social ills, including crime and drugs.
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They also can serve as the community's ombudsmen to city hall, to
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ensure prompt delivery of vital government services, and as the
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community's link to the public and private agencies that can
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help.
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Particularly in the case of immigrants, community policing
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allows the department an opportunity for mutual input and
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enrichment. CPOs can help educate immigrants about our laws and
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customs and how to cope with our culture. Equally important,
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this grass-roots, two-way information flow allows immigrants the
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opportunity to teach the department how to take their particular
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concerns into account, with dignity and respect for their
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cultural identities.
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THE RIGHT PEOPLE FOR THE JOB
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One of the more difficult problems that police departments
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will continue to face is how to develop the capacity to speak to
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new immigrants in their native tongues. It is often easier in
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theory than in practice to recruit qualified bilingual candidates
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from immigrant populations, especially since many come from
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countries where police work may not be a respectable career.
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This issue raises more questions than answers. How many
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officers should be bilingual? How proficient must they be?
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Should foreign language be a requirement for college degrees in
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criminal justice? What will it cost police departments to meet
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this need? Is this an opportunity to use civilian volunteers?
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Can a department develop the capacity to speak to all in their
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native tongues?
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Such a changing society also will demand that the police
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remain sensitized to the issue of how to serve people who
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exhibit racial, ethnic, religious, and cultural diversity. This
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is a two-fold concern. First, it implies that departments must
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establish and enforce guidelines to ensure existing officers
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discharge their duties with care and concern. Second, it means
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that departments must recruit candidates who are the best capable
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to handle the increasing challenge posed by the future.
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To recruit officers from minority populations is a logical
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response to this challenge. However, a study by the Center for
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Applied Urban Research on the Employment of Black and Hispanic
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Officers shows recent efforts aimed at minority recruiting have
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produced uneven results. Almost one-half of the big city police
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departments made significant progress in hiring black officers;
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yet, 17 percent reported a decline. Forty-two percent of the
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departments made gains in hiring Hispanics, but almost 11 percent
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reported a decline. (21) Part of the reason related to whether the
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departments pursued affirmative action plans, but there are also
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concerns that some minorities leave because of better career
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opportunities elsewhere, often because policing is perceived as
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falling short in providing meaningful career development.
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Overall, however, a 1989 study by the Police Executive Research
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Forum (PERF) found that in cities with a population of 50,000 or
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more, the number of black and Hispanic police officers was
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generally proportionate to the population. (22)
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The PERF study also indicated that college-educated officers
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exhibit the greatest sensitivity to the diversity that will
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increasingly become the hallmark of this society. The study also
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verified that the officers with at least some college education
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are not only increasing in numbers in the rank and file but also
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in police management as well. (23) But again, retaining these
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officers can be difficult. Therefore, research supporting the
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widespread perception that community policing not only makes
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officers feel safer but also that it provides job enlargement and
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job enrichment, indicating that community policing may be a
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potent new way to keep the best people for the challenges that
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lie ahead. (24)
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POLICE POLICY TOWARD ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS
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The obvious obstacle in building trust between the police
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department and immigrants who are here illegally stems from their
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fears that the police will inform INS officials about their
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status. One chief of police in a border city wrestled with this
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issue and decided that the police must serve the needs of all
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members of the community. The depart-ment's policy is that it
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will not inform INS about undocumented residents except, of
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course, in cases where the police arrest someone for a crime.
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The chief based his decision on the argument that it is the
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job of the INS, not the police, to track down and deport
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illegals. He also believes that this policy has helped his
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department gain the trust of the entire community, so that people
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in the community are now far more willing to share the
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information that the police need to do their best job. This is a
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decision that more chiefs will face in the future, and they must
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weigh the best interests of the department and the community
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within the dictates of their individual consciences.
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|
SERVING THE ENTIRE COMMUNITY
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
The successful assimilation of new immigrant groups,
|
|||
|
particularly those of different races, will depend on changing
|
|||
|
attitudes in mainstream society. This is of particular concern,
|
|||
|
because current trends portend a society in which the youngest
|
|||
|
members will increasingly consist of minority youths, while the
|
|||
|
ranks of the elderly will remain far whiter.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
These trends also show that younger workers, many of whom
|
|||
|
will be minorities in lower-paying service jobs, increasingly
|
|||
|
will be asked to pay for the needs of primarily white retirees,
|
|||
|
whose health care costs alone may prove staggering.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Adding to these generational tensions is the incendiary
|
|||
|
issue of crime, with its overlay of age and race considerations.
|
|||
|
The bulk of the crimes committed in this society are perpetrated
|
|||
|
by the young, at rates far beyond what other industrialized
|
|||
|
Western nations endure. Though the elderly exhibit
|
|||
|
lower-than-average rates of actual victimization, they rank among
|
|||
|
the groups with the greatest fear of crime. In some
|
|||
|
neighborhoods, we see the elderly becoming virtual prisoners of
|
|||
|
fear. Indeed, this self-imposed imprisonment which reduces their
|
|||
|
exposure to the threat explains in part why they are not
|
|||
|
victimized more often.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Because crime and youth are so strongly linked, perhaps our
|
|||
|
aging society foretells a steep decline in our overall rates of
|
|||
|
crime. Crime rates have already begun to fall as the bulge of
|
|||
|
the ``baby boomers'' continue to grow out of their most
|
|||
|
crime-prone years, but not as much as had been anticipated.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Various factors raise concern that we may not soon see a
|
|||
|
dramatic drop in crime the growing gap between rich and poor,
|
|||
|
drugs, teenage pregnancy, illiteracy, high unemployment among
|
|||
|
minority youths, the continued proliferation of guns, and
|
|||
|
alarming rates of child abuse and neglect. Even if we are
|
|||
|
fortunate enough to see a substantially safer future during our
|
|||
|
lifetime, we can also expect that people will begin to demand
|
|||
|
more. For example, the police will be asked to pay more
|
|||
|
attention to other wants and needs that are now often ignored or
|
|||
|
given short shrift because of the current crisis posed by serious
|
|||
|
crime.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
CONCLUSION
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Community policing offers an important new tool to help heal
|
|||
|
the wounds caused by crime, fear of crime, and disorder. In one
|
|||
|
community that might mean a community police officer recruiting
|
|||
|
elderly volunteers from a senior center to help immigrant youths
|
|||
|
become more fluent in English. This offers the hope that those
|
|||
|
retirees will overcome their fears, while at the same time
|
|||
|
enhancing a young person's opportunity to perform well in school
|
|||
|
and on the job.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
In a different neighborhood, the challenge could be for the
|
|||
|
CPO to encourage blacks, Hispanics, and Asians to cooperate
|
|||
|
together in persuading area businesses to help provide
|
|||
|
recreational activities for juveniles. The possibilities are
|
|||
|
bounded only by the imagination and enthusiasm of the officers
|
|||
|
and the people they are sworn to serve, if the police are given
|
|||
|
the resources, time, and opportunity to work with people where
|
|||
|
they live and work.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
It would be naive to suggest that community policing is a
|
|||
|
panacea that can heal all the wounds in any community. But it
|
|||
|
has demonstrated its ability to make people feel safer and
|
|||
|
improve the overall quality of community life. Today's challenge
|
|||
|
is to find new ways for law enforcement to contribute to make the
|
|||
|
United States a place where all people have an equal chance to
|
|||
|
secure a piece of the American dream for themselves and their
|
|||
|
children. Therefore, the urgent message is that we must begin
|
|||
|
preparing now, so that we can do even more toward that worthy
|
|||
|
goal in the ever-changing future.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
FOOTNOTES
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(1) U.S. Census Bureau projections on future trends.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(2) Thomas Exter, ``Demographic Forecasts On to Retirement,''
|
|||
|
American Demographics, April 1989.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(3) Reported on the NBC special, "The R.A.C.E.," hosted by
|
|||
|
Bryant Gumbel, September 6, 1989.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(4) Joe Schwartz and Thomas Exter, "All Our Children," American
|
|||
|
Demographics, May 1989.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(5) John Dillin, "Asian-American: Soaring Minority," The
|
|||
|
Christian Science Monitor, October 10, 1985.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(6) Supra note 4.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(7) Supra note 5.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(8) Supra note 4.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(9) "Immigration Statistics: Fiscal Years 1988 - Advance
|
|||
|
Report," U.S. Department of Justice, Immigration and
|
|||
|
Naturalization Service, Series IMM 88, April 1989.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(10) Supra note 5.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(11) Thomas Exter, "How Many Hispanics?" American Demographics,
|
|||
|
May 1987.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(12) Morton Kondracke, "Borderline Cases," The New Republic,
|
|||
|
April 10, 1989.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(13) Ibid.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(14) Supra note 9.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(15) Ibid.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(16) Ibid.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(17) Supra note 12.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(18) Supra note 9.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(19) Supra note 12.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(20) Charles E. Silberman, Criminal Violence, Criminal Justice
|
|||
|
(New York: Random House, 1978), also Report to the Nation on
|
|||
|
Crime and Justice - Second Edition, U.S. Department of Justice,
|
|||
|
Bureau of Justice Statistics, March 1988.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(21) Samuel Walker, Employment of Black and Hispanic Police
|
|||
|
Officers, 1983-1988: A Follow-up Study, Occasional Paper,
|
|||
|
Center for Applied Urban Research, University of Nebraska at
|
|||
|
Omaha, February 1989.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(22) David L. Carter, Allen Sapp, and Darrel Stephens, The
|
|||
|
State of Police Education: Policy Direction for the 21st
|
|||
|
Century, Police Executive Research Forum, Washington, DC, 1989.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(23) Ibid.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(24) Robert C. Trojanowicz and Dennis W. Banas, Job
|
|||
|
Satisfaction: A Comparison of Foot Patrol Versus Motor Patrol
|
|||
|
Officers, Community Policing Series No. 2, National Neighborhood
|
|||
|
Foot Patrol Center (now the Center for Community Policing),
|
|||
|
Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, 1985.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
About the authors:
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Dr. Robert Trojanowicz and Dr. David Carter are professors in
|
|||
|
the School of Criminal Justice at Michigan State University,
|
|||
|
East Lansing, MI.
|