1093 lines
58 KiB
Plaintext
1093 lines
58 KiB
Plaintext
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To be presented at the 13th National Computer Security Conference,
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Washington, D.C., Oct. 1-4, 1990.
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Concerning Hackers Who Break into Computer Systems
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Dorothy E. Denning
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Digital Equipment Corp., Systems Research Center
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130 Lytton Ave., Palo Alto, CA 94301
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415-853-2252, denning@src.dec.com
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Abstract
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A diffuse group of people often called ``hackers'' has been
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characterized as unethical, irresponsible, and a serious danger to
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society for actions related to breaking into computer systems. This
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paper attempts to construct a picture of hackers, their concerns,
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and the discourse in which hacking takes place. My initial findings
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suggest that hackers are learners and explorers who want to help
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rather than cause damage, and who often have very high standards
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of behavior. My findings also suggest that the discourse surrounding
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hacking belongs at the very least to the gray areas between larger
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conflicts that we are experiencing at every level of society and
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business in an information age where many are not computer literate.
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These conflicts are between the idea that information cannot be owned
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and the idea that it can, and between law enforcement and the First
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and Fourth Amendments. Hackers have raised serious issues about
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values and practices in an information society. Based on my findings,
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I recommend that we work closely with hackers, and suggest several
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actions that might be taken.
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1. Introduction
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The world is crisscrossed with many different networks that are used
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to deliver essential services and basic necessities -- electric power,
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water, fuel, food, goods, to name a few. These networks are all
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publicly accessible and hence vulnerable to attacks, and yet virtually
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no attacks or disruptions actually occur.
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The world of computer networking seems to be an anomaly in the
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firmament of networks. Stories about attacks, breakins, disruptions,
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theft of information, modification of files, and the like appear
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frequently in the newspapers. A diffuse group called ``hackers''
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is often the target of scorn and blame for these actions. Why are
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computer networks any different from other vulnerable public networks?
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Is the difference the result of growing pains in a young field?
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Or is it the reflection of deeper tensions in our emerging information
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society?
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There are no easy or immediate answers to these questions. Yet it
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is important to our future in a networked, information-dependent
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world that we come to grips with them. I am deeply interested in
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them. This paper is my report of what I have discovered in the early
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stages of what promises to be a longer investigation. I have
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concentrated my attention in these early stages on the hackers
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themselves. Who are they? What do they say? What motivates them?
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What are their values? What do that have to say about public policies
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regarding information and computers? What do they have to say about
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computer security?
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From such a profile I expect to be able to construct a picture of
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the discourses in which hacking takes place. By a discourse I mean
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the invisible background of assumptions that transcends individuals
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and governs our ways of thinking, speaking, and acting. My initial
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findings lead me to conclude that this discourse belongs at the very
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least to the gray areas between larger conflicts that we are
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experiencing at every level of society and business, the conflict
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between the idea that information cannot be owned and the idea that
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it can, and the conflict between law enforcement and the First and
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Fourth Amendments.
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But, enough of the philosophy. On with the story!
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2. Opening Moves
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In late fall of 1989, Frank Drake (not his real name), Editor of
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the now defunct cyberpunk magazine W.O.R.M., invited me to be
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interviewed for the magazine. In accepting the invitation, I hoped
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that something I might say would discourage hackers from breaking
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into systems. I was also curious about the hacker culture. This
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seemed like a good opportunity to learn about it.
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The interview was conducted electronically. I quickly discovered
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that I had much more to learn from Drake's questions than to teach.
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For example, he asked: ``Is providing computer security for large
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databases that collect information on us a real service? How do
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you balance the individual's privacy vs. the corporations?'' This
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question surprised me. Nothing that I had read about hackers ever
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suggested that they might care about privacy. He also asked: ``What
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has [the DES] taught us about what the government's (especially NSA's)
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role in cryptography should be?'' Again, I was surprised to discover
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a concern for the role of the government in computer security. I
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did not know at the time that I would later discover considerable
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overlap in the issues discussed by hackers and those of other computer
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professionals.
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I met with Drake to discuss his questions and views. After our
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meeting, we continued our dialog electronically with me interviewing
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him. This gave me the opportunity to explore his views in greater
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depth. Both interviews appear in ``Computers Under Attack,''
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edited by Peter Denning [DenningP90].
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My dialog with Drake increased my curiosity about hackers. I read
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articles and books by or about hackers. In addition, I had discussions
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with nine hackers whom I will not mention by name. Their ages ranged
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from 17 to 28.
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The word ``hacker'' has taken on many different meanings ranging
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from 1) ``a person who enjoys learning the details of computer systems
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and how to stretch their capabilities'' to 2) ``a malicious or
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inquisitive meddler who tries to discover information by poking around
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.. possibly by deceptive or illegal means ...'' [Steele83] The
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hackers described in this paper satisfy both of these definitions,
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although all of the hackers I spoke with said they did not engage
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in or approve of malicious acts that damage systems or files. Thus,
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this paper is not about malicious hackers. Indeed, my research so
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far suggests that there are very few malicious hackers. Neither
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is this paper about career criminals who, for example, defraud
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businesses, or about people who use stolen credit cards to purchase
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goods. The characteristics of many of the hackers I am writing about
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are summed up in the words of one of the hackers: ``A hacker is someone
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that experiments with systems... [Hacking] is playing with systems
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and making them do what they were never intended to do. Breaking
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in and making free calls is just a small part of that. Hacking is
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also about freedom of speech and free access to information -- being
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able to find out anything. There is also the David and Goliath side
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of it, the underdog vs. the system, and the ethic of being a folk
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hero, albeit a minor one.''
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Richard Stallman, founder of the Free Software Foundation who calls
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himself a hacker according to the first sense of the word above,
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recommends calling security-breaking hackers ``crackers''
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[Stallman84]. While this description may be more accurate, I shall
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use the term ``hacker'' since the people I am writing about call
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themselves hackers and all are interested in learning about computer
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and communication systems. However, there are many people like
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Stallman who call themselves hackers and do not engage in illegal
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or deceptive practices; this paper is also not about those hackers.
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In what follows I will report on what I have learned about hackers
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from hackers. I will organize the discussion around the principal
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domains of concerns I observed. I recommend Meyer's thesis [Meyer89]
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for a more detailed treatment of the hackers' social culture and
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networks, and Meyer and Thomas [MeyerThomas90] for an interesting
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interpretation of the computer underground as a postmodernist rejection
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of conventional culture that substitutes ``rational technological
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control of the present for an anarchic and playful future.''
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I do not pretend to know all the concerns that hackers have, nor
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do I claim to have conducted a scientific study. Rather, I hope
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that my own informal study motivates others to explore the area
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further. It is essential that we as computer security professionals
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take into account hackers' concerns in the design of our policies,
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procedures, laws regulating computer and information access, and
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educational programs. Although I speak about security-breaking hackers
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as a group, their competencies, actions, and views are not all the
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same. Thus, it is equally important that our policies and programs
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take into account individual differences.
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In focusing on what hackers say and do, I do not mean for a moment
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to set aside the concerns of the owners and users of systems that
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hackers break into, the concerns of law enforcement personnel, or
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our own concerns as computer security professionals. But I do
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recommend that we work closely with hackers as well as these other
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groups to design new approaches and programs for addressing the
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concerns of all. Like ham radio operators, hackers exist, and it
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is in our best interest that we learn to communicate and work with
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them rather than against them.
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I will suggest some actions that we might consider taking, and I
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invite others to reflect on these and suggest their own. Many of
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these suggestions are from the hackers themselves; others came from
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the recommendations of the ACM Panel on Hacking [Lee86] and from
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colleagues.
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I grouped the hackers' concerns into five categories: access to
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computers and information for learning; thrill, excitement and
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challenge; ethics and avoiding damage; public image and treatment;
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and privacy and first amendment rights. These are discussed in
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the next five subsections. I have made an effort to present my
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findings as uncritical observations. The reader should not infer
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that I either approve or disapprove of actions hackers take.
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3. Access to Computers and Information for Learning
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Although Levy's book ``Hackers'' [Levy84] is not about today's
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security-breaking hackers, it articulates and interprets a ``hacker
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ethic'' that is shared by many of these hackers. The ethic includes
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two key principles that were formulated in the early days of the
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AI Lab at MIT: ``Access to computers -- and anything which might
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teach you something about the way the world works -- should be
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unlimited and total,'' and ``All information should be free.'' In
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the context in which these principles were formulated, the computers
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of interest were research machines and the information was software
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and systems information.
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Since Stallman is a leading advocate of open systems and freedom
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of information, especially software, I asked him what he means by
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this. He said: ``I believe that all generally useful information
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should be free. By `free' I am not referring to price, but rather
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to the freedom to copy the information and to adapt it to one's own
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uses.'' By ``generally useful'' he does not include confidential
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information about individuals or credit card information, for example.
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He further writes: ``When information is generally useful,
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redistributing it makes humanity wealthier no matter who is
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distributing and no matter who is receiving.'' Stallman has argued
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strongly against user interface copyright, claiming that it does
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not serve the users or promote the evolutionary process [Stallman90].
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I asked hackers whether all systems should be accessible and all
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information should be free. They said that it is OK if some systems
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are closed and some information, mainly confidential information
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about individuals, is not accessible. They make a distinction between
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information about security technology, e.g., the DES, and confidential
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information protected by that technology, arguing that it is the
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former that should be accessible. They said that information hoarding
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is inefficient and slows down evolution of technology. They also
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said that more systems should be open so that idle resources are
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not wasted. One hacker said that the high costs of communication
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hurts the growth of the information economy.
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These views of information sharing seem to go back at least as far
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as the 17th and 18th Centuries. Samuelson [Samuelson89] notes that
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``The drafters of the Constitution, educated in the Enlightenment
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tradition, shared that era's legacy of faith in the enabling powers
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of knowledge for society as well as the individual.'' She writes
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that our current copyright laws, which protect the expression of
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information, but not the information itself, are based on the belief
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that unfettered and widespread dissemination of information promotes
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technological progress. (Similarly for patent laws which protect
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devices and processes, not the information about them.) She cites
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two recent court cases where courts reversed the historical trend
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and treated information as ownable property. She raises questions
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about whether in entering the Information Age where information is
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the source of greatest wealth, we have outgrown the Enlightenment
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tradition and are coming to treat information as property.
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In a society where knowledge is said to be power, Drake expressed
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particular concern about what he sees as a growing information gap
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between the rich and poor. He would like to see information that
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is not about individuals be made public, although it could still
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be owned. He likes to think that companies would actually find it
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to their advantage to share information. He noted how IBM's disclosure
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of the PC allowed developers to make more products for the computers,
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and how Adobe's disclosure of their fonts helped them compete against
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the Apple-Microsoft deal. He recognizes that in our current political
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framework, it is difficult to make all information public, because
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complicated structures have been built on top of an assumption that
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certain information will be kept secret. He cites our defense policy,
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which is founded on secrecy for military information, as an example.
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Hackers say they want access to information and computing and network
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resources in order to learn. Both Levy [Levy84] and Landreth
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[Landreth89] note that hackers have an intense, compelling interest
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in computers and learning, and many go into computers as a profession.
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Some hackers break into systems in order to learn more about how
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the systems work. Landreth says these hackers want to remain
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undiscovered so that they can stay on the system as long as possible.
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Some of them devote most of their time to learning how to break the
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locks and other security mechanisms on systems; their background
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in systems and programming varies considerably. One hacker wrote
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``A hacker sees a security hole and takes advantage of it because
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it is there, not to destroy information or steal. I think our
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activities would be analogous to someone discovering methods of
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acquiring information in a library and becoming excited and perhaps
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engrossed.''
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We should not underestimate the effectiveness of the networks in
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which hackers learn their craft. They do research, learn about
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systems, work in groups, write, and teach others. One hacker said
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that he belongs to a study group with the mission of churning out
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files of information and learning as much as possible. Within the
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group, people specialize, collaborate on research project, share
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information and news, write articles, and teach other about their
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areas of specialization. Hackers have set up a private system of
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education that engages them, teaches them to think, and allows them
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to apply their knowledge in purposeful, if not always legal,
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activity. Ironically, many of our nation's classrooms have been
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criticized for providing a poor learning environment that seems to
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emphasize memorization rather than thinking and reasoning. One hacker
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reported that through volunteer work with a local high school, he
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was trying to get students turned on to learning.
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Many hackers say that the legitimate computer access they have through
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their home and school computers do not meet their needs. One student
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told me that his high school did not offer anything beyond elementary
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courses in BASIC and PASCAL, and that he was bored by these. Hans
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Huebner, a hacker in Germany who goes by the name Pengo, wrote in
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a note to the RISKS Forum [Huebner89] : ``I was just interested in
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computers, not in the data which has been kept on their disks. As
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I was going to school at that time, I didn't even have the money
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to buy [my] own computer. Since CP/M (which was the most sophisticated
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OS I could use on machines which I had legal access to) didn't turn
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me on anymore, I enjoyed the lax security of the systems I had access
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to by using X.25 networks. You might point out that I should have
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been patient and wait[ed] until I could go to the university and
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use their machines. Some of you might understand that waiting was
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just not the thing I was keen on in those days.''
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Brian Harvey, in his position paper [Harvey86] for the ACM Panel on
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Hacking, claims that the computer medium available to students, e.g.,
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BASIC and floppy disks, is inadequate for challenging intellectual
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work. His recommendation is that students be given access to real
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computing power, and that they be taught how to use that power
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responsibly. He describes a program he created at a public high school
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in Massachusetts during the period 1979-1982. They installed a
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PDP-11/70 and let students and teachers carry out the administration
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of the system. Harvey assessed that putting the burden of dealing
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with the problems of malicious users on the students themselves was
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a powerful educational force. He also noted that the students who
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had the skill and interest to be password hackers were discouraged
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from this activity because they also wanted to keep the trust of
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their colleagues in order that they could acquire ``superuser'' status
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on the system.
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Harvey also makes an interesting analogy between teaching computing
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and teaching karate. In karate instruction, students are introduced
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to the real, adult community. They are given access to a powerful,
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deadly weapon, and at the same time are taught discipline and to
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not abuse the art. Harvey speculates that the reason that students
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do not misuse their power is that they know they are being trusted
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with something important, and they want to live up to that trust.
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Harvey applied this principle when he set up the school system.
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The ACM panel endorsed Harvey's recommendation, proposing a
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three-tiered computing environment with local, district-wide, and
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nation-wide networks. They recommended that computer professionals
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participate in this effort as mentors and role models. They also
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recommended that outside of schools, government and industry be
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encouraged to establish regional computing centers using donated
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or re-cycled equipment; that students be apprenticed to local companies
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either part-time on a continuing basis or on a periodic basis; and,
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following a suggestion from Felsenstein [Felsenstein86] for a
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``Hacker's League,'' that a league analogous to the Amateur Radio
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Relay League be established to make contributed resources available
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for educational purposes.
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Drake said he liked these recommendations. He said that if hackers
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were given access to powerful systems through a public account system,
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they would supervise themselves. He also suggested that Computer
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Resource Centers be established in low-income areas in order to help
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the poor get access to information. Perhaps hackers could help run
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the centers and teach the members of the community how to use the
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facilities. One of my colleagues suggested cynically that the hackers
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would only use this to teach the poor how to hack rich people's
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systems. A hacker responded by saying this was ridiculous; hackers
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would not teach people how to break into systems, but rather how
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to use computers effectively and not be afraid of them.
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In addition, the hackers I spoke with who had given up illegal
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activities said they stopped doing so when they got engaged in other
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work.
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Geoff Goodfellow and Richard Stallman have reported that they have
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given hackers accounts on systems that they manage, and that the
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hackers have not misused the trust granted to them. Perhaps
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universities could consider providing accounts to pre-college students
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on the basis of recommendations from their teachers or parents.
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The students might be challenged to work on the same homework problems
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assigned in courses or to explore their own interests. Students
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who strongly dislike the inflexibility of classroom learning might
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excel in an environment that allows them to learn on their own, in
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much the way that hackers have done.
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4. Thrill, Excitement, and Challenge
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One hacker wrote that ``Hackers understand something basic about
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computers, and that is that they can be enjoyed. I know none who
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hack for money, or hack to frighten the company, or hack for anything
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but fun.''
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|
In the words of another hacker, ``Hacking was the ultimate cerebral
|
||
|
buzz for me. I would come home from another dull day at school,
|
||
|
turn my computer on, and become a member of the hacker elite. It
|
||
|
was a whole different world where there were no condescending adults
|
||
|
and you were judged only by your talent. I would first check in
|
||
|
to the private Bulletin Boards where other people who were like me
|
||
|
would hang out, see what the news was in the community, and trade
|
||
|
some info with people across the country. Then I would start actually
|
||
|
hacking. My brain would be going a million miles an hour and I'd
|
||
|
basically completely forget about my body as I would jump from one
|
||
|
computer to another trying to find a path into my target. It was
|
||
|
the rush of working on a puzzle coupled with the high of discovery
|
||
|
many magnitudes intensified. To go along with the adrenaline rush
|
||
|
was the illicit thrill of doing something illegal. Every step I made
|
||
|
could be the one that would bring the authorities crashing down on
|
||
|
me. I was on the edge of technology and exploring past it, spelunking
|
||
|
into electronic caves where I wasn't supposed to be.''
|
||
|
|
||
|
The other hackers I spoke with made similar statements about the
|
||
|
fun and challenge of hacking. In SPIN magazine [Dibbel90], reporter
|
||
|
Julian Dibbell speculated that much of the thrill comes from the
|
||
|
dangers associated with the activity, writing that ``the technology
|
||
|
just lends itself to cloak-and-dagger drama,'' and that ``hackers
|
||
|
were already living in a world in which covert action was nothing
|
||
|
more than a game children played.''
|
||
|
|
||
|
Eric Corley [Corley89] characterizes hacking as an evolved form of
|
||
|
mountain climbing. In describing an effort to construct a list of
|
||
|
active mailboxes on a Voice Messaging System, he writes ``I suppose
|
||
|
the main reason I'm wasting my time pushing all these buttons is
|
||
|
simply so that I can make a list of something that I'm not supposed
|
||
|
to have and be the first person to accomplish this.'' He said that
|
||
|
he was not interested in obtaining an account of his own on the system.
|
||
|
Gordon Meyer says he found this to be a recurring theme: ``We aren't
|
||
|
supposed to be able to do this, but we can'' -- so they do.
|
||
|
|
||
|
One hacker said he was now working on anti-viral programming. He
|
||
|
said it was almost as much fun as breaking into systems, and that
|
||
|
it was an intellectual battle against the virus author.
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
5. Ethics and Avoiding Damage
|
||
|
|
||
|
All of the hackers I spoke with said that malicious hacking was morally
|
||
|
wrong. They said that most hackers are not intentionally malicious,
|
||
|
and that they themselves are concerned about causing accidental
|
||
|
damage. When I asked Drake about the responsibility of a person
|
||
|
with a PC and modem, his reply included not erasing or modifying
|
||
|
anyone else's data, and not causing a legitimate user on a system
|
||
|
any problems. Hackers say they are outraged when other hackers cause
|
||
|
damage or use resources that would be missed, even if the results
|
||
|
are unintentional and due to incompetence. One hacker wrote ``I
|
||
|
have ALWAYS strived to do NO damage, and inconvenience as few people
|
||
|
as possible. I NEVER, EVER, EVER DELETE A FILE. One of the first
|
||
|
commands I do on a new system is disable the delete file command.''
|
||
|
Some hackers say that it is unethical to give passwords and similar
|
||
|
security-related information to persons who might do damage. In
|
||
|
the recent incident where a hacker broke into Bell South and downloaded
|
||
|
a text file on the emergency 911 service, hackers say that there
|
||
|
was no intention to use this knowledge to break into or sabotage
|
||
|
the 911 system. According to Emmanuel Goldstein [Goldstein90], the
|
||
|
file did not even contain information about how to break into the
|
||
|
911 system.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The hackers also said that some break-ins were unethical, e.g.,
|
||
|
breaking into hospital systems, and that it is wrong to read
|
||
|
confidential information about individuals or steal classified
|
||
|
information. All said it was wrong to commit fraud for personal
|
||
|
profit.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Although we as computer security professionals often disagree with
|
||
|
hackers about what constitutes damage, the ethical standards listed
|
||
|
sound much like our own. Where the hackers' ethics differs from
|
||
|
the standards adopted by most in the computer security community
|
||
|
is that hackers say it is not unethical to break into many systems,
|
||
|
use idle computer and communications resources, and download system
|
||
|
files in order to learn. Goldstein says that hacking is not wrong:
|
||
|
it is not the same as stealing, and uncovers design flaws and security
|
||
|
deficiencies [Goldstein89].
|
||
|
|
||
|
Brian Reid speculates that a hacker's ethics may come from not being
|
||
|
raised properly as a civilized member of society, and not appreciating
|
||
|
the rules of living in society. One hacker responded to this with
|
||
|
``What does `being brought up properly' mean? Some would say that
|
||
|
it is `good' to keep to yourself, mind your own business. Others
|
||
|
might argue that it is healthy to explore, take risks, be curious
|
||
|
and discover.'' Brian Harvey [Harvey86] notes that many hackers are
|
||
|
adolescents, and that adolescents are at a less developed stage of
|
||
|
moral development than adults, where they might not see how the effects
|
||
|
of their actions hurt others. Larry Martin [Martin89] claims that
|
||
|
parents, teachers, the press, and others in society are not aware
|
||
|
of their responsibility to contribute to instilling ethical values
|
||
|
associated with computer use. This could be the consequence of the
|
||
|
youth of the computing field; many people are still computer illiterate
|
||
|
and cultural norms may be lagging behind advances in technology and
|
||
|
the growing dependency on that technology by businesses and society.
|
||
|
Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce speculate that the cultural normative
|
||
|
messages about the use and abuse of computer technology have been
|
||
|
driven by the adaption of criminal laws [HollingerLanza-Kaduce88],
|
||
|
which have been mainly in the last decade. They also speculate that
|
||
|
hacking may be encouraged during the process of becoming computer
|
||
|
literate. Some of my colleagues say that hackers are irresponsible.
|
||
|
One hacker responded ``I think it's a strong indication of the amount
|
||
|
of responsibility shown that so FEW actually DAMAGING incidents are
|
||
|
known.''
|
||
|
|
||
|
But we must not overlook that the differences in ethics also reflect
|
||
|
a difference in philosophy about information and information handling
|
||
|
resources; whereas hackers advocate sharing, we seem to be advocating
|
||
|
ownership as property. The differences also represent an opportunity
|
||
|
to examine our own ethical behavior and our practices for information
|
||
|
sharing and protection. For example, one hacker wrote ``I will accept
|
||
|
that it is morally wrong to copy some proprietary software, however,
|
||
|
I think that it is morally wrong to charge $6000 for a program that
|
||
|
is only around 25K long.'' Hence, I shall go into a few of the ethical
|
||
|
points raised by hackers more closely. It is not a simple case of
|
||
|
good or mature (us) against bad or immature (hackers), or of teaching
|
||
|
hackers a list of rules.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Many computer professionals argue the moral questions by analogy,
|
||
|
e.g., see Martin [Martin89]. The analogies are then used to justify
|
||
|
their judgement of a hacker's actions as unethical. Breaking into
|
||
|
a system is compared with breaking into a house, and downloading
|
||
|
information and using computer and telecommunications services is
|
||
|
compared with stealing tangible goods. But, say hackers, the
|
||
|
situations are not the same. When someone breaks into a house, the
|
||
|
objective is to steal goods, which are often irreplaceable, and
|
||
|
property is often damaged in the process. By contrast, when a hacker
|
||
|
breaks into a system, the objective is to learn and avoid causing
|
||
|
damage. Downloaded information is copied, not stolen, and still
|
||
|
exists on the original system. Moreover, as noted earlier, information
|
||
|
has not been traditionally regarded as property. Dibbel [Dibbel90]
|
||
|
says that when the software industries and phone companies claim
|
||
|
losses of billions of dollars to piracy, they are not talking about
|
||
|
goods that disappear from the shelves and could have been sold.
|
||
|
|
||
|
We often say that breaking into a system implies a lack of caring
|
||
|
for the system's owner and authorized users. But, one hacker says
|
||
|
that the ease of breaking into a system reveals a lack of caring
|
||
|
on the part of the system manager to protect user and company assets,
|
||
|
or failure on the part of vendors to warn managers about the
|
||
|
vulnerabilities of their systems. He estimated his success rate
|
||
|
of getting in at 10-15%, and that is without spending more than an
|
||
|
hour on any one target system. Another hacker says that he sees
|
||
|
messages from vendors notifying the managers, but that the managers
|
||
|
fail to take action.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Richard Pethia of CERT (Computer Emergency Response Team) reports
|
||
|
that they seldom see cases of malicious damage caused by hackers,
|
||
|
but that the break-ins are nevertheless disruptive because system
|
||
|
users and administrators want to be sure that nothing was damaged.
|
||
|
(CERT suggests that sites reload system software from secure backups
|
||
|
and change all user passwords in order to protect against possible
|
||
|
back doors and Trojan Horses that might have been planted by the
|
||
|
hacker. Pethia also noted that prosecutors are generally called
|
||
|
for government sites, and are being called for non-government sites
|
||
|
with increasing frequency.) Pethia says that break-ins also generate
|
||
|
a loss of trust in the computing environment, and may lead to adoption
|
||
|
of new policies that are formulated in a panic or management edicts
|
||
|
that severely restrict connectivity to outside systems. Brian Harvey
|
||
|
says that hackers cause damage by increasing the amount of paranoia,
|
||
|
which in turn leads to tighter security controls that diminish the
|
||
|
quality of life for the users. Hackers respond to these points by
|
||
|
saying they are the scapegoats for systems that are not adequately
|
||
|
protected. They say that the paranoia is generated by ill-founded
|
||
|
fears and media distortions (I will return to this point later),
|
||
|
and that security need not be oppressive to keep hackers out; it
|
||
|
is mainly making sure that passwords and system defaults are
|
||
|
well-chosen.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Pethia says that some intruders seem to be disruptive to prove a
|
||
|
point, such as that the systems are vulnerable, the security personnel
|
||
|
are incompetent, or ``it's not nice to say bad things about hackers.''
|
||
|
In the N.Y. Times, John Markoff [Markoff90] wrote that the hacker
|
||
|
who claimed to have broken into Cliff Stoll's system said he was
|
||
|
upset by Stoll's portrayal of hackers in ``The Cuckoo's Egg''
|
||
|
[Stoll90]. Markoff reported that the caller said: ``He [Stoll]
|
||
|
was going on about how he hates all hackers, and he gave pretty much
|
||
|
of a one-sided view of who hackers are.''
|
||
|
|
||
|
``The Cuckoo's Egg'' captures much of the popular stereotypes of
|
||
|
hackers. Criminologist Jim Thomas criticizes it for presenting a
|
||
|
simplified view of the world, one where everything springs from the
|
||
|
forces of light (us) or of darkness (hackers) [Thomas90]. He claims
|
||
|
that Stoll fails to see the similarities between his own activities
|
||
|
(e.g., monitoring communications, ``borrowing'' monitors without
|
||
|
authorization, shutting off network access without warning, and lying
|
||
|
to get information he wants) and those of hackers. He points out
|
||
|
Stoll's use of pejorative words such as ``varmint'' to describe
|
||
|
hackers, and Stoll's quote of a colleague: ``They're technically
|
||
|
skilled but ethically bankrupt programmers without any respect for
|
||
|
others' work -- or privacy. They're not destroying one or two
|
||
|
programs. They're trying to wreck the cooperation that builds our
|
||
|
networks.'' [Stoll90, p. 159] Thomas writes ``at an intellectual
|
||
|
level, [Stoll] provides a persuasive, but simplistic, moral imagery
|
||
|
of the nature of right and wrong, and provides what -- to a lay reader
|
||
|
-- would seem a compelling justification for more statutes and severe
|
||
|
penalties against the computer underground. This is troublesome
|
||
|
for two reasons. First, it leads to a mentality of social control
|
||
|
by law enforcement during a social phase when some would argue we
|
||
|
are already over-controlled. Second, it invokes a punishment model
|
||
|
that assumes we can stamp out behaviors to which we object if only
|
||
|
we apprehend and convict a sufficient number of violators. ... There
|
||
|
is little evidence that punishment will in the long run reduce any
|
||
|
given offense, and the research of Gordon Meyer and I suggests that
|
||
|
criminalization may, in fact, contribute to the growth of the computer
|
||
|
underground.''
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
6. Public Image and Treatment
|
||
|
|
||
|
Hackers express concern about their negative public image and
|
||
|
identity. As noted earlier, hackers are often portrayed as being
|
||
|
irresponsible and immoral. One hacker said that ``government
|
||
|
propaganda is spreading an image of our being at best, sub-human,
|
||
|
depraved, criminally inclined, morally corrupt, low life. We need
|
||
|
to prove that the activities that we are accused of (crashing systems,
|
||
|
interfering with life support equipment, robbing banks, and jamming
|
||
|
911 lines) are as morally abhorent to us as they are to the general
|
||
|
public.''
|
||
|
|
||
|
The public identity of an individual or group is generated in part
|
||
|
by the actions of the group interacting with the standards of the
|
||
|
community observing those actions. What then accounts for the
|
||
|
difference between the hacker's public image and what they say about
|
||
|
themselves? One explanation may be the different standards. Outside
|
||
|
the hacking community, the simple act of breaking into systems is
|
||
|
regarded as unethical by many. The use of pejorative words like
|
||
|
``vandal'' and ``varmint'' reflect this discrepency in ethics. Even
|
||
|
the word ``criminal'' carries with it connotations of someone evil;
|
||
|
hackers say they are not criminal in this sense. Katie Hafner notes
|
||
|
that Robert Morris, who was convicted of launching the Internet worm,
|
||
|
was likened to a terrorist even though the worm did not destroy data
|
||
|
[Hafner90].
|
||
|
|
||
|
Distortions of events and references to potential threats also create
|
||
|
an image of persons who are dangerous. Regarding the 911 incident
|
||
|
where a hacker downloaded a file from Bell South, Goldstein reported
|
||
|
``Quickly, headlines screamed that hackers had broken into the 911
|
||
|
system and were interfering with emergency telephone calls to the
|
||
|
police. One newspaper report said there were no indications that
|
||
|
anyone had died or been injured as a result of the intrusions. What
|
||
|
a relief. Too bad it wasn't true.'' [Goldstein90] In fact, the
|
||
|
hackers involved with the 911 text file had not broken into the 911
|
||
|
system. The dollar losses attributed to hacking incidents also are
|
||
|
often highly inflated.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Thomas and Meyer [ThomasMeyer90] say that the rhetoric depicting
|
||
|
hackers as a dangerous evil contributes to a ``witch hunt'' mentality,
|
||
|
wherein a group is first labeled as dangerous, and then enforcement
|
||
|
agents are mobilized to exorcise the alleged social evil. They see
|
||
|
the current sweeps against hackers as part of a reaction to a broader
|
||
|
fear of change, rather than to the actual crimes committed.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Hackers say they are particularly concerned that computer security
|
||
|
professionals and system managers do not appear to understand hackers
|
||
|
or be interested in their concerns. Hackers say that system managers
|
||
|
treat them like enemies and criminals, rather than as potential helpers
|
||
|
in their task of making their systems secure. This may reflect
|
||
|
managers' fears about hackers, as well as their responsibilities
|
||
|
to protect the information on their systems. Stallman says that
|
||
|
the strangers he encounters using his account are more likely to
|
||
|
have a chip on their shoulder than in the past; he attributes this
|
||
|
to a harsh enforcer mentality adopted by the establishment. He says
|
||
|
that network system managers start out with too little trust and
|
||
|
a hostile attitude toward strangers that few of the strangers deserve.
|
||
|
One hacker said that system managers show a lack of openness to those
|
||
|
who want to learn.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Stallman also says that the laws make the hacker scared to communicate
|
||
|
with anyone even slightly ``official,'' because that person might
|
||
|
try to track the hacker down and have him or her arrested. Drake
|
||
|
raised the issue of whether the laws could differentiate between
|
||
|
malicious and nonmalicious hacking, in support of a ``kinder, gentler''
|
||
|
relationship between hackers and computer security people. In fact,
|
||
|
many states such as California initially passed computer crime laws
|
||
|
that excluded malicious hacking; it was only later that these laws
|
||
|
were amended to include nonmalicious actions [HollingerLanza-Kaduce88].
|
||
|
Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce speculate that these amendments and other
|
||
|
new laws were catalyzed mainly by media events, especially the reports
|
||
|
on the ``414 hackers'' and the movie ``War Games,'' which created
|
||
|
a perception of hacking as extremely dangerous, even if that perception
|
||
|
was not based on facts.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Hackers say they want to help system managers make their systems
|
||
|
more secure. They would like managers to recognize and use their
|
||
|
knowledge about design flaws and the outsider threat problem.
|
||
|
Landreth [Landreth89] suggests ways in which system managers can
|
||
|
approach hackers in order to turn them into colleagues, and Goodfellow
|
||
|
also suggests befriending hackers [Goodfellow83]. John Draper (Cap'n
|
||
|
Crunch) says it would help if system managers and the operators of
|
||
|
phone companies and switches could coopererate in tracing a hacker
|
||
|
without bringing in law enforcement authorities.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Drake suggests giving hackers free access in exchange for helping
|
||
|
with security, a suggestion that I also heard from several hackers.
|
||
|
Drake says that the current attitude of treating hackers as enemies
|
||
|
is not very conducive to a solution, and by belittling them, we only
|
||
|
cause ourselves problems.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I asked some of the hackers whether they'd be interested in breaking
|
||
|
into systems if the rules of the ``game'' were changed so that instead
|
||
|
of being threatened by prosecution, they were invited to leave a
|
||
|
``calling card'' giving their name, phone number, and method of
|
||
|
breaking in. In exchange, they would get recognition and points
|
||
|
for each vulnerability they discovered. Most were interested in
|
||
|
playing; one hacker said he would prefer monetary reward since he
|
||
|
was supporting himself. Any system manager interested in trying
|
||
|
this out could post a welcome message inviting hackers to leave their
|
||
|
cards. This approach could have the advantage of not only letting
|
||
|
the hackers contribute to the security of the system, but of allowing
|
||
|
the managers to quickly recognize the potentially malicious hackers,
|
||
|
since they are unlikely to leave their cards. Perhaps if hackers
|
||
|
are given the opportunity to make contributions outside the
|
||
|
underground, this will dampen their desire to pursue illegal activities.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Several hackers said that they would like to be able to pursue their
|
||
|
activities legally and for income. They like breaking into systems,
|
||
|
doing research on computer security, and figuring out how to protect
|
||
|
against vulnerabilities. They say they would like to be in a position
|
||
|
where they have permission to hack systems. Goodfellow suggests
|
||
|
hiring hackers to work on tiger teams that are commissioned to locate
|
||
|
vulnerabilities in systems through penetration testing. Baird
|
||
|
Info-Systems Safeguards, Inc., a security consulting firm, reports
|
||
|
that they have employed hackers on several assignments [Baird87].
|
||
|
They say the hackers did not violate their trust or the trust of
|
||
|
their clients, and performed in an outstanding manner. Baird believes
|
||
|
that system vulnerabilities can be better identified by employing
|
||
|
people who have exploited systems.
|
||
|
|
||
|
One hacker suggested setting up a clearinghouse that would match
|
||
|
hackers with companies that could use their expertise, while
|
||
|
maintaining anonymity of the hackers and ensuring confidentiality
|
||
|
of all records. Another hacker, in describing an incident where
|
||
|
he discovered a privileged account without a password, said ``What
|
||
|
I (and others) wish for is a way that hackers can give information
|
||
|
like this to a responsible source, AND HAVE HACKERS GIVEN CREDIT
|
||
|
FOR HELPING! As it is, if someone told them that `I'm a hacker, and
|
||
|
I REALLY think you should know...' they would freak out, and run
|
||
|
screaming to the SS [Secret Service] or the FBI. Eventually, the
|
||
|
person who found it would be caught, and hauled away on some crazy
|
||
|
charge. If they could only just ACCEPT that the hacker was trying
|
||
|
to help!'' The clearinghouse could also provide this type of service.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Hackers are also interested in security policy issues. Drake expressed
|
||
|
concern over how we handle information about computer security
|
||
|
vulnerabilities. He argues that it is better to make this information
|
||
|
public than cover it up and pretend that it does not exist, and cites
|
||
|
the CERT to illustrate how this approach can be workable. Other
|
||
|
hackers, however, argue for restricting initial dissemination of
|
||
|
flaws to customers and users. Drake also expressed concern about
|
||
|
the role of the government, particularly the military, in
|
||
|
cryptography. He argues that NSA's opinion on a cryptographic standard
|
||
|
should be taken with a large grain of salt because of their code
|
||
|
breaking role.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Some security specialists are opposed to hiring hackers for security
|
||
|
work, and Eugene Spafford has urged people not to do business with
|
||
|
any company that hires a convicted hacker to work in the security
|
||
|
area [ACM90]. He says that ``This is like having a known arsonist
|
||
|
install a fire alarm.'' But, the laws are such that a person can
|
||
|
be convicted for having done nothing other than break into a system;
|
||
|
no serious damage (i.e., no ``computer arson'') is necessary. Many
|
||
|
of our colleagues admit to having broken into systems in the past,
|
||
|
e.g., Geoff Goodfellow [Goodfellow83] and Brian Reid [Frenkel87];
|
||
|
Reid is quoted as saying that because of the knowledge he gained
|
||
|
breaking into systems as a kid, he was frequently called in to help
|
||
|
catch people who break in. Spafford says that times have changed,
|
||
|
and that this method of entering the field is no longer socially
|
||
|
acceptable, and fails to provide adequate training in computer science
|
||
|
and computer engineering [Spafford89]. However, from what I have
|
||
|
observed, many hackers do have considerable knowledge about
|
||
|
telecommunications, data security, operating systems, programming
|
||
|
languages, networks, and cryptography. But, I am not challenging
|
||
|
a policy to hire competent people of sound character. Rather, I am
|
||
|
challenging a strict policy that uses economic pressure to close
|
||
|
a field of activity to all persons convicted of breaking into
|
||
|
systems. It is enough that a company is responsible for the behavior
|
||
|
of its employees. Each hacker can be considered for employment based
|
||
|
on his or her own competency and character.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Some people have called for stricter penalties for hackers, including
|
||
|
prison terms, in order to send a strong deterrent message to hackers.
|
||
|
John Draper, who was incarcerated for his activities in the 1970's,
|
||
|
argues that in practice this will only make the problem worse. He
|
||
|
told me that he was forced under threat to teach other inmates his
|
||
|
knowledge of communications systems. He believes that prison sentences
|
||
|
will serve only to spread hacker's knowledge to career criminals.
|
||
|
He said he was never approached by criminals outside the prison,
|
||
|
but that inside the prison they had control over him.
|
||
|
|
||
|
One hacker said that by clamping down on the hobbyist underground,
|
||
|
we will only be left with the criminal underground. He said that
|
||
|
without hackers to uncover system vulnerabilities, the holes will
|
||
|
be left undiscovered, to be utilized by those likely to cause real
|
||
|
damage.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Goldstein argues that the existing penalties are already way out
|
||
|
of proportion to the acts committed, and that the reason is because
|
||
|
of computers [Goldstein89]. He says that if Kevin Mitnick had
|
||
|
committed crimes similar to those he committed but without a computer,
|
||
|
he would have been classified as a mischief maker and maybe fined
|
||
|
$100 for trespassing; instead, he was put in jail without bail
|
||
|
[Goldstein89]. Craig Neidorf, a publisher and editor of the electronic
|
||
|
newsletter ``Phrack,'' faces up to 31 years and a fine of $122,000
|
||
|
for receiving, editing, and transmitting the downloaded text file
|
||
|
on the 911 system [Goldstein90].
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
7. Privacy and the First and Fourth Amendments
|
||
|
|
||
|
The hackers I spoke with advocated privacy protection for sensitive
|
||
|
information about individuals. They said they are not interested
|
||
|
in invading people's privacy, and that they limited their hacking
|
||
|
activities to acquiring information about computer systems or how
|
||
|
to break into them. There are, of course, hackers who break into
|
||
|
systems such as the TRW credit database. Emanuel Goldstein argues
|
||
|
that such invasions of privacy took place before the hacker arrived
|
||
|
[Harpers90]. Referring to credit reports, government files, motor
|
||
|
vehicle records, and the ``megabytes of data piling up about each
|
||
|
of us,'' he says that thousands of people legally can see and use
|
||
|
this data, much of it erroneous. He claims that the public has been
|
||
|
misinformed about the databases, and that hackers have become
|
||
|
scapegoats for the holes in the systems. One hacker questioned the
|
||
|
practice of storing sensitive personal information on open systems
|
||
|
with dial-up access, the accrual of the information, the methods
|
||
|
used to acquire it, and the purposes to which it is put. Another
|
||
|
hacker questioned the inclusion of religion and race in credit records.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Drake told me that he was concerned about the increasing amount of
|
||
|
information about individuals that is stored in large data banks,
|
||
|
and the inability of the individual to have much control over the
|
||
|
use of that information. He suggests that the individual might be
|
||
|
co-owner of information collected about him or her, with control
|
||
|
over the use of that information. He also says that an individual
|
||
|
should be free to withhold personal information, of course paying
|
||
|
the consequences of doing so (e.g., not getting a drivers license
|
||
|
or credit card). (In fact, all Federal Government forms are required
|
||
|
to contain a Privacy Act Statement that states how the information
|
||
|
being collected will be used and, in some cases, giving the option
|
||
|
of withholding the information.)
|
||
|
|
||
|
Goldstein has also challenged the practices of law enforcement agencies
|
||
|
in their attempt to crack down on hackers [Goldstein90]. He said
|
||
|
that all incoming and outgoing electronic mail used by ``Phrack''
|
||
|
was monitored before the newsletter was shutdown by authorities.
|
||
|
``Had a printed magazine been shut down in this fashion after having
|
||
|
all of their mail opened and read, even the most thick-headed
|
||
|
sensationalist media types would have caught on: hey, isn't that
|
||
|
a violation of the First Amendment?'' He also cites the shutdown
|
||
|
of several bulletin boards as part of Operation Sun Devil, and quotes
|
||
|
the administrator of the bulletin board Zygot as saying ``Should
|
||
|
I start reading my users' mail to make sure they aren't saying anything
|
||
|
naughty? Should I snoop through all the files to make sure everyone
|
||
|
is being good? This whole affair is rather chilling.'' The
|
||
|
administrator for the public system The Point wrote ``Today, there
|
||
|
is no law or precedent which affords me ... the same legal rights
|
||
|
that other common carriers have against prosecution should some other
|
||
|
party (you) use my property (The Point) for illegal activities.
|
||
|
That worries me ...''
|
||
|
|
||
|
About 40 personal computer systems and 23,000 data disks were seized
|
||
|
under Operation Sun Devil, a two-year investigation involving the
|
||
|
FBI, Secret Service, and other federal and local law enforcement
|
||
|
officials. In addition, the Secret Service acknowledges that its
|
||
|
agents, acting as legitimate users, had secretly monitored computer
|
||
|
bulletin boards [Markoff90a]. Markoff reports that California
|
||
|
Representative Don Edwards, industry leader Mitchell Kapor, and civil
|
||
|
liberties advocates are alarmed by these government actions, saying
|
||
|
that they challenge freedom of speech under the First Amendment and
|
||
|
protection against searches and seizures under the Fourth Amendment.
|
||
|
Markoff asks: ``Will fear of hackers bring oppression?''
|
||
|
|
||
|
John Barlow writes ``The Secret Service may actually have done a
|
||
|
service for those of us who love liberty. They have provided us
|
||
|
with a devil. And devils, among their other galvanizing virtues,
|
||
|
are just great for clarifying the issues and putting iron in your
|
||
|
spine.'' [Barlow90] Some of the questions that Barlow says need
|
||
|
to be addressed include ``What are data and what is free speech?
|
||
|
How does one treat property which has no physical form and can be
|
||
|
infinitely reproduced? Is a computer the same as a printing press?''
|
||
|
Barlow urges those of us who understand the technology to address
|
||
|
these questions, lest the answers be given to us by law makers and
|
||
|
law enforcers who do not. Barlow and Kapor are constituting the
|
||
|
Computer Liberty Foundation to ``raise and disburse funds for
|
||
|
education, lobbying, and litigation in the areas relating to digital
|
||
|
speech and the extension of the Constitution into Cyberspace.''
|
||
|
|
||
|
8. Conclusions
|
||
|
|
||
|
Hackers say that it is our social responsibility to share information,
|
||
|
and that it is information hoarding and disinformation that are the
|
||
|
crimes. This ethic of resource and information sharing contrasts
|
||
|
sharply with computer security policies that are based on authorization
|
||
|
and ``need to know.'' This discrepancy raises an interesting question:
|
||
|
Does the hacker ethic reflects a growing force in society that stands
|
||
|
for greater sharing of resources and information -- a reaffirmation
|
||
|
of basic values in our constitution and laws? It is important that
|
||
|
we examine the differences between the standards of hackers, systems
|
||
|
managers, users, and the public. These differences may represent
|
||
|
breakdowns in current practices, and may present new opportunities
|
||
|
to design better policies and mechanisms for making computer resources
|
||
|
and information more widely available.
|
||
|
|
||
|
The sentiment for greater information sharing is not restricted to
|
||
|
hackers. In the best seller ``Thriving on Chaos,'' Tom Peters
|
||
|
[Peters87] writes about sharing within organizations: ``Information
|
||
|
hoarding, especially by politically motivated, power-seeking staffs,
|
||
|
has been commonplace throughout American industry, service and
|
||
|
manufacturing alike. It will be an impossible millstone around the
|
||
|
neck of tomorrow's organizations. Sharing is a must.'' Peters argues
|
||
|
that information flow and sharing is fundamental to innovation and
|
||
|
competetiveness. On a broader scale, Peter Drucker [Drucker89] says
|
||
|
that the ``control of information by government is no longer possible.
|
||
|
Indeed, information is now transnational. Like money, it has no
|
||
|
`fatherland.' ''
|
||
|
|
||
|
Nor is the sentiment restricted to people outside the computer security
|
||
|
field. Harry DeMaio [DeMaio89] says that our natural urge is to
|
||
|
share information, and that we are suspicious of organizations and
|
||
|
individuals who are secretive. He says that information is exchanged
|
||
|
out of ``want to know'' and mutual accommodation rather than ``need
|
||
|
to know.'' If this is so, then some of our security policies are
|
||
|
out of step with the way people work. Peter Denning [DenningP89]
|
||
|
says that information sharing will be widespread in the emerging
|
||
|
worldwide networks of computers and that we need to focus on ``immune
|
||
|
systems'' that protect against mistakes in our designs and recover
|
||
|
from damage.
|
||
|
|
||
|
I began my investigation of hackers with the question: who are they
|
||
|
and what is their culture and discourse? My investigation uncovered
|
||
|
some of their concerns, which provided the organizational structure
|
||
|
to this paper, and several suggestions for new actions that might
|
||
|
be taken. My investigation also opened up a broader question: What
|
||
|
are the clashing discourses that the hackers stand at the battle
|
||
|
lines of? Is it owning or restricting information vs. sharing
|
||
|
information -- a tension between an age-old tradition of controlling
|
||
|
information as property and the Englightenment tradition of sharing
|
||
|
and disseminating information? Is it controlling access based on
|
||
|
``need to know,'' as determined by the information provider, vs.
|
||
|
``want to know,'' as determined by the person desiring access?
|
||
|
Is it law enforcement vs. freedoms granted under the First and Fourth
|
||
|
Amendments? The answers to these questions, as well as those raised
|
||
|
by Barlow on the nature of information and free speech, are important
|
||
|
because they tell us whether our policies and practices serve us
|
||
|
as well as they might. The issue is not simply hackers vs. system
|
||
|
managers or law enforcers; it is a much larger question about values
|
||
|
and practices in an information society.
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
Acknowledgments
|
||
|
|
||
|
I am deeply grateful to Peter Denning, Frank Drake, Nathan Estey,
|
||
|
Katie Hafner, Brian Harvey, Steve Lipner, Teresa Lunt, Larry Martin,
|
||
|
Gordon Meyer, Donn Parker, Morgan Schweers, Richard Stallman, and
|
||
|
Alex for their comments on earlier versions of this paper and helpful
|
||
|
discussions; to Richard Stallman for putting me in contact with
|
||
|
hackers; John Draper, Geoff Goodfellow, Brian Reid, Eugene Spafford,
|
||
|
and the hackers for helpful discussions; and Richard Pethia for a
|
||
|
summary of some of his experiences at CERT. The opinions expressed
|
||
|
here, however, are my own and do not necessarily represent those
|
||
|
of the people mentioned above or of Digital Equipment Corporation.
|
||
|
|
||
|
|
||
|
References
|
||
|
|
||
|
ACM90
|
||
|
``Just say no,'' Comm. ACM, Vol. 33, No. 5, May 1990, p. 477.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Baird87
|
||
|
Bruce J. Baird, Lindsay L. Baird, Jr., and Ronald P. Ranauro, ``The
|
||
|
Moral Cracker?,'' Computers and Security, Vol. 6, No. 6, Dec. 1987,
|
||
|
p. 471-478.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Barlow90
|
||
|
John Barlow, ``Crime and Puzzlement,'' June 1990, to appear in Whole
|
||
|
Earth Review.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Corley89
|
||
|
Eric Corley, ``The Hacking Fever,'' in Pamela Kane, V.I.R.U.S.
|
||
|
Protection, Bantam Books, New York, 1989, p. 67-72.
|
||
|
|
||
|
DeMaio89
|
||
|
Harry B. DeMaio, ``Information Ethics, a Practical Approach,''
|
||
|
Proc. of the 12th National Computer Security Conference, 1989,
|
||
|
p. 630-633.
|
||
|
|
||
|
DenningP89
|
||
|
Peter J. Denning, ``Worldnet,'' American Scientist, Vol. 77, No. 5,
|
||
|
Sept.-Oct., 1989.
|
||
|
|
||
|
DenningP90
|
||
|
Peter J. Denning, Computers Under Attack, ACM Press, 1990.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Dibbel90
|
||
|
Julian Dibbel, ``Cyber Thrash,'' SPIN, Vol. 5, No. 12, March 1990.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Drucker89
|
||
|
Peter F. Drucker, The New Realities, Harper and Row, New York, 1989.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Felsenstein86
|
||
|
Lee Felsenstein, ``Real Hackers Don't Rob Banks,'' in full report on
|
||
|
ACM Panel on Hacking [Lee86].
|
||
|
|
||
|
Frenkel87
|
||
|
Karen A. Frenkel, ``Brian Reid, A Graphics Tale of a Hacker
|
||
|
Tracker,'' Comm. ACM, Vol. 30, No. 10, Oct. 1987, p. 820-823.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Goldstein89
|
||
|
Emmanuel Goldstein, ``Hackers in Jail,'' 2600 Magazine, Vol. 6, No. 1,
|
||
|
Spring 1989.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Goldstein90
|
||
|
Emmanuel Goldstein, ``For Your Protection,'' 2600 Magazine, Vol. 7,
|
||
|
No. 1, Spring 1990.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Goodfellow83
|
||
|
Geoffrey S. Goodfellow, ``Testimony Before the Subcommittee on
|
||
|
Transportation, Aviation, and Materials on the Subject of
|
||
|
Telecommunications Security and Privacy,'' Sept. 26, 1983.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Hafner90
|
||
|
Katie Hafner, ``Morris Code,'' The New Republic, Feb. 16, 1990,
|
||
|
p. 15-16.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Harpers90
|
||
|
``Is Computer Hacking a Crime?" Harper's, March 1990, p. 45-57.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Harvey86
|
||
|
Brian Harvey, ``Computer Hacking and Ethics,'' in full report on
|
||
|
ACM Panel on Hacking [Lee86].
|
||
|
|
||
|
HollingerLanza-Kaduce88
|
||
|
Richard C. Hollinger and Lonn Lanza-Kaduce, ``The Process of
|
||
|
Criminalization: The Case of Computer Crime Laws,'' Criminology,
|
||
|
Vol. 26, No. 1, 1988, p. 101-126.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Huebner89
|
||
|
Hans Huebner, ``Re: News from the KGB/Wiley Hackers,'' RISKS Digest,
|
||
|
Vol. 8, Issue 37, 1989.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Landreth89
|
||
|
Bill Landreth, Out of the Inner Circle, Tempus, Redmond, WA, 1989.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Lee86
|
||
|
John A. N. Lee, Gerald Segal, and Rosalie Stier, ``Positive
|
||
|
Alternatives: A Report on an ACM Panel on Hacking,'' Comm. ACM,
|
||
|
Vol. 29, No. 4, April 1986, p. 297-299; full report available from
|
||
|
ACM Headquarters, New York.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Levy84
|
||
|
Steven Levy, Hackers, Dell, New York, 1984.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Markoff90
|
||
|
John Markoff, ``Self-Proclaimed `Hacker' Sends Message to Critics,''
|
||
|
The New York Times, March 19, 1990.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Markoff90a
|
||
|
John Markoff, ``Drive to Counter Computer Crime Aims at Invaders,''
|
||
|
The New York Times, June 3, 1990.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Martin89
|
||
|
Larry Martin, ``Unethical `Computer' Behavior: Who is Responsible?,''
|
||
|
Proc. of the 12th National Computer Security Conference, 1989.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Meyer89
|
||
|
Gordon R. Meyer, The Social Organization of the Computer Underground,
|
||
|
Master's thesis, Dept. of Sociology, Northern Illinois Univ., Aug.
|
||
|
1989.
|
||
|
|
||
|
MeyerThomas90
|
||
|
Gordon Meyer and Jim Thomas, ``The Baudy World of the Byte Bandit:
|
||
|
A Postmodernist Interpretation of the Computer Underground,'' Dept.
|
||
|
of Sociology, Northern Illinois Univ., DeKalb, IL, March 1990.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Peters87
|
||
|
Tom Peters, Thriving on Chaos, Harper & Row, New York, Chapter VI, S-3,
|
||
|
p. 610, 1987.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Samuelson89
|
||
|
Pamela Samuelson, ``Information as Property: Do Ruckelshaus and
|
||
|
Carpenter Signal a Changing Direction in Intellectual Property Law?"
|
||
|
Catholic University Law Review, Vol. 38, No. 2, Winter 1989, p.
|
||
|
365-400.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Spafford89
|
||
|
Eugene H. Spafford, ``The Internet Worm, Crisis and Aftermath,''
|
||
|
Comm. ACM, Vol. 32, No. 6, June 1989, p. 678-687.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Stallman84
|
||
|
Richard M. Stallman, Letter to ACM Forum, Comm. ACM, Vol. 27,
|
||
|
No. 1, Jan. 1984, p. 8-9.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Stallman90
|
||
|
Richard M. Stallman, ``Against User Interface Copyright'' to appear
|
||
|
in Comm. ACM.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Steele83
|
||
|
Guy L. Steele, Jr., Donald R. Woods, Raphael A. Finkel, Mark R.
|
||
|
Crispin, Richard M. Stallman, and Geoffrey S. Goodfellow, The
|
||
|
Hacker's Dictionary, Harper & Row, New York, 1983.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Stoll90
|
||
|
Clifford Stoll, The Cuckoo's Egg, Doubleday, 1990.
|
||
|
|
||
|
Thomas90
|
||
|
Jim Thomas, ``Review of The Cuckoo's Egg,'' Computer Underground
|
||
|
Digest, Issue #1.06, April 27, 1990.
|
||
|
|
||
|
ThomasMeyer90
|
||
|
Jim Thomas and Gordon Meyer, ``Joe McCarthy in a Leisure Suit:
|
||
|
(Witch)Hunting for the Computer Underground,'' Unpublished
|
||
|
manuscript, Department of Sociology, Northern Illinois University,
|
||
|
DeKalb, IL, 1990; see also the Computer Underground Digest, Vol.
|
||
|
1, Issue 11, June 16, 1990.
|
||
|
|