488 lines
25 KiB
Plaintext
488 lines
25 KiB
Plaintext
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HOSTAGE/BARRICADE INCIDENTS:
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HIGH RISK FACTORS AND THE ACTION CRITERIA
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By
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G. Dwayne Fuselier
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Special Agent, Inspection Division
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FBI Headquarters, Washington, DC
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Clinton R. Van Zandt
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Special Agent
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Special Operations and Research Unit
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FBI Academy
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Frederick J. Lancely
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Special Agent
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Special Operations and Research Unit
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FBI Academy
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MASTIC, NY--On Tuesday, July 18, 1989, Jimmy Hyams argued
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with his 18-year-old daughter, Lisa, about her decision to
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live with a boyfriend, whom he did not like. His wife stood
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just outside the home with their 7-year-old daughter when
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she heard a gunshot and looked in to see Lisa bleeding from
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a back wound and lying face down on the floor. Hyams stood
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over her with a .32-caliber semi-automatic pistol in his
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hand. He told his wife to leave, closed the door, and
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initiated a 7-hour barricade incident that ended with a
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Suffolk County police officer suffering from a gunshot
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wound to the head, Lisa's death, and Hyam's suicide.
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FORT WORTH, TX--On Tuesday, August 1, 1989, Manny Cabano
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walked into the Tarrant County Courthouse, pointed a
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.357-magnum revolver at Juanita Hermosillo, with whom he
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had been living for the past year, and ordered everyone
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else out of the building. He then walked Juanita into the
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judge's chambers, ordered the judge out, and began a 7-hour
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standoff that ended when he killed Juanita and turned the
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gun on himself.
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STOCKTON, CA--On Wednesday, August 16, 1989, at about
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midnight, Dang Cha Xiong, violating a restraining order for
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the third time, entered his former residence with a
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revolver and threatened to shoot his wife and eight
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children. At approximately 8:00 p.m. on Friday, August 18,
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1989, after a 34-hour siege, Dang killed his wife, then
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shot and killed himself.
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These three cases all occurred within a 1-month period,
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bringing them to the attention of the FBI Academy's Special
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Operations and Research Unit (SOARU). Our interest was further
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piqued because all of these cases involved a homicide that was
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followed by a suicide. After discussing each case with the
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respective police departments, we determined that these
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tragedies shared some common factors. Although the three cases
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were not identical, there was a sufficient number of common
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factors to lead us to suggest this simple hypothesis: The number
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of "high-risk" factors present in an incident is directly
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related to the increased risk of a homicide being followed by a
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suicide. We believe that the risk to victims in certain
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situations increases when the victims are not genuine hostages.
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They are, instead, intended homicides. Such targets have not
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been taken hostage as a means of satisfying demands--they are
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being held because the subjects intend to murder them and then
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take their own life.
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This article reviews the high-risk factors often present in
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these types of incidents, distinguishes between pseudo-hostage
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incidents and intended homicides, and recommends three criteria
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to consider prior to taking action. Using the same three cases
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throughout, we have attempted to demonstrate how the high-risk
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factors are repeatedly found in cases of this type.
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HIGH-RISK FACTORS
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Police officers responding to hostage/barricade incidents
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should be familiar with a number of high-risk factors involving
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the background characteristics and behavioral patterns of the
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subject, so that appropriate action may be taken. Recognizing
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these factors and reacting correctly may make a difference in how
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the incident ends.
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Background Characteristics
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In studying these cases, we realized that the subjects
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shared certain background characteristics. When viewed within
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the total picture, this background information could alert the
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responding officers that they are dealing with a potentially
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volatile incident.
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-- Subject experiences multiple stressors
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In each of these cases, the subject generally feels outside
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pressures, whether real or imagined. This pressure could come in
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different forms--financial, family, or social pressures.
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In Hyams' case, there was an ongoing battle with his
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daughter about the young man with whom she was living. Hyams
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believed that his daughter lacked respect for his opinions.
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When he made disparaging remarks about the man, Lisa swore at
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him and began to walk away. Hyams picked up the gun and shot
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her.
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Manny Cabano's case is perhaps more typical. Cabano was
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employed as a bail bondsman who suffered a series of losses when
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clients skipped bail. This, combined with Cabano's desire to
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live beyond his means, led him to the verge of bankruptcy. At
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the time of the incident, he was being evicted from his home for
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failing to pay the mortgage, and he was dealing with the
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disintegration of his relationship with Juanita, who had filed
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charges against him for child sexual abuse. All of this
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overwhelmed Cabano, leading him to take drastic action.
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In Dang's case, his personal life was extremely unstable.
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He had no job, routinely smoked opium, and gambled with the
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family's welfare money. During the year preceding this
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incident, he severely punished his children when they did not
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give him the respect he believed a father should receive. On
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one occasion, Dang beat his 8-year-old daughter with a telephone
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cord, and on another occasion, he ran a fishing line through his
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10-year-old son's ears, pulling the line over a closet rod.
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This forced his son to stand on his tiptoes to prevent the line
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from cutting further through his ears. Dang's arrest and
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conviction for these incidents resulted in the issuance of the
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restraining order.
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-- Background stresses male dominance
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When we spoke with the respective police departments about
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these cases, it was repeatedly stressed that both Cabano and Dang
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had backgrounds that encouraged male dominance. The responding
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officers believed that this factor contributed greatly to the
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subjects' refusal to surrender.
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During conversations with police negotiators, Manny Cabano
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repeatedly stated that due to the allegations of sexual child
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abuse, he had "lost face," and he could never again "hold his
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head up in the community." He believed that even if he were
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found innocent, he would still be called "Chester, the
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molester." He also referred to his Hispanic heritage, stating
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that once a man loses his respect, he has nothing left.
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Dang Cha Xiong was a Laotian refugee who immigrated to the
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United States after the Vietnam War. He was a member of an
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ethnic group called the Hmong, who were rural farmers living a
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very rustic life, typically in homes with no running water. In
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Laos, they had virtually no contact with governmental agencies,
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and any attempt by a government agency to become involved in
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family affairs was viewed as interference. Although Dang's
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actions are not viewed as being representative of those of the
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Hmong, they do seem to reflect a man caught between his cultural
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beliefs that a father, as head of the family, should be given
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respect and should maintain discipline and the expectations of
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American society.
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-- Similar incidents and problems with victim
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Police officers should be especially wary of a "hostage"
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situation that involves a subject who has a history of similar
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incidents or who has had previous problems with his "hostage."
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Also key in the incident is whether the subject is holding either
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a person with whom there has been a romantic involvement or who
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is a family member, and whether there have been previous
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restraining orders issued against the subject for either child or
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wife abuse.
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In May 1960, Jimmy Hyams' first wife, pregnant with their
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second child, left him and was living with her mother. Hyams
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followed her there, and when she refused to let him in the
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house, he broke down the door and put a gun to the head of their
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1-year-old son. When his wife pushed the gun away from the
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boy's head, Hyams beat her with his gun, kicked her, shot her
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three times, and kidnaped her. After a high-speed chase, he
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barricaded himself in a farmhouse. When police stormed the
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house 3 hours later, Hyams shot himself in the stomach. His
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wife and unborn child survived; Hyams served a 2 1/2-year prison
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term. He remarried in 1963, beginning a tumultuous relationship
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that included repeated assaults on his second wife and their
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children. When his wife attempted to hide from him by going to
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a motel, he found her, handcuffed her, beat her with a gun, and
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raped her in front of the children. He was arrested and served
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a 4-year prison term. He was released on parole under a court
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order to stay away from his wife's residence; however, in May
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1974, he entered her residence and held her and the children
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hostage for 13 hours before surrendering. While serving another
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prison term, he was divorced. He married his third wife in 1981.
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In 1988, Manny Cabano was living with Juanita Hermosillo
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and her five children by a previous marriage. The relationship
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was turbulent, and she eventually filed charges of child sexual
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abuse against him. She later withdrew the charges, but a year
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later, the relationship again soured and Cabano moved out.
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Hermosillo again filed charges of child sexual abuse, resulting
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in an arrest warrant and a court order restraining Cabano from
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entering her (Hermosillo) residence. Within hours of being
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informed of the charges and the restraining order, he entered
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the Tarrant County Courthouse to confront Hermosillo.
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Approximately 1-year prior to this incident, Cabano had
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barricaded himself, Hermosillo, and one of her children in the
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bedroom, threatening to kill them and himself. A coworker of
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his ex-wife convinced him to end the siege before the police
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were notified.
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In yet another incident, Dang held his wife and another
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woman against their will in a barricade incident that lasted
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approximately 3 hours. Dang was well-known to Child Protective
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Services in Stockton, California. He had been arrested three
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times and convicted once on child abuse charges. In July 1988,
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he was sentenced to 300 days in jail, ordered to take a
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parenting course, and was forbidden to enter the family home.
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He was released from jail after serving 7 months, but was again
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arrested in January 1989, for returning to the home. In July
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1989, Dang was arrested for entering the home and threatening to
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kill his wife and children. He was released on bail on August
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7, 1989, and he killed his wife 11 days later.
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-- Lacks family or social support systems
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Individuals who are involved in these types of incidents
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many times lack family or social support systems, leaving them
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with no emotional outlets. This adds to their feeling of
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alienation and desperation.
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During the incident in Mastic, Hyams received a phone call
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from one of his daughters, and after speaking with her, he told
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the negotiator, "That was my daughter. For the first time in
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the 9 years I'm out [of prison], she gives me a... call." A
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short time later, again talking to his daughter on the phone,
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Hyams said to her, "You never gave me a chance." To which she
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replied, "I gave you a chance and you ruined it twice. You
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shot [your first wife] and her daughter and now you're back in
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the same situation with this one. You shot another daughter--you
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didn't change."
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Due to his convictions for child abuse and the restraining
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order, Dang was also alienated from his family, spending the
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last few weeks of his life sleeping and eating in a car outside
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of his uncle's house. The fact that he spoke no English further
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isolated him.
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Subject's Behavioral Patterns
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Studying the subject's behavioral patterns may also give
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officers more insight into the type of incident with which they
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are dealing. Certain behavior from the subject could alert
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officers to the fact that they are responding to an incident
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that may not be resolved easily.
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-- Forces confrontation with police
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In these cases, the subject forced a confrontation with the
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police rather than merely shooting the victim and walking away.
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One theory is that the subjects hoped that they could initiate a
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"suicide by cop."
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In all probability, Hyams shot his daughter as an impulsive
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act, but having done that, he ordered his wife out of the house,
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retained his gun, and waited for the police to respond. When
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the responding officers arrived, he fired at them before they
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were able to make verbal contact with them. Hyams held the
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police off for over 7 hours while his daughter bled to death.
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All the while, Hyams reassured the officers that she was alive
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and that he was caring for her.
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After ordering the judge from his chambers, Cabano simply
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sat waiting for the police to respond. He, like Hyams, wanted a
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confrontation with the police.
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-- Subject threatens or injures victim
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In each of these cases, the subject discussed minor demands
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with negotiators. However, the victims were not being used as a
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means to achieve another goal, such as obtaining money or to
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escape, but were, instead, the primary target of the subject's
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hostility.
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After he shot his daughter, Hyams called the police officer
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who had convinced him to surrender in the 1974 incident. Hyams
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also spoke on the phone to his family, but he neither presented
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conditions nor made any demands that could be met in exchange
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for his surrender or the release of his daughter.
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After forcing Juanita at gunpoint into the judge's chambers,
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Manny Cabano demanded only two bottles of soft drinks and to
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make a statement to the media. He was unwilling to discuss
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releasing Juanita in return for these demands.
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After threatening his wife and children, Dang's only demand
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was to be left alone with his family until the following Monday,
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when he was scheduled to appear in court to answer charges of
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violating the restraining order. This was only delaying what
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Dang knew was the inevitable.
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-- Subject verbalizes intent to commit suicide
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The subjects in this type of incident will generally
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verbalize their intent to commit suicide before actually
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following through on their threats. They may also attempt to put
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their affairs in order or give a "verbal will."
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When Hyams failed to appear for work, his boss called him to
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ask whether he was ill. Hyams described to his boss what he had
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done, told him to replace him at work, and said that he was
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"...sorry for the way it's gotta end." He later told the
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police negotiator, "...but if I feel myself going down, I'm
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putting a bullet in my head, because they're not gonna recuperate
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me...if I feel like I'm gonna go, I got the gun in my hand, and
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I'm putting it to my head."
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Hyams also asked the negotiator to tell his wife that "I
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loved her, only I had too many obstacles against me." Later he
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said, "I want you to tell [my wife] that I'm sorry. I loved her
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with all my heart and soul. I tried, and I tried hard."
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Just before entering the courthouse, Cabano gave away his car and
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a large amount of money. During the incident (unbeknownst to the
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negotiators), he called his ex-wife and told her to remove [some
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items] from his safe and destroy them because he would not need
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them anymore.
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Approximately 12 hours into his barricade incident, Dang
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called an acquaintance to the scene so he could repay a $50
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debt. Just before he shot his wife and committed suicide, Dang
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showed his 10-year-old daughter where he had hidden $500.
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PSEUDO-HOSTAGE INCIDENTS AND INTENDED HOMICIDES
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The term "hostage" has typically been defined as "a
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person held for the fulfillment of demands." To assist in
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distinguishing between true hostage and pseudo-hostage incidents
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and intended homicides, we propose expanding this definition to
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read, "A person held and threatened by a subject to force the
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fulfillment of substantive demands on a third party." In these
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incidents, the victim is clearly being threatened by the
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subject, and the threats are used to influence a third party,
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usually the police. When there are clear threats or there is
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actual injury to the victim but the subject makes no substantive
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demands to a third party, the risk to the victims should be
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considered to be very high. Officers should be aware that this
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is not an incident that is likely to end in a peaceful
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resolution.
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Hyams, Cabano, and Dang each threatened or actually injured
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their victims but made no substantive demands. Despite the
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efforts of the negotiators, these demands could not be tied to
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the release of the victims. The hostages were not being used as
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bargaining chips to obtain something else.
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There are other times when an incident lacks threats
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directed toward the victim and no substantive demands are made.
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Although law enforcement officers may believe that they are
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dealing with a hostage situation, what they actually have is a
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pseudo-hostage incident. For example, a husband threatens his
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wife with a handgun, and she runs to a neighbor's house to call
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the police. When officers arrive, she advises them that their
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1-year-old son is in the house with her husband. When they
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contact the husband, he informs them that he is angry with his
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wife, this is not their concern, and they should go away and
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leave him alone. He makes no demands, and he does not threaten
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the safety of his son. In this case, the absence of both
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substantive demands and threats toward the child, coupled with
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the absence of other high-risk factors, should be an indication
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to the responding officers that the risk to the son is probably
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relatively low.
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ACTION CRITERIA IN DECISIONMAKING
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A key question when managing hostage/barricade incidents is
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when to authorize a tactical intervention to rescue the hostage.
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While it is impossible to determine the exact likelihood of
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surrender, it is reasonable to conclude that as the number of
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high-risk factors increases, the chance of a negotiated
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|
resolution decreases. There is, however, an important
|
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|
difference between a decreased chance for surrender and no
|
|||
|
chance for surrender. We are not suggesting that a negotiated
|
|||
|
surrender is impossible or that the on-scene commander should
|
|||
|
immediately authorize an assault--there have been cases that
|
|||
|
have been successfully negotiated even though some of the
|
|||
|
high-risk factors were present.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
For example, in February 1990, in Montgomery County,
|
|||
|
Kentucky, John Delay became distraught when he lost a custody
|
|||
|
dispute. He pulled a gun during a meeting with his wife and son
|
|||
|
and a social worker, threatened to kill them and then himself,
|
|||
|
and demanded that police put down their weapons and come into the
|
|||
|
room to speak with him. Police negotiated with him from outside
|
|||
|
the room, and after about 3 hours, he released the hostages and
|
|||
|
surrendered.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Even when a substantial number of high-risk factors are
|
|||
|
present, the risk to hostages and law enforcement officers might
|
|||
|
be judged to be even greater if the rescue attempt involves an
|
|||
|
assault. On the other hand, if there is only one subject and a
|
|||
|
"risk effective" (1) tactical option (the positives outweigh the
|
|||
|
negatives) is available, that option might be considered earlier
|
|||
|
than it would be in a situation without these factors.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
The personnel of the Special Operations and Research Unit
|
|||
|
developed the concept of "action criteria" to assist in making
|
|||
|
any command decisions. An affirmative answer should be made to
|
|||
|
three key questions prior to any critical decisions being made.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Is the Action Necessary?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Why is a particular action being contemplated? Is the
|
|||
|
on-scene commander responding to either internal or external
|
|||
|
pressure to "do something"? If it is still early in the
|
|||
|
incident, might this action be more successful at a later time?
|
|||
|
Why is the action being contemplated at this time? If it was
|
|||
|
rejected 12 hours ago, is it being reconsidered now because the
|
|||
|
on-scene commander is feeling pressure to resolve the incident,
|
|||
|
even though there has been no change in circumstances?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Is the Action "Risk Effective"?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Although any hostage rescue involves some risk, an objective
|
|||
|
appraisal of the likelihood of casualties to both victims and
|
|||
|
law enforcement officers must be made. Suppose, for example,
|
|||
|
one victim is being held by a subject who is armed with an
|
|||
|
automatic weapon in a location with only one entry point
|
|||
|
available. The tactical team leader estimates that it will take
|
|||
|
10 to 20 seconds to enter the stronghold. No external diversion
|
|||
|
is possible, and should he decide to do so, the subject would
|
|||
|
have time to shoot the victim and still confront the tactical
|
|||
|
team. The negotiation team leader believes, based on the
|
|||
|
subject's past history, that if assaulted, the subject will open
|
|||
|
fire rather than surrender. In this situation, surely a
|
|||
|
dynamic entry would not reduce the risk to the hostage; instead,
|
|||
|
it would substantially increase the risk to both the hostage and
|
|||
|
the officers entering the stronghold.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Is the Action Professionally Acceptable?
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Is the action being taken both legally acceptable and
|
|||
|
professionally ethical? Usually, the legal aspect is the
|
|||
|
easiest to resolve, while the ethical and moral considerations
|
|||
|
may be much more difficult. For example, in August 1988, an
|
|||
|
8-month-old boy swallowed a balloon, cutting off his air supply.
|
|||
|
The child, who had severe brain damage, was in an irreversible
|
|||
|
coma and had been on life support systems for over 8 months.
|
|||
|
According to doctors, he had little chance of ever regaining
|
|||
|
consciousness. In April 1989, the boy's father, armed with a
|
|||
|
handgun, entered the hospital room, ordered the medical
|
|||
|
personnel out of the room, disconnected the life support
|
|||
|
equipment, and held his son in his arms, crying, until his son
|
|||
|
died.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
In this case, one option might have been to shoot the
|
|||
|
father in order to prevent the son from dying. That action may
|
|||
|
have been legal, but the ethical considerations in such an
|
|||
|
action make the decision much more difficult.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
CONCLUSION
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
The risk to victims in a hostage/barricade incident can
|
|||
|
vary considerably, depending on either the presence or absence
|
|||
|
of many factors, including those discussed in this article.
|
|||
|
That perceived risk, as well as the risk involved in a
|
|||
|
particular tactical option, should be the primary considerations
|
|||
|
in an on-scene commander's decision to authorize a tactical
|
|||
|
action. Before any decisions are made, the on-scene commander
|
|||
|
should evaluate the presence of high-risk factors, consider all
|
|||
|
other intelligence available, and combine this information with
|
|||
|
the assessments made by both the negotiation and tactical teams.
|
|||
|
This combined information will assist the commander in
|
|||
|
differentiating between a genuine hostage situation, a
|
|||
|
pseudo-hostage situation, and an intended homicide incident.
|
|||
|
Any contemplated action should be reviewed in the context of the
|
|||
|
action criteria prior to a final decision being made.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
Reviewing the high-risk factors in a hostage situation is a
|
|||
|
new approach to reacting to these types of situations. Armed
|
|||
|
with this information, on-scene commanders will be better
|
|||
|
equipped to evaluate the incident and make the most appropriate
|
|||
|
decision in these high-risk situations.
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
FOOTNOTE
|
|||
|
|
|||
|
(1) Donald Bassett, "Confrontation Management," Special
|
|||
|
Operations and Research Unit, FBI Academy, 1988, (unpublished
|
|||
|
manuscript).
|
|||
|
|